Southern Illinois University Carbondale October 22, 2015 12 Amazing Facts about Bukusu Tone* Kristopher J. Ebarb & Michael R. Marlo University of Missouri 1 Introduction (1) Bukusu a. Bantu language of western Kenya (JE31c; ISO: bxk) b. One of ~25 languages of the Luyia (a.k.a. Luhya) macrolanguage c. 1.4 million speakers (2009 Kenya census) (2) Talk Goals a. Provide an introduction to tone, via Bukusu b. Identify the primary tonal patterns in Bukusu noun and verbs. c. Provide an analysis that account for those patterns. (3) Studying Tone a. Examine nouns and verbs in isolation to determine the basic tonal patterns b. Determine the effect of morphological and syntactic context i. The presence/absence of specific morphemes can influence tone ii. The position of the word within various types of phrases can influence tone E.g. compare N vs. N + Adjective vs. N + Demonstrative 2 Noun tone classes A hallmark of Bantu languages is their noun class systems. Nouns fall into a number of noun classes, which are similar to gender systems that may be familiar from Romance languages. Unlike Romance languages, the noun class systems of Bantu languages do not have a semantic basis in biological gender and have many more categories. Nouns in Bukusu take a two-prefix complex that signals noun class (i.e. gender) and number (i.e. singular vs. plural). Generally, the choice of prefixal complex is a lexical property of the noun root. (4) Bukusu noun classes a. Cl. 1-2 nouns Singular o-mu[limi] farmer (cl. 1) Plural βa-a[limi] * farmers (cl. 2) We thank Maurice Sifuna and students in the Spring 2015 Field Methods in Linguistics class at the University of Missouri, especially Bailey Jo Everhart, Rachel Holm, Colin Lowe, and Evan Port. We also acknowledge support from several University of Missouri sources (Campus Writing Program, College of Arts & Sciences, Department of English, Program in Linguistics, Research Board, Research Council) and National Science Foundation grant BCS1355750. Any opinions, findings, and conclusions or recommendations expressed in this material are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the NSF or the University of Missouri. 1 / 19 b. Cl. 3-4 nouns Singular ku-mu[koye] (5) Plural rope (cl. 3) ki-mi[koye] Structure of a Bukusu noun Augment Noun Class Stem oβakuki- mu (β)a mu mi ropes (cl. 4) farmer (cl. 1) farmers (cl. 2) rope (cl. 3) ropes (cl. 4) [limi] [limi] [koye] [koye] The prefix on the left is the augment; the prefix on the right is the noun class prefix. Most Bukusu nouns select one of four main tone patterns. A widespread pattern is the toneless pattern, in which the entire noun surfaces entirely Ltoned, i.e. with low, flat pitch. (6) Toneless (Class A) li-i[sa] o-muu[ndu] o-mu[limi] ku-mu[koye] e-e[ɲuni] lu-u[kuulo] ku-mu[kaaŋɡo] e[moosi] li-i[suuβila] e-eŋ[gelyaaŋɡelya] ka-ma[sa] βa-βaa[ndu] βa-a[limi] ki-mi[koye] tʃi-i[ɲuni] tʃi-i[ŋɡuulo] ki-mi[kaaŋɡo] tʃi[moosi] tʃi-iŋ[gelyaaŋɡelya] caterpillar person farmer rope bird roofing pole stirring stick calf (animal) faith parrot Low tones (Ls) are unmarked in our transcriptions. This reflects the fact that Ls are phonologically inert—they do not participate in rules; there are no restrictions on their distribution; they act like they are not there. Other tone classes are characterized by one or more H tones. The most basic and most common of these has a H only on the augment. (7) H on augment (Class B) β́-u[lo] ́-em[bwa] ḱ-mu[xono] ś-i[kele] ́-em[busi] tʃ́-im[bwa] ḱ-mi[xono] β́-i[kele] tʃ́-im[busi] 