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Not Entirely Subversive: ‘Rock Military Style’ from Hendrix to Destiny’s Child Michael A. Langkjær Abstract Rock and pop musicians attired in military uniforms belong to our collective visual memory of the popular music scene since the 1960s. There has been a tendency to overestimate the subversive and erotic appeal of the uniformed look; subversion and fetishistic eroticism need not have been all that ‘rock military style’ involved. In challenging a-priori psychological or semiotic approaches, a note is made of discrepancies between what military-styled stars wished to express by their look and what their audiences assumed was its purpose. A general characterization of ‘rock military style’ is followed by analyses of the 1960s guitar hussar look of Jimi Hendrix and the 21st century camouflaged survivor look of Destiny’s Child. Elucidation of the motivation behind their respective versions of ‘rock military style’ is achieved through utilization of personal statements in interviews, song lyrics, and contextual evidence linked to the histories and philosophies of Pop Art and aesthetics, current events and the cultural and social histories of particular groups. Differences and similarities between Hendrix and Destiny are noted, which include gender-specific attitudes toward the use of uniforms and military textiles as decorative devices, male status display and female empowerment, as well as anxieties about mortality. Key Words: Uniforms, semiotics, gender, aesthetics, camouflage, rock music, fashion, empowerment, Jimi Hendrix, Destiny’s Child. ***** 1. Introduction My chapter examines the motivations of rock musicians who dress up in military uniforms. Their motives are traditionally explained as transgression, that is, the deliberate subversion of established tradition, decorum and sensibilities; that a symbol – the uniform – is transgressed to make a social or political statement.1 But might the military look have origins in something other than transgression? Reasoning by analogy suggests paths for inquiry. I have chosen two examples of ‘rock military style’, starting with the vintage regimental jackets of Jimi Hendrix in the 1960s to exemplify convergent hierarchies of motivation, then flashing forward some 40 years to the camouflage-look of Destiny’s Child where I argue the limitations of semiotics. Where it has a bearing on my discussion, I engage with several other chapters in this volume. Although the mainstream doubtlessly has looked upon rock performer reuse of military uniforms as a debasement of the traditions represented by the uniform, it 194 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ does not follow that the performers themselves have had that intention. As Eric Clapton of the 1960s British group Cream, who along with Jimi Hendrix is considered as among the all-time greatest guitarists, put it: I don’t think I’ve had that many people on the same wave-length as me – you know, appreciating me for the same reason that I appreciate me. I really can’t see into their minds to see if the image is one I would like or wouldn’t like.2 Apart from defining a persona or differentiating roles within the group, assuming a rock military look for an individual like Clapton has more to do with the look’s intrinsic aesthetic qualities than it does with transgression. Design features such as colour, embellishments and cut of the uniforms need to be considered as they are aimed at making a male look good. Historical connotations of particular uniforms, with the Nazi-chic prevalent within Punk-rock milieus, as a case in point, may also be important.3 The rock musician may be considered to be a warrior, a point man; that is, he who leads the file of soldiers advancing through enemy country, a skirmisher in front of the main line of infantry attackers against the System, Establishment, parent-generation, that which is organised as opposed to the marginalised. Together with the electric guitar that can be swung around and often as not pointed or aimed at the audience like that ultimate enhancer of male potency, a machine gun, the military uniform, as the fashion historian James Laver has noted, will impress, even terrify the enemy, thus (along with the music, lyrics, and antics on stage) making the performance venue an empowerment zone.4 As Eric Burdon, lead guitar of The Animals once remarked about his friend Jimi Hendrix (formerly a parachutist with the U.S. 101st Airborne): ‘The gun or the guitar: It’s an ancient choice … Jimi chose the guitar, but he was still a warrior.’5 In some respects, we are dealing with a historical dream world, a world based on stereotypical visual memories of a particular uniform and its era in military history. Or the phenomenon can be seen as a symbolic expression of the contemporary ‘war in the streets’, where combat wear has been used by African-American groups to express their militancy, the circumstances of de-colonization, and the fact that ‘it’s a jungle out there’ in the inner city. This is a world fully conscious of the myth of personality, an expression where one set of motivations – aesthetic, historical/nostalgic, ideological – does not preclude another.6 Scholarship has brought to our attention circumstances apart from transgression that need to be considered in the evolution of the rock military style. The urge to don military has been construed as camp or as political satire, of course. But the attraction of 1960s youth to vintage regimental uniforms has also been interpreted as having a basis in mythology and psychology, or nostalgia stemming from cinema and other media, especially scarlet and gold epics about The British Michael A. Langkjær 195 __________________________________________________________________ Empire, or indeed (in a remarkable piece from 1967 by the English novelist and journalist Angela Carter) as self-presentation as objet d’art in a ‘pursuit of magnificence.’7 It has in addition been seen as an upshot of the artful détournement stratagems of the Situationists, where there are links back to the nestor of Pop Art, the Dadaist Marcel Duchamp and his reciprocal ready-mades, exemplified by his appeal Se server d’un Rembrandt comme table à repasser (‘Use a Rembrandt as an ironing board’).8 I find this latter notion applicable to the redeployment of regimental jackets by rock artists and will return to it later. Staying for just a moment within the framework of art, the onset of the military look can also be traced back to the Pop Art aesthetics of the British art schooleducated upper working class or lower middle class. Fans of Pop Art were attracted to its bright colours. Art school bands were legion in the 1960s, especially in the UK.9 Clapton biographer Ray Coleman notes the art schools’ impact on the interplay of aesthetic and commercial judgement, in the defining of a saleable image. What Eric probably did, without realizing it, was transfer his art school background into his career as much as possible.… His assertion of fashion consciousness, both on and off stage, marked him out to many players.... Military jackets were fashionable, so Eric was usually seen wearing a fresh one from his vast collection in different colours on most stage shows, spreading the trend among people who thought that if their ‘God’ Clapton wore one, it was essential for them.10 As to his own role in popularizing the uniform style back in 1966, Clapton himself professed (if somewhat ingenuously) to being nonplussed: There’s [sic] some very funny things that would go on – like, at one gig I would wear a red military jacket and for some reason I’d play and everyone would suddenly get knocked out. And then we’d do the next gig a couple of weeks later somewhere else and everyone in the audience would be wearing red military jackets.11 But with due respect to Clapton, the question of to whom we must assign the priority in instigating or popularizing the uniform style is entirely uncertain.12 Although my focus will be on Hendrix’s brief career in London, I must briefly touch on visual aspects of contemporaneous American popular culture that may also explain this artist’s preference for the military jacket. 196 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ 2. Did the USA Anticipate the UK Uniform Look? As we have seen, the UK’s Eric Clapton had begun wearing vintage uniform jackets in 1966, though antecedents are found in The Beatles’ films A Hard Day’s Night and Help! from 1964 and 1965, respectively.13 It may, however, have been the USA that led the way. The historic costume phenomenon was prominent in the Pacific Northwest, where Jimi Hendrix, who was born in Seattle, grew up and initiated his career as a performer. One cannot exclude the possibility of his uniformed look while in Britain 1966-68 having somehow been influenced by the Pacific Northwest-based garage rock band Paul Revere and the Raiders. That group had originally worn faithful reproductions of Revolutionary War uniforms, from mid-1963 in live performances, and from 1965 on their album covers.14 In doing so, they were punning on the name of their leader, Paul Revere (born Paul Revere Dick) being like that of an American Revolutionary War hero, as well as responding to the wave of British rock groups, led by The Beatles, The Rolling Stones, The Who and The Kinks, whose popularity inundated the USA and Canada c. 1964-1967 in the so-called ‘British invasion’.15 Thus attired The Raiders got national exposure in 1965-66 as the house band on the music based ABC-TV variety show Where the Action Is.16 From around 1967, a number of American Southern rock and soul, country rock and psychedelic bands also began to appear in vintage uniforms, especially Civil War ones.17 The 1961-1965 Civil War centennial was fresh in memory, and Americana associations with the Civil War and the Old West were also a way of signalling independence or reaction to the British invasion along with rebellion. Since people out on the street had taken to wearing stuff recalling a gallery of iconic rebellious types such as gamblers, bandits and Indians, along with Confederate style bib-front shirts, ‘Custer died for your sins’ cavalry tunics, and ubiquitous buckskin fringe jackets, it could be done without the comic costume associations of Paul Revere and the Raiders’ regalia. The Haight-Ashbury district of San Francisco was a Mecca for American hippies and psychedelics, especially during the 1967 ‘Summer of Love’. Here The Charlatans, an early Haight-Ashbury psychedelic rock band, take on a singular importance. Their rebellious attitude and eye-catching 19th century fashion choices had influenced the emerging Haight-Ashbury hippie counter-culture since 1965; young San Franciscans dressed similarly in Victorian and Old West era clothing.18 Be that as it may, the British invasion influence from 1964 would have inculcated the American groups with a greater confidence with regard to showmanship. English groups were more obviously theatrical, the usual explanation at the time being offered for this having to do with English Music Hall traditions.19 America needed its own Beatles, needed a band that could reflect an American-dominated world and an American-dominated youth culture; visual branding from Paul Revere and the Raiders through the period-attired Charlatans to Crosby, Stills, Michael A. Langkjær 197 __________________________________________________________________ Nash & Young as Indian-Confederate-outlaw-bandits on the cover of their 1970 folk rock Déjà Vu album was one way of achieving it. Back once more to the UK, no one is sure who first started selling antiquated vintage uniforms there. Fashion designer Paul Smith has made the interesting suggestion, that: It was really the shops of the times that led the bands and the bands who made a particular look a mainstream fashion....They all made the looks that the bands took on, and that led to acceptance by the mainstream. These shop owners and designers were the unsung heroes of fashion.20 Military-style, called by the British satirical magazine Private Eye ‘the loony look,’21 peaked during the spring and summer of 1967. Boutiques such as ‘I Was Lord Kitchener’s Valet,’ had bought their vintage regimental jackets wholesale relatively cheaply. British regiments owned their uniforms making it possible for them to sell off any de-commissioned models, and for the boutique-retailers to make a killing - ‘Look mate, if I can buy up a whole lot of rotten old kit on the cheap, flog it to the moddies and make a fat profit, well what’s it all about…?’22 Such profit remained ‘fat’ as long as the vintage jacket fashion stayed in high fashion, which was essentially the case in the spring and summer of 1967. By autumn, sales of antique uniforms had started trailing off, thanks to The Beatles’ pilgrimage to India, and their popularization of Transcendental Meditation, the sitar instrumental music of Ravi Shankar, and the paisley, silk and cotton Indialook. Since the turn of the millennium and in part thanks to bands like The Strokes and The Libertines, we have been experiencing a Sixties-spirited vintage uniform renaissance on the catwalk, as well as on the concert stage.23 Of course, the military look has in some form or other always stayed part of the scene – typified by Waterloo era ABBA and Roxy’s Bryan Ferry in the 1970s, by Adam Ant and Queen’s Freddy Mercury in the 1980s, by the camouflage-clad rappers of the 1990s, and throughout the interim by the consistently military-styled Michael Jackson. 3. ‘Guitar Hussar’ Jimi Hendrix and Hierarchies of Motivation Jimi Hendrix24 in his vintage British regimental jackets is often used as the prototype when assuming that rock musicians donned military uniforms in an ironical allusion to the traditional military uniform. Fashion historian Gertrud Lehnert asserts: In every respect Jimi Hendrix was the embodiment of the 1960s generation’s revolt against the establishment. Famous as the 198 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ master of improvisation on electric guitar, he openly criticized American politics through his music and demonstrated this nonconformist attitude in his lifestyle. The colourful, richly embroidered jacket that he often wore is an ironic reference to traditional military uniforms and a subtle expression of the antiVietnam protest among the young.25 That Hendrix was a master of the electric guitar is beyond doubt; this can fortunately still be seen and heard! But one might question a number of Lehnert’s other assertions. Hendrix owned a blue single-breasted hip-length gala uniform tunic with maroon cuffs from The Army Veterinary Corps. It is not known how he acquired it. He also owned a richly gold-braided black hussar jacket or pelisse lined with brown fur; a short jacket of the type which the light cavalry units, the hussars, normally wore either as a true jacket (with their arms in both sleeves) or draped cape-like over a shoulder – a quintessentially glamorous garment.26 As to his acquisition of the old hussar’s jacket, one of Hendrix’s musician acquaintances recalls an episode around December 1966: I’m a uniform freak, so in this little old corner street (at Moss Bros., men’s clothing store in London) I see this jacket. It’s the most beautiful jacket I’ve ever seen in my life. I walked in and talked to the store-owner and he said, ‘This jacket ain’t shit, it’s an original – £100.’ I said, ‘Fuck, I only got £50. I’ll run to the bank and give you the other £50.’ ‘You got it, give me the £50 right down in my hand.’ So I came back, ‘Hey man, where’s my jacket?’ And he said, ‘I’m sorry, I sold the jacket to Jimi Hendrix.’ I said, ‘What?’ He said, ‘Look, he came in and gave me £200. Here’s your fifty quid back.’27 Hendrix initially wore these uniform jackets in England 1966-1967, both on the streets and when performing. In January, 1967, Hendrix explained in an interview with the leading popular music magazine New Musical Express (better known as NME), that: Some people have told me that they think wearing a military jacket is an insult to the British Army. Let me tell you, I wear this old British coat out of respect. This was worn by one of those cats who used to look after the donkeys which pulled the cannons way back in 1900. This coat has a history, there’s life to it. I don’t like war, but I respect a fighting man and his courage. Maybe the guy who wore this coat got killed in action. Would Michael A. Langkjær 199 __________________________________________________________________ people rather his coat be hung up and go mouldy somewhere, to be forgotten, like him? To which he added: Men like that should not be forgotten and if I wear this coat I remember. Anyhow, I wear it because it is comfortable.28 Since he wore the old military jackets on any and all occasions, both on and off stage, ‘comfortable’ can be taken as meaning that he felt that they were in a manner of speaking, ‘him’. While Hendrix took conscious pride in his military attire and its history, not to speak of its showy glamour and erotic attraction, there were other, rather more complex, impulses and motivations behind his style. A former parachutist with the U.S. 101st Airborne Division, Hendrix