2 / 19 millet dog arm leg goat ḱ-mu[saala] ́[twaaya] ĺ-u[xaafwa] ś-i[rekere] ḱ-mu[kimiilya] ́-mu[masaaβa] ́-mu[saβooti] ḱ-mu[lamaalama] ḱ-mi[saala] tʃ́[twaaya] tʃ́-i[xaafwa] β́-i[rekere] ḱ-mi[kimiilya] β́-a[masaaβa] β́-a[saβooti] ḱ-mi[lamaalama] tree rooster grass village tree Masaaba person Sabaot person tree High tone (H) correlates with relatively high pitch. H is marked with an acute accent: μ́. Another frequent pattern is characterized by one H on the augment and one H on the first mora of the second stem syllable. (8) H on augment and H on µ1 of σ2 (Class C) ḱ-mu[xuý]1 ́-eŋ[gurẃ] ḱ-mu[xomẃ] ́-e[ɲeefẃ] ́-mu[naand́] ́-eŋ[goosý] ĺ-i[siḱmo] ś-i[kaĺβo] ́-e[xuḱɲu] ́-mu[kiḱyu] ś-i[kaḿta] ĺ-i[saand́ku] ĺ-i[kooŋɡ́lyo] ĺ-u[kaŕaya] ĺ-i[tufẃari] ĺ-i[ruuŋɡ́eti] ĺ-i[paaṕayi] ́-e[siix́ixi] ḱ-mi[xuý] tʃ́-iŋ[gurẃ] ḱ-mi[xomẃ] tʃ́-i[ɲeefẃ] β́-a[naand́] tʃ́-iŋ[goosý] ḱ-ma[siḱmo] β́-i[kaĺβo] tʃ́-i[xuḱɲu] β́-a[kiḱyu] β́-i[kaḿta] ḱ-ma[saand́ku] ḱ-ma[kooŋɡ́lyo] tʃ́-iŋ[gaŕaya] ḱ-ma[tufẃari] ḱ-ma[ruuŋɡ́eti] ḱ-ma[paaṕayi] tʃ́-i[siix́ixi] fig tree pig whip sp. of eagle Nandi person vulture knee palm heel Kikuyu person bra box millipede metallic basin brick blanket papaya owl The fourth primary tone class has one H that extends from the augment to the stem-initial vowel. (9) 1 H from augment to µ1 (Class D) ḱ-ḿ[t́] ́-́n[d́] ĺ-́[ṕta] ḱ-ḿ[t́] tʃ́-́n[d́] ḱ-ḿ[ṕta] Phrase-final Hs are generally realized phonetically as a fall. 3 / 19 mattress louse duck ḱ-ḿ[β́no] ś-́[ḱpo] ḱ-ḿ[śipi] ḱ-ḿ[ḱeka] ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] ḱ-ḿ[β́no] β́-́[ḱpo] ḱ-ḿ[śipi] ḱ-ḿ[ḱeka] ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] knife basket belt mat morning The tonal pattern selected by each noun is a lexical property of the root, despite the fact that some Hs in the pattern are realized outside of the nominal stem. In addition to marking sg. vs. pl. distinctions, nouns can be made diminutive or augmentative by changing the noun class prefix complex. (10) Tonal pattern is a property of the root a. b. Singular e[ɲaaŋɡa] xa-a[ɲaaŋɡa] ku-u[ɲaaŋɡa] ́-em[busi] x́-a[βusi] ḱ-u[βusi] Plural tʃi[ɲaaŋɡa] βi-i[ɲaaŋɡa] ki-mi[ɲaaŋɡa] tʃ́-im[busi] β́-i[βusi] ḱ-mi[βusi] Gloss Noun Class day day (dim.) day (aug.) goat goat (dim.) goat (aug.) 9/10 12/8 20/4 9/10 12/8 20/4 We analyze lexical noun tones as underlyingly unassociated, i.e. floating . They are assigned by Tonal Association (TA) rules that are sensitive to morphological structure and lexical classes. Nouns in Class A—e.g. ki-mi[ɲaaŋɡa] day (aug.) —have no underlying tones. In Class B, the noun typically has a H on the augment, as in ḱ-mi[βusi] goats (aug.) . To account for this, we posit an early-applying rule, Prefix TA. This rule assigns a floating H to the augment. (11) Prefix Tonal Association H μaug In nouns with multiple Hs, one is realized on the augment (due to Prefix TA), and the second is assigned by TA rules that apply only to nouns belonging to one tonal class. The second H in Class C nouns (e.g. ḱ-ma[paaṕayi] papayas ) is assigned by a rule of Peninitial TA. This rule targets the first mora of the second stem syllable and applies only to nouns that belong to Class C. 4 / 19 (12) Peninitial Tonal Association H stem[μ σ μ μ σ μ Applies in Cl. C Nouns in Class D (e.g. ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] morning ) take a second H on the initial mora of the stem via Initial TA. The intermediate HØH created by the application of Prefix TA and Initial TA (*ḱ-mu[t́xiɲi]) becomes HHH due to Plateau—a rule that eliminates tonal troughs. (13) Initial TA H stem [μ Applies in Cl. D (14) 3 Class A B C D Plateau H H μ μ μ Exemplar ki-mi[ɲaaŋɡa] ḱ-mi[βusi] ḱ-ma[paaṕayi] ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] Tonal Association Rules (Prefix TA) Prefix TA Prefix TA, Peninitial TA Prefix TA, Initial TA (+Plateau) Prefix TA and toneless (Class A) nouns Prefix TA applies even to nouns belonging to Class A (underlyingly toneless nouns). A floating H is introduced in some constructions that surfaces on the augment in Class A nouns. In isolation, Class A nouns have an all L surface pattern. The same is true when they are modified by an underlyingly toneless numeral or adjective. (15) Toneless Ns + Toneless Adjective N + Adj o-muu[ndu] o-mu-siro βa-βaa[ndu] βa-a-siro ku-mu[koye] ku-mu-siro ki-mi[koye] ki-mi-siro (16) Toneless Ns + Toneless Numeral N + Num lu-u[sya] lu-lala o-muu[ndu] mu-lala Gloss ‘heavy person ‘heavy people ‘heavy rope ‘heavy ropes’ Gloss one string one person 5 / 19 N o-muu[ndu] βa-βaa[ndu] ku-mu[koye] ki-mi[koye] N lu-u[sya] o-muu[ndu] one thing two things two guests si-sii[ndu] si-lala βi-βii[ndu] βi-βili βa-a[keni] βa-βili si-sii[ndu] βi-βii[ndu] βa-a[keni] In contrast, a toneless noun followed by a demonstrative or possessive surfaces with a H on the augment. (17) Toneless Ns + Demonstratives N + Dem Gloss ‘this caterpillar ‘this person ‘this farmer ‘this rope’ ‘this bird’ ‘this roofing pole’ ‘this stirring stick’ ‘this calf (animal)’ ‘this faith’ ‘this parrot’ ĺ-i[sa] lino ́-muu[ndu] yuno ́-mu[limi] yuno ḱ-mu[koye] kuno ́-e[ɲuni] yino ĺ-u[kuulo] luno ḱ-mu[kaaŋɡo] kuno ́[moosi] yino ĺ-i[suuβila] lino ́-eŋ[gelyaaŋɡelya] yino (18) Toneless Ns + Possessive N + Poss Gloss β́-βaa[ndu] β́́fẃ x́-u[lima] xẃse ḱ-mi[koye] kýse ḱ-mi[koye] ký́ɲẃ ́-e[ŋeni] yeefẃ ‘our people ‘my digging ‘my ropes’ ‘your (pl.) ropes’ ‘our fish (sg.)’ N li-i[sa] o-muu[ndu] o-mu[limi] ku-mu[koye] e-e[ɲuni] lu-u[kuulo] ku-mu[kaaŋɡo] e[moosi] li-i[suuβila] e-eŋ[gelyaaŋɡelya] N βa-βaa[ndu] xu-u[lima] ki-mi[koye] ki-mi[koye] e-e[ŋeni] Underlyingly toneless nouns modified by a relative clause or associative phrases also surface with a H on the augment. (19) Toneless N + Relative Clause ́[ŋeeni] ńý ꜜńelesya naasẃ fish that I.gave Naswa the fish that I gave to Naswa was big ýβa ́emboofu was big cf. e[ŋeeni] fish 6 / 19 (20) Toneless N + Associative Phrase ḱ-mu[xiiŋɡa] kw’ ́embusi tail goat s tail of goat cf. ku-mu[xiiŋɡa] tail The H that surfaces on the augment of Class A nouns is a floating H introduced by the postnominal element (via the rule H Tone Insertion). The floating H is subject to Prefix TA. 4 ś(ina) which and the need to refer to morphological structure Prefix TA targets the augment specifically, rather than the left edge of the word. Reference to morphological structure is motivated in several ways. Nouns followed by the word ś which lack an augment. Correspondingly, nouns in this context lack the H that would otherwise be associated with the augment in H-toned nouns. In underlyingly toneless nouns, the presence of ś which does not affect noun tone. However, the augment is typically omitted in this context. (21) Toneless Ns + which N + which a. li[sa] ś b. muu[ndu] ś c. d. mu[koye] ś lu[kuulo] ś li[suuβila] ś ŋ[ɡelyaaŋɡelya] ś Gloss which caterpillar? ‘which person? ‘which rope? ‘which roofing pole?’ ‘which faith? ‘which parrot?’ N li-i[sa] o-muu[ndu] ku-mu[koye] lu-u[kuulo] li-i[suuβila] ee-ŋ[ɡelyaaŋɡelya] li-i[sa] caterpillar is underlyingly /li-li[sa]/, but the second /l/ is lost. lu-u[kuulo] roofing pole is underlyingly /lu-lu[kuulo]/, but the second /l/ is lost. In H-toned nouns with ś which , the augment H—and the augment itself—is missing. (22) H on augment + which N + which m[bwa] ś mu[xono] ś m[busi] ś mu[saala] ś mu[kimiilya] ś mu[masaaβa] ś Gloss which dog? ‘which arm? ‘which goat?’ ‘which tree?’ ‘which tree?’ ‘which Masaba?’ 7 / 19 N ́e-m[bwa] ḱ-mu[xono] ́e-m[busi] ḱ-mu[saala] ḱ-mu[kimiilya] ́-mu[masaaβa] mu[lamaalama] ś ‘which tree?’ ḱ-mu[lamaalama] The noun H does not surface because Prefix TA targets the augment specifically. In nouns with a second H on the initial mora of the second syllable (Class C), the second H is unaffected in most cases. The augment, and the augment H, are not realized. (23) H on augment and H on µ1 of σ2 + which N + which Gloss a. mu[xuý] ꜜś ‘which fig tree?’ b. c. ŋ[gurẃ] ꜜś mu[xomẃ] ꜜś [ɲeefẃ] ꜜś mu[naand́] ꜜś mu[kiḱý] ꜜś ma[saand́ḱ] ꜜś ma[kooŋɡ́lý] ꜜś ma[tufẃari] ś ma[ruuŋɡ́eti] ś ma[paaṕayi] ś ‘which pig?’ ‘which whip?’ ‘which eagle?’ ‘which Nandi?’ ‘which Kikuyu?’ ‘which boxes?’ ‘which millipedes?’ ‘which bricks?’ ‘which blankets?’ ‘which papayas?’ N ḱ-mu[xuý] ́-eŋ[gurẃ] ḱ-mu[xomẃ] ́-e[ɲeefẃ] ́-mu[naand́] ́-mu[kiḱyu] ḱ-ma[saand́ku] ḱ-ma[kooŋɡ́lyo] ḱ-ma[tufẃari] ḱ-ma[ruuŋɡ́eti] ḱ-ma[paaṕayi] The second H spreads onto the final vowel of the noun via Plateau when it is on the penultimate vowel of the noun. The H of ś which is downstepped relative to the noun H, i.e. it is pronounced with reduced pitch. This is different from a previous case in which Plateau generates comparable configurations within the noun. (24) Pref. & Init. TA H H ku-mu[tixiɲi] ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] morning Plateau H H ku-mu[tixiɲi] Downstep occurs when two adjacent moras are associated to distinct phonological Hs (25a). If adjacent moras are associated to the same H, no downstep is observed (25b). (25) a. Downstep [ H ꜜH μ μ ] b. No Downstep [ H μ μ ] We account for the difference between ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] and ma[saand́ḱ] ꜜś which box? through a rule of Fusion which fuses two adjacent Hs within the word. 8 / 19   Fusion applies in ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] morning because the adjacent Hs are both fully contained within the noun. Fusion does not apply in ma[saand́ḱ] ꜜś which box? because Fusion (generally) doesn t apply across words. Other phrasal data (Class C/D nouns + H-toned adjectives and numerals) motivate restricting Fusion to applying within the NP, rather than within the noun or word. In nouns with a H on the augment through the stem-initial mora—Class D nouns—generally only the stem initial mora is H in forms with ś which . (26) H on augment through µ1 + which N + which Gloss a. ma[ṕt́] ꜜś ‘which ducks?’ b. mu[β́ń] ꜜś mi[śipi] ś mu[ḱeka] ś mu[t́xiɲi] ś N ḱ-ḿ[ṕta] ḱ-ḿ[β́no] ḱ-ḿ[śipi] ḱ-ḿ[ḱeka] ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] ‘which knife?’ ‘which belts?’ ‘which mat?’ ‘which morning?’ In isolation, the nouns in (26) have a H on the noun class prefix; the same nouns with which do not have a H on the noun class prefix. In isolation, Plateau spreads the augment H onto the noun class prefix; without the augment H, Plateau does not render the noun class prefix H. (27) Prefix TA Initial TA H H mu[t́xiɲi] ś which morning? Plateau Does Not Apply Does Not Apply mu[tixiɲi] si Plateau does apply to spread the initial H onto the final vowel in the forms boxed in (26). (28) Prefix TA Initial TA H H Plateau H ma[ṕt́] ꜜś which ducks? H Does Not Apply ma[pata] si 5 ma[pata] si H-toned adjectives and numerals: High Tone Anticipation H-toned adjectives and numerals also influence noun tone through a process of leftward spreading: High tone Anticipation (HTA). When toneless nouns are modified by a H-toned adjective, the adjective H spreads across the entire noun. 9 / 19 (29) Toneless + H-toned Adj. ḱ-ḿ[ś] ḱ-ma-βoofu β́-β́́[nd́] β́-a-layi β́-́[ĺḿ] β́-a-layi ḱ-ḿ[ḱý] ḱ-mi-βoofu tʃ́-́ŋ[ɡ́́ĺ] tʃ́-im-boofu tʃ́[ḿ́ś] tʃ́-im-boofu ĺ-́[ś́β́ĺ] ĺ-i-layi tʃ́-́ŋ[ǵlý́ŋɡ́lý] tʃ́-im-boofu big caterpillars good people good farmers big ropes big roofing poles big calves (animal) good faith big parrots N ka-ma[sa] βa-βaa[ndu] βa-a[limi] ki-mi[koye] tʃi-iŋ[guulo] tʃi[moosi] li-i[suuβila] tʃi-iŋ[gelyaaŋɡelya] H from numerals also spread across toneless nouns. (30) Toneless + H-toned Num. β́-β́́[nd́] β́-ń β́-β́́[nd́] ńoti β́-́[ḱń] ńoti tʃ́-́[ɲ́ń] ńoti four people zero things zero guests zero birds N βa-βaa[ndu] βi-βii[ndu] βa-a[keni] tʃi-i[ɲuni] In Class B nouns—those with a single H on the augment—adjective Hs spread onto the final vowel of the noun, but not beyond. (31) H on augment + H-toned Adj. ĺ-u[ĺ] ĺ-u-layi tʃ́-im[bẃ] tʃ́-im-boofu ḱ-mi[xoń] ḱ-mi-βoofu β́-i[keĺ] β́-i-βoofu ḱ-mi[saaĺ] ḱ-mi-βoofu tʃ́-i[xaafẃ] tʃ́-im-boofu β́-i[rekeŕ] β́-i-kali β́-a[masaaβ́] β́-a-kali β́-a[saβoot́] β́-a-kali ḱ-mi[lamaalaḿ] ḱ-mi-βoofu good millet (sg) big dogs big arms big legs big trees big grasses many villages many Masaabas many Sabaots big trees N ĺ-u[lo] tʃ́-im[bwa] ḱ-mi[xono] β́-i[kele] ḱ-mi[saala] tʃ́-i[xaafwa] β́-i[rekere] β́-a[masaaβa] β́-a[saβooti] ḱ-mi[lamaalama] Numeral Hs also spread onto the final vowel of Class B nouns. (32) H on augment + H-toned Num. β́-βa[ań] β́-taru ḱ-mi[saaĺ] ḱ-taru tʃ́[xaaf́] tʃ́-raano ĺ-i[rooŕ] tẃ three children three trees five cows no dreams 10 / 19 N β́-βa[ana] ḱ-mi[saala] tʃ́[xaafu] ĺ-i[rooro] Hs originating from ś which or a possessive do not (typically) spread onto the noun. (33) N + which N + which mu[koye] ś mu[saala] ś Class A Class B (34) Gloss N ‘which rope?’ ‘which tree?’ ku-mu[koye] ḱ-mu[saala] N + Possessive N + Poss ḱ-mu[koye] kw-́se ĺ-u[limi] lw-́se Class A Class B Gloss N ‘my rope’ ‘my tongue’ ku-mu[koye] ĺ-u[limi] We analyze HTA in two steps: (i) Juncture Spread, which spreads the adjective- or numeralinitial H onto the final vowel of the noun, and (ii) High Tone Spread, which spreads the H onto the augment and all intervening moras. (35) Juncture Spread μ]word word[μ High Tone Spread μ aug … μ]stem H Domain: Noun phrase H Both rules apply when a H-toned adjective or numeral follows a toneless noun. (36) Prefix TA H βa-a[limi] βa-a-layi Juncture Spread H High Tone Spread H βa-a[limi] βa-a-layi βa-a[limi] βa-a-layi β́-́[ĺḿ] β́-a-layi good farmers In Class B nouns (H on the augment), Juncture Spread applies, but High Tone Spread does not. (37) Prefix TA H H βi-i[kele] βi-i-βoofu Juncture Spread H H βi-i[kele] βi-i-βoofu High Tone Spread Does Not Apply β́-i[keĺ] β́-i-βoofu big legs 11 / 19 Neither rule applies when the noun is followed by ś which , as in (mu[koye])NP ś which rope , or a H-toned possessive pronoun, as in (ḱ-mu[koye])NP kw-́se my rope . This is because the post-nominal H does not originate from within the NP. 6 (38) (39) (40) (41) Summary of noun tone results Primary tonal patterns a. Toneless b. H on the augment c. H on the augment + μ1 of σ2 d. H on the augment + μ1 of the stem ku-mu[koye] ḱ-mu[saala] ḱ-ma[paaṕayi] ḱ-ḿ[t́xiɲi] rope tree papayas morning Tonal Association rules a. Prefix TA: targets the augment b. Peninitial TA: targets μ1 of σ2 c. Initial TA: targets μ1 of the stem General tonal rules a. Plateau b. High Tone Spread Tonal rules that apply within the NP a. Juncture Spread b. (Fusion) c. (Penult H Deletion) Restricting the rules in (41) to applying within the NP allow us to account for differences between how adjectives and numerals affect noun tone and how which , demonstratives, and possessives do. 7 Bukusu Verb Tone Bukusu verbs fall into two underlying tone classes. These classes are parallel to the difference between Class A nouns, which are underlyingly toneless, and Class B nouns, which have a H that surfaces on the augment. (42) /Ø/ verbs in the Infinitive xu-u[lima] to dig xu-u[puruxa] to fly xu-u[βoolola] to untie xu-u[loleelela] to watch xu-u[reeβa] xu-u[lexuula] xu-u[lomaloma] xu-u[tʃiitʃakana] 12 / 19 to ask to let go to talk to continue (43) /H/ verbs in the Infinitive x́-u[xina] to dance x́-u[βukula] to take x́-u[xalaaŋga] to fry x́-u[xeβulila] to remember x́-u[reera] x́-u[fuunula] x́-u[siisiixa] x́-u[βotooxana] to bring to uncover to shake to go around The infinitive prefix complex xu-u- (/xu-xu-/) is morphologically like the augment + noun class prefix complex in nouns: initial xu- is the augment and receives the H. We analyze verbs slightly differently from nouns.  Toneless verbs are underlyingly toneless  /H/ verbs have a H that is underlyingly linked to the stem-initial mora (blocking effects)  The lexical H in /H/ verbs is made floating via a rule of Initial Delinking (44).  The H is reassociated to the augment due to Prefix TA. (44) Initial Delinking H macrostem (45) [μ H on the augment of /H/ infinitives Initial Delinking Prefix TA H H xu-u[xeβulila] xu-u[xeβulila] x́-u[xeβulila] to remember MONOSYLLABIC VERBS In the Bukusu verb tone system, monosyllabic verb stems generally have anomalous behavior compared to longer verb stems. In the Infinitive, monosyllabic /Ø/ verbs have the same tone pattern as /H/ verbs: with H on the augment. (46) Monosyllabic /Ø/ verbs in the Infinitive x́-u[tʃa] to go x́-u[kwa] to fall (47) Monosyllabic /H/ verbs in the Infinitive x́-u[fwa] to die x́-u[rya] to fear Analysis: the roots in (46) are underlyingly toneless, and a H is inserted. 13 / 19 (48) H Insertion on toneless infinitives Underlying H Insertion Ø→H Prefix TA H xu-u[tʃa] x́-u[tʃa] xu-u[tʃa] x́-u[tʃa] to go This is one difference between the tonal patterns of verbs and nouns:  Monosyllabic noun roots such as li-i[sa] caterpillar do not acquire a H. Extending the toneless roots with a suffix produces the expected all-L pattern of /Ø/ verbs, which contrasts with extended monosyllabic /H/ verbs. (49) Monosyllabic /Ø/ verbs with the applicative in the Infinitive xu-u[tʃ-iil-a] to go for xu-u[kw-iil-a] to fall for x́-u[tʃa] to go x́-u[kwa] to fall (50) Monosyllabic /H/ verbs with the applicative in the Infinitive x́-u[fw-iil-a] to die for x́-u[r-iir-a] to fear for x́-u[fwa] to die x́-u[rya] to fear 8 Pattern 1 (Near Future) The Near Future has the same general tonal pattern as the Infinitive, which we call Pattern 1 :  /Ø/ verbs generally surface all L in phrase-final position (51b).  