was fundamentally apolitical. Nonetheless in 1966-1967 he as yet identified in a positive way with the American martial spirit and war on world Communism.29 Although Hendrix was relieved that he had been discharged in 1962, prior to president Lyndon Johnson’s decision in 1965 to escalate the war in Vietnam, he acknowledged that the military provided one of the few possibilities open to blacks for improving their social station in the United States.30 Hendrix seems to have shared the basically positive attitude of most of Middle America to the Vietnam War, at least up until the general disillusionment brought on by the Tet Offensive in 1968, after which he too modified his position. By then he had already moved from his rock military look to the ethnic one later immortalized in his performance at Woodstock in 1969.31 The point I am making is that Hendrix had never worn a military outfit to sneer at the Establishment or protest the war in Vietnam. How, then, should we explain his military look? I have already suggested possible connections back to pre-existing oldfashioned uniform and period costume styles of certain West Coast groups. But beyond that, my contention is that what characterized Hendrix’s clothing style was an African polyrhythmic feel for contrasts in colour and fabric that explains his finesse in bringing together and layering differently coloured and textured uniform jackets, trousers, shirts and scarves into a single picturesque ensemble.32 Because of present limitations of space we might well focus our discussion upon it. Hendrix’s use of strong contrasts in colours and fabrics must be seen in the light of West African traditions, cultural memories and survivals that have found expression in commonplace domestic examples of black material culture in the United States, such as the patchwork quilts originally made by women slaves. It is the immemorial textile-aesthetic tradition belonging to the African Diaspora, and (with an admixture of Native American influences) is a visual reminder of the multicultural borrowings and hybridizations that the Atlantic world has undergone since the 15th century. 200 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ An outgrowth of this is hip black stylin’, where value is placed on personal expression through the uninhibited striking of an attitude centred on a flashy look, often achieved by putting together highly disparate textile and style elements, divorced from their original context, having acquired an independent, even idiosyncratic meaning.33 In the chapter ‘Towards an Exploration of Earl ‘Biggy’ Turner and the New Jamaican Fashion Brand’ in the present volume, Shelley-Ann McFarlane treats a fashion-aesthetic virtually identical to stylin’ in a Jamaican reggae dancehall context, while Michelle Liu Carriger’s chapter on ‘Street Corner JIMI HENDRIX at Monterey Pop Festival, 1967 (Polfoto/Corbis) Michael A. Langkjær 201 __________________________________________________________________ Angels and Internet Demons: Spectacular Visibility and the Gothic Lolita’ discusses the ‘emptying’ and ‘repurposing’ of ‘familiar signs’ in the development of the international Gothic Lolita style, where such signs are made ‘strange’ by their reappearance in a youth subculture, but also by their transnational migration. If I were to apply the widest possible perspective on our three choices of objects for study, we could perhaps be dealing with variants – hybrid modulations – of a post-Columbian (sometime after the 15th century) globalization of bodily practices.34 To return to my own discussion: through stylin’, Hendrix, then in the process of reinventing himself in the UK, wished to assert himself, make himself respected – be it noted, respect in the original sense of respicere, viz. to ‘cause people to look back or behind,’ ‘look back upon’ or ‘look at once more.’35 He did not put on just any uniform jacket, but a hussar’s pelisse with lavish gold braiding well suited to inspire respect. Perhaps as a way of alleviating doubts he had about his singing voice and – hard though it is to believe – his musicianship.36 Perhaps he also meant to signal authority, by projecting a strong and well-defined sense of self; thus, a power statement, or, at any rate, a bid for empowerment. A way for Hendrix to define himself in opposition to an inferior countertype to the Western masculine ideal, and escape being cast as a black outsider.37 For self-stylin’ purposes, the choice of scene made by Hendrix 1966-68 could hardly have been better: as an American artist who had been discovered by exAnimals bassist Chas Chandler and transplanted to London, Jimi Hendrix found himself in the capital of a comparatively nostalgic, relaxed and non-ideological Britain, which tolerated the aesthetically motivated use of patriotic symbols. He was actively expressing himself as a rock artist at a time characterized by a prevailing nostalgia for the days of empire past; imperial trappings, including regimental uniforms, were in high demand.38 The era was also marked by the Pop Art and Mod aesthetic, which, with its collages and striking graphics, put a stamp on the visual character of Hendrix’s surroundings, into which colourful oldfashioned regimental uniforms also fit.39 It was British art school-educated rock musicians like The Who’s Pete Townshend, who had imbibed de- and recontextualizing principles immanent in Pop along with its collage techniques so as to simultaneously break down and revitalize symbols, emblems and icons of the past – something to which Hendrix may more or less unwittingly have subscribed in his ‘recharging’ of the long deceased warrior’s uniform jacket. The détournement strategy was formulated in the mid-1950s by the Situationist and