Monosyllabic /Ø/ stems (51a) have the pattern of /H/ verbs, with H on the tense prefix ĺ. (51)  (52) /Ø/ verbs in the Near Future a. a-ĺ[tʃa] He will go. b. a-la[lim-a] He will dig. a-la[puruxa] He will fly. a-la[βoolol-a] He will untie. a-la[loleelela] He will watch. a-ĺ[kwa] a-la[keenda] a-la[lexuula] a-la[lomaloma] a-la[tʃiitʃakana] He will fall. He will walk. He will let go. He will talk. He will continue. In /H/ verbs, the tense prefix ĺ- surfaces H. /H/ verbs in the Near Future a-ĺ[fwa] He will die. a-ĺ[roora] He will dream. 14 / 19 a-ĺ[xina] a-ĺ[βukula] He will dance. He will take. a-ĺ[fuunula] a-ĺ[siisiixa] a-ĺ[βotooxana] a-ĺ[xalaaŋga] a-ĺ[xeβulila] He will uncover. He will shake. He will go around. He will fry. He will remember. The difference between these forms and Infinitives is that the root H links to the tense prefix; there is no augment in tense-aspect forms inflected with subject agreement markers. (53) Tone representations of verbs in the Near Future Toneless (/Ø/) verbs /H/ verbs Initial Delinking H a-la[lomaloma] he will talk a-ĺ[xeβulila] he will remember Prefix TA H a-ĺ[xeβulila] OBJECT PREFIXES Another difference between nouns and verbs is that verbs have the possibility for additional Hs to be introduced by other morphemes in the verbal complex.  Object prefixes introduce a /H/. When an object prefix is added (cl. 1 mu- him/her in the following examples), both /Ø/ and /H/ verbs surface with a H only on the tense prefix ĺ-. (54) /Ø/ verbs + OP in the Near Future (55) /H/ verbs + OP in the Near Future a-ĺ-mu[tʃa] a-ĺ-mu[βoolola] a-ĺ-mu[xoondoola] a-ĺ-mu[loleelela] He will go get him. He will untie him. He will stare at him. He will watch him. a-ĺ-mu[fuunula] a-ĺ-mu[siisiixa] a-ĺ-mu[rumixira] a-ĺ-mu[βotooxana] He will uncover him. He will shake him. He will serve him. He will go around him. 15 / 19 In /Ø/ verbs, the H of the object prefix is subject to Initial Delinking followed by Prefix TA. (56) /Ø/ verbs in the Near Future with an object prefix Initial Delinking Prefix TA H a-la-mu[loleelela] H a-la-mu[loleelela] a-ĺ-mu[loleelela] He will stare at him In /H/ verbs, the root H is made L by Meeussen s Rule (57) after the H of the object prefix; the object prefix H then delinks (Initial Delinking) and is re-associated to the tense prefix (Prefix TA). (57) (58) Meeussen s Rule HH→L μ μ /H/ verbs in the Near Future with an object prefix Meeussen’s Rule Initial Delinking H H→L H L a-la-mu[βotooxana] a-la-mu[βotooxana] Prefix TA H L a-la-mu[βotooxana] a-ĺ-mu[βotooxana] He will go around him. PHRASE-MEDIAL POSITION An additional tonal alternation occurs when the Near Future verb is in phrase-medial position.  Verbs in the Near Future acquire an additional H in phrase-medial position.  This is similar to the addition of H in NPs with demonstratives, possessives, etc. /Ø/ verbs have a H on the tense prefix ĺ-. (59) /Ø/ verbs in phrase-medial position in the Near Future a-ĺ[βoolola] βaβaandu He will untie people. a-ĺ[loleelela] βaβaandu / β́axaana He will watch people / girls. /H/ verbs have a H on the tense marker ĺ- and a H on µ1 of σ2. (60) /H/ verbs in phrase-medial position in the Near Future a-ĺ[xińla] βaβaandu / β́axaana He will dance for people / girls. 