Marxist theorist Guy Dubord and others. The purpose was the revitalizing, provocative redirecting – détournement – of iconic works of art, towards new meaningfulness and significance. Some subversion is implied here, which nevertheless leads to a positive transformation or a veritable rebirth. The takeover of the object is done with the aim of putting it into play once again. Might also this be what Hendrix had in mind? For, as he said: ‘This coat has a history, there’s life 202 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ to it.’40 By wearing it, Hendrix as a rock musician delivered the uniform from its heretofore emblematical-mystical connection with war and killing; a resurrection and deliverance that by diverting it from one frame of reference to another was achieved in much the same manner as Duchamp’s ‘Rembrandt as an ironing board’ mentioned above, or for that matter in the Pop Art American flag-motifs by Jasper Johns, and collages of Victorian and military motifs by designer of The Beatles’ Sgt. Pepper album-cover Peter Blake. Pop artists of the period had set the tone in their transformative re-use of elements from the past. In the steady blurring of the borders that separate art and fashion ever since the 1960s, there is indeed much that reminds us of the debt owed to Pop and Dada.41 That goes in particular for self-production and self-construction of identity and individuality through the recycling of de-contextualized visual style elements, icons and symbols, i.e. the branding capital that the rock star alumni of the Popinfluenced British art schools brought with them into the burgeoning rock industry. This has since stimulated people both inside and outside fashion, including succeeding generations of rock stars, to attempt to be bottom-up indie stylists. Hendrix, apolitical (and initially pro-Vietnam War) and paying no heed to established fashion (nor to the anti-fashion of hippies seeking out army surplus, vintage and junk shop apparel), arrayed himself in military jackets. He was his own stylist, had set his heart on achieving a well-defined distinctive rock-silhouette, and was influenced by the African-American stylin’ sartorial tradition of creating a strong identity through smart and resplendent attire. My point about Hendrix is not so much his lack of subversive intent, but rather a heuristic one: that a single rock icon can have other reasons and purposes for wearing uniforms. This raises the question of what motivations inspire other, more contemporary rock military-styled star-performers. 4. Destiny’s Child’s ‘Glamazons’ and the Limitations of Semiotics On the May 2001 cover of the US-based popular music magazine Rolling Stone, the three members of the extremely successful pop R&B group Destiny’s Child were featured in military attire.42 These costumes were also worn by the young women in the music-video for the group’s top hit Survivor.43 Beyoncé Knowles, Kelly Rowland and Michelle Williams were outfitted in, what art critic Terry Barrett, applying the semiotics of Roland Barthes, denotes as: brief halter-tops, ... short shorts [or] long, tight-fitting pants with designed tears in them ... clean and shiny black leather boots with laces [while] the woman – Beyoncé – in the middle holds a belt of large-calibre bullets [and] a green helmet that says ‘U.S. Army’ on its front, and all three are scantily dressed in pseudocamouflage attire that includes fabric adorned with sequins.44 Michael A. Langkjær 203 __________________________________________________________________ Barrett goes on to describe the connotations of the physical aspect of the women as an unmistakable play on physicality and the erotic. He notes the visual impression the women make, dressed scantily in their military inspired costumes. Barrett notes, too, the linguistic messages implied by the Rolling Stone cover’s lines ‘Booty Camp!’ and ‘A Story of Discipline and Desire,’ in as much as he connects the word booty to loot, female buttocks, and ‘sex as in the phrase “booty call.”’45 But as I see it, ‘Booty Camp’ might also refer to the arduous physical training in the Knowles family ‘Summer Camp’, with three miles’ jogging each day, followed by drills and aerobics – in what amounts to a quasi-militaristic showbiz boot camp – a regimen of constant, hard practicing, getting down all the songs and routines.46 Barrett also observes that ‘whereas boot camp prepares one to fight, booty camp apparently prepares these three for sex.’47 This is underscored by the projected sexuality of the women, which he terms ‘ambiguous.’ The allegedly ambiguous character is evidenced, on the one hand, by Destiny’s Child’s ‘revealing their conventionally attractive bodies in sexually provocative ways, yet [being] dressed and armed for battle’ while, on the other, they are merely posturing since they ‘wear military attire and have bullets, but because they have no guns or other weapons, they are susceptible to being overcome by stronger or better armed predators.’48 Yet, in a double page photo accompanying the Rolling Stone article, Beyoncé is holding a grenade – she is not entirely disarmed!49 Balancing the pin on her thumb – an absolutely dangerous way of holding it – is very clever; allegorically, she’s a sex bomb, but perhaps also compensating for her lack of a guitar that in rock parlance doubles as an ‘axe’ or ‘gun.’50 Sex – oh yes, but is this all? Barrett is arguing for a sexualized violence aspect of Destiny’s Child’s style and garb. I do not disagree with that: mugging for the camera with legs wide apart, one cannot really get around the erotic associations of the Rolling Stone cover. I am not saying that the semiotic approach as applied by Barrett is wrong. What I am saying is that it can be misleading in relation to what was originally meant by an image or to what has been depicted, and basically to what those concerned are trying to get across – as here, the rock military look of Destiny’s Child. Or, in Carriger’s succinct phrasing: ‘surfaces are not given to mean what outsiders may want them to.’ I therefore question Barrett’s approach, and do so for several reasons. These are Destiny’s Child’s fundamentalist Christianity, which must be considered together with their ‘bootylicious philosophy’ of wholesome bodily pride and message of female empowerment, as well as with a survivor ethos and the upholding of Republican virtues. These cannot be regarded separately or as isolated. As concerns Destiny’s Child’s purported devout Christian faith, their words and acts carry conviction. In song-lyrics, interviews and biographies the group have developed a narrative of increasing strength and self-awareness through struggle and emphasized the importance of their Southern Christian Baptist or Methodist 204 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ devotion to God and trust in His providential guidance.51 It may well be that being self-professed Christians has not stopped the soft-porn ‘schoolgirl-in-heat’ persona of Britney Spears (an avowed Baptist) or Miss (Christian) America posing in swimsuit and high heels (a postmodern contradiction between verbalized commitment and visual image worthy of its own separate study), but then neither Spears nor Miss America have to my knowledge formulated a celebrity project so consistently centered around a total attitude of trust-in-God-and-in-yourself, and which Destiny’s military costuming can be seen as reflecting.52 My second reason for questioning Barrett’s approach is rooted in the ‘bootylicious philosophy’ of sexiness on the basis of purpose-driven self-mastery. This philosophy – what Vogue has called ‘sexy feminism lite’53 – amounts to using ‘brains and femininity and most importantly inner strength and determination’ to ‘help you achieve your goals.’54 Beyoncé’s canny stylist mother Tina Knowles created the group’s signature style statement, claiming to have a solid idea of the statement she wants to make: ‘Sex appeal should be something that’s implied, not stated.’55 ‘Implied’ may also be in the sense of a ‘repurposed sign’: the purpose of sex-sign is – while retained, changed – directed toward another purpose, namely sex not as sign-of-objectification but as sign-of-subjectification, not as sign of potentially being acted (up)on but as capable of acting (as pointed out by Carriger). The skimpy, torn camouflage-uniform remnants can no doubt be seen as fetishized sex-signs.56 Yet at the same time, they are indicative of a hands-on-warrior and an embattled survivor. Hence: a sign of personal, individual empowerment, an outward expression of an independent spirit, an inner truth, much as that which Tina Knowles espouses. My third point of contention with Barrett’s approach has to do with empowerment. Tina Knowles’ dictum also touches on what Ericka Basile in her chapter ‘Second Skins: Spandex Trousers and the New American Woman’ views as the corporeal focus of new skin-hugging stretch fabrics such as nylon, Lycra and spandex in liberating the American woman of the 1970s. We are now into the prehistory of the Knowles’ ‘bootylicious philosophy.’ As described by Basile, the stretch wardrobe of the female action hero of the 1973 film Cleopatra Jones anticipates that of Destiny’s Child as foxy, butt-kicking action chicks. In skintight biker-leather and skydiving red metallic leather Flash Gordon type jumpsuits they perform their theme song ‘Independent Women’ in the video for the 2000 Charlie’s Angels motion picture.57 The look of Destiny’s Child on the Rolling Stone cover can thus be considered as the ultimate expression of a post 1970s tripartite functional interrelationship between a fit figure, revealing clothes, and active rather than passive femininity, all conducive towards a sense of empowerment. Michael A. Langkjær 205 __________________________________________________________________ DESTINY’S CHILD, Rolling Stone cover, May 2001. Photo by Albert Watson, courtesy of Rolling Stone Magazine © 2001 The cover also evokes another image of womanhood, that of the frequently, though not always, scantily clad female warrior or gladiatrix, with its historical allusions that go back to mythology and ancient times.58 Furthermore, the rock military style of Destiny’s Child calls to mind Wonder Woman, the female superhero. Introduced back in 1941 as an Amazon decked out in tight-fitting red, white and blue and described as a ‘breathtaking fusion of feminism and patriotism and kinky sex,’ Wonder Woman is arguably the most popular female superhero in comics and is a feminist icon.59 Beyoncé expected to play Wonder Woman in a 206 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ big-screen film of that comic book heroine and stated tellingly in an interview: ‘And it would be a very bold choice. A black Wonder Woman would be a powerful thing. It’s time for that, right?’60 A. Empowerment or Its Significant Other: Devitalisation and Death? When speaking of empowerment we also imply the powerless, devitalized look, opposite that of the trim, toned, vitally erotic and sexually invulnerable ‘bootylicious’ look. We also could be subconsciously playing with its gorgeous corpse simulacrum opposite. In her chapter ‘Corpse Chic: ‘Dead’ Models and ‘Living’ Corpses in Fashion Photography,’ Jacque Lynn Foltyn aptly states that whereas death is ultimately about human ‘failure,’ beauty contradicts death by being a matter of human ‘vitality,’ ‘wholeness,’ and ‘power.’ Erotic life imagery may be seen as contrary to erotic death imagery, particularly as concerns the notion of empowerment via one’s physicality, as was described by Basile in ‘Second Skins.’ It is distinct from physical emaciation and ergo vulnerability, the not-to-beravished as opposed to the ravished – albeit there remains a shared appeal to primal desire. The survivor ethos does not exclude the possibility of one’s dying, and the camouflage imagery does not at all make it hard to imagine Destiny’s scantily clad ‘survivors’ in an alternate scenario of (recalling Foltyn) striking blood drenched cadaver poses in conjunction with women appearing as combatants on the frontlines of battle. There the potential of killing women and of rape/ravishment prior to their killing is not in the least metaphorical, as was the case with the soldier Jessica Lynch, who in the Iraq war experienced such a near death, but was rescued and transmogrified into a heroic survivor.61 With her white, blond, girlnext-door wholesomeness, Lynch was not that far off from what Foltyn has seen as ‘dead beauties,’ haunting the news headlines and television programming, thereby proving that any story about the mysterious death or murder of a young, pretty, white female can make an ‘instant celebrity’ of a previously unknown person. By extension, Foltyn asks the pertinent question of how corpse chic intersects with ambivalence accorded human beauty and celebrity in pop culture. According to founding Pop-artist Richard Hamilton’s definition formulated back in 1957, pop culture is by nature transient.62 Celebrity, pop culture, and beauty go hand in hand in their ‘here today, gone tomorrow’ ephemerality. Viewed similarly to the work of the mortician, the transient blooming of celebrity along with its derived beauty is always suggestive of memento mori still life. The beautiful rock and pop avantgarde is always risking its skin by its very deeds and excesses. Jim Morrison, Jimi Hendrix, Brian Jones and Janis Joplin die young and nurture the myth of the eternally young.63 But in their flirting around the edges of death, or what one might term ‘the outer frontier’, Destiny’s Child present themselves as ‘we who survived’ as opposed to ‘those who succumbed’. Having now dealt with the matter of empowerment, I return to my main line of discussion, to the question of Destiny’s survivor ethos, where I have also discerned Michael A. Langkjær 207 __________________________________________________________________ some connections with a camouflage aesthetic. Of greatest interest in connection with the Destiny’s Child survivor ethos as expressed in their look, is when British Cypriot fashion designer &KDOD\DQDVQRWHGE\6|OHQ.LS|z and Deniz Güner in their chapter ‘The Conceptual Resistance of Hussein Chalayan within the Ephemeral World of Fashion,’ makes clothes – termed ‘personal environments’ – for actual survivors, notably refugees of war and ethnic cleansing, as distinct from what I may term ‘staged’ or ‘aspirant’ survivors, such as Destiny’s Child. Here are two widely differing approaches to design ‘in the survival mode’. Chalayan’s making a heim or cocoon to empower and protect the fragile and insufficient body, may well be carried over to the wish of Hendrix to signal authority and inspire respect through his wearing a resplendent hussar jacket. But it is as far as you can get from Destiny in their scanty jungle survivor gear’s exposure of muscular, capable, well-tuned bodies being apparently all that it takes to surmount any conceivable challenge to their corporeal and psychic integrity. No empowering prosthetic needed! Tina Knowles considers the army camouflage look one of her favorites: I thought of putting the girls in camouflage because it fit the ‘survival’ theme of the Survivor album.... They wore the outfits a lot while promoting the album and consequently revived the camouflage trend. Pretty soon, I couldn’t walk down the street without seeing someone wearing the camouflage look.64 Knowles is not entirely accurate in that regard. For nearly a generation, camouflage, aka Disruptive Pattern Material, has been worn by musicians from almost every genre of contemporary popular music, often with very distinctive interpretations.65 Since the late 1980s, Public Enemy, Wu-Tang Clan and other urban rap and hip-hop ‘crews’ had emerged with a heavily politicized and militaristic imagery: ‘On these New York City sidewalks we walk. Camouflaged, dodging the eyes of the hawk,’ and ‘Put on my fatigues and my camouflage. Take control, ‘cos I’m in charge.’66 Rap music, articulating power and pleasure and advocating resistance to racism through phallocentrism, is riddled with sexism and misogyny, in part because along with b-boying (aka break dancing) in the wideopen street ‘frontier’ it expresses the desire of angry young black males for freedom from cramped domestic space, ‘equated with repression and containment, as well as with the “feminine.”’67 Through their lyrics (‘I need a soldier and he’s gonna stand up for me’), and by flaunting their sexuality and assuming the urban rooted camouflage street style, Destiny’s Child are flipping the coin on macho hubris, effectually challenging sexist or misogynist gangsta rappers, hip-hoppers and B-boys to ‘get a move on’, away from their demeaning attitude. Thus Destiny’s Child took up the issue of the battles between the sexes, an assault on the male ego, while retaining an urban-combat look.68 208 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ On the one hand, the takeover of a pattern having clear macho-associations would (again) suggest feminist empowerment and connect with the survivortheme. On the other, green signifies growth, fertility and the Earth, reminding us more about the Earth than war.69 (Foltyn also notes how women and fashion