16 / 19 a-ĺ[fuuńla] βaβaandu a-ĺ[xeβ́lila] βaβaandu a-ĺ[βot́oxana] βaβaandu / β́axaana He will uncover people. He will remember people. He will go around people / girls. The inserted H links to the tense prefix in /Ø/ verbs by Prefix TA. (61) /Ø/ verbs in the Near Future in phrase-medial position H Insertion Prefix TA H ←Ø H a-la[loleelela] βaβaandu a-la[loleelela] βaβaandu a-ĺ[loleelela] βaβaandu He will watch people. In /H/ verbs, the additional H is put in place by Peninitial TA. The root H is delinked and reassociated to the tense prefix in the usual fashion. (62) /H/ verbs in the Near Future in phrase-medial position Initial Delinking Prefix TA H H a-la[βotooxana] βaβaandu H Insertion H H←Ø a-la[βotooxana] βaβaandu a-la[βotooxana] βaβaandu Peninitial TA H H a-la[βotooxana] βaβaandu a-ĺ[βot́oxana] βaβaandu He will go around people. When there is an OP and the verb is in phrase-medial position, one H is realized on the tense prefix ĺ-, and one H is on the verb stem. In /Ø/ verbs, the stem H is located on the initial mora (µ1). (63) /Ø/ verbs + OP in phrase-medial position in the Near Future a-ĺ-mu[ĺla] xaaŋgu He will see him quickly. a-ĺ-mu[ŕeβera] βaβaandu / β́axaana He will ask people / girls for him. a-ĺ-mu[β́ololela] βaβaandu He will untie people for him. a-ĺ-mu[ĺleelela] βaβaandu / β́axaana He will watch people / girls for him. 17 / 19 H verbs with an OP in phrase-medial position have a high tone on the tense prefix ĺ- and a H on µ1 of σ2. (64) /H/ verbs + OP in phrase-medial position in the Near Future a-ĺ-mu[fuuńlila] βaβaandu / β́axaana a-ĺ-mu[βot́oxanila] βaβaandu / β́axaana He will uncover people / girls for him. He will go around people / girls for him. In /Ø/ verbs, the phrasal H is assigned by Initial TA. Initial TA applies, rather than Peninitial TA, because Initial TA is ordered before Peninitial TA in the derivation. (65) /Ø/ verbs + OP in the Near Future in phrase-medial position Initial Delinking Prefix TA H H a-la-mu[lola] xaaŋɡu H H Insertion H←Ø a-la-mu[lola] xaaŋɡu a-la-mu[lola] xaaŋɡu Initial TA H H Peninitial TA Does Not Apply a-la-mu[lola] xaaŋɡu a-ĺ-mu[ĺla] xaaŋɡu He will see him quickly. In /H/ verbs, Meeussen s Rule lowers the root H prior to Initial Delinking. The phrasal H is not assigned by Initial TA because the initial mora of the stem is L. Instead, it is assigned to µ1 of σ2 by the later applying Peninitial TA (as in forms w/o an OP) (66) /Ø/ verbs + OP in the Near Future in phrase-medial position Meeussen’s Rule Initial Delinking Prefix TA H H→L H L H L a-la-mu[fuunulila] βaβaandu H H Insertion L H←Ø a-la-mu[fuunulila] βaβaandu a-la-mu[fuunulila] βaβaandu a-la-mu[fuunulila] βaβaandu Initial TA H Does Not Apply Peninitial TA L H a-la-mu[fuunulila] βaβaandu a-ĺ-mu[fuuńlila] βaβaandu He will uncover people. 18 / 19 9 Summary of verb tone results A notable property of tone in Bantu verbs is that verbs are generally inflected with H tones in different tenses that link up to different positions of the verb. Here is a summary of our current understanding of Bukusu tone melodies. (67) (68) Summary of melodic tone patterns in Bukusu /Ø/ verbs PATTERN 1 all L Near Future a-la[loleelela] /H/ verbs H on tense prefix ‘He will watch.’ a-ĺ[βotooxana] ‘He will go around.’ PATTERN 2 Indefinite Future H on µ1 H on µ1 of σ2 a-li[ĺleelela] a-li[βot́oxanaaŋga] PATTERN 3 Hodiernal Perfective H on µ1 all L He watched. He went around. He will watch. a[ĺleeleele] He will go around. a[βotooxaane] PATTERN 4 Remote Past H on tense prefix H on tense prefix He watched. He went around. PATTERN 5 Imperative all L [loleelela] [βot́oxana] PATTERN 6 Subjunctive H on µ1 H on µ1 Let s watch! Let s go around! k-́[loleelela] k-́[βotooxana] H on µ1 of σ2 Watch! ńꜜx́[ĺleelele] Factors influencing verb tone in Bukusu a. Lexical contrasts in roots (*Ø vs. *H) b. Stem shape (e.g. number of syllables) c. Tonal inflection d. Presence of object markers e. Presence of a following word 10 Thank you 19 / 19 Go around! ńꜜx́[β́tooxane]