represent the cycle of sex, death, and rebirth.) As a stylist, one of Tina Knowles’ basic principles is the idea of improvisational inventive recycling. This might also hark back to old African and African-American bricolage traditions, as well as being part of a Western ‘ration of fashion’ and the DIY-ethic of hip-hop, inherited from that of Punk. In ‘Towards an Exploration of Earl ‘Biggy’ Turner’ McFarlane makes some points about African Diasporic fashion which not only bear relation to what I have already said in connection with Hendrix, but also connect with statements regarding the re-use of materials that Tina Knowles makes in her style handbook. Furthermore, camouflage has had high-street fashion appeal since the 1990s, and along with its protective concealment and militaristic associations, has become an abstract decorative device.70 Thus, the partiality of African-American rap and hip-hop groups for camouflage could possibly be ascribed to the allure and dazzle of its disruptive patterning, being, in a manner similar to what we previously noted with Hendrix, reflective of the African aesthetic sensibility for a mélange of contrasting and conflicting restless colours. Finally, there is the question of how the look of Destiny’s Child featured on the Rolling Stone cover might be connected with the upholding of Republican virtues. Destiny’s Child took its style concept a step further at a Houston record release party for the Survivor-album in May 2001 when they were driven to their camouflaged stage in a Humvee by members of the US Marine Corps.71 This event strengthens my supposition that more than sex is involved here. A Humvee, a camouflaged stage, and marines as roadies add up to a statement about feminist empowerment, playing on camouflage as a military (as well as a fashion) phenomenon. Women of all races became highly visible in the American military during and after the Gulf War.72 As in the case of Jimi Hendrix the attitude to the military and to uniforms in parts of the African-American community seems to have some connection with the circumstances of belonging (or aspiring to belong) to the middle class with its conservative pro-establishment values, possibly in part connected with the military as an opportunity for social advancement. Destiny’s Child performed at the George W. Bush presidential inauguration in 2001 and apparently subscribe to his perception of their good influence. Destiny member Michelle remarks that ‘[Bush] said it was kind of our duty and responsibility to hold up high standards and a good image, because so many people look up to us,’ while Kelly adds that ‘after all, he’s from Texas, too, so we could relate.’73 That would indicate a certain level of philosophic (and with their Christian fundamentalism, religious) if not actual political congeniality. Suffice it to say: these are not Dixie Chicks!74 Michael A. Langkjær 209 __________________________________________________________________ B. Towards a Historicist Appreciation of Style: Michelle Obama and Destiny’s Child Compared In ‘First Lady of Fashion: How the U.S. Has Embraced Michelle Obama’, Alisa K. Braithwaite deals with a black woman’s control of message and self-fashioning. Juxtaposing three images, Braithwaite considers them, not semiotically, but as discrete parts of a continuous socio-cultural narrative of the empowered black female. I find Braithwaite’s discussion of Obama’s ability to control her image through fashion in the media highly thought-provoking. The examples given of a pre-election The New Yorker cover caricaturing Michelle Obama as black revolutionary, a post-election one portraying her ironically on the catwalk, and especially a perfectly coiffed and controlled White House portrait raises interpretative issues bearing relation to those raised by the Destiny’s Child Rolling Stone cover. In both cases the covers are indicative of how subjects have been faced with images of themselves within or outside their control. With regard to The New Yorker, Michelle Obama had never been in control, whereas she did pose for the White House portrait just as Destiny’s Child did pose for the Rolling Stone cover photo; in these photos the subjects would have had some say in the mode of their appearance. And here it would seem that pre-existent narratives play a role. In order to understand historical protagonists – the image they wanted to convey – you need to inquire into what was behind their vision of the image, not just what the image ended up being perceived as through the media, although that is also relevant. In a manner similar to Barrett’s single-string semiotic coding of Destiny’s Child’s costume as sexually provocative, the Washington Post blogger Leslie Morgan Steiner (according to Braithwaite) misses the many complex layers involved in the image that Michelle portrays by coding Michelle Obama’s clothes as racially and culturally white. For a thorough comprehension of the motivations and signals behind Michelle Obama’s and Destiny’s Child’s fashion statements, what wants is historicist appreciation of the black experience. Destiny’s Child, like Michelle Obama, uses fashion to express the American Dream. But Destiny’s style reflects Republican values of individual liberty, free trade, and enterprise, while Michelle Obama’s style points back at a Democratic acknowledgement of ethnic and social diversity together with some pragmatism. Michelle Obama’s pragmatism – recalling the first The New Yorker cover – not to speak of acknowledgement of her husband’s initially anti Iraq war stance, means that you probably will not see her wearing camouflage! Beyoncé and Michelle Obama are role models, yet from completely different standpoints: the former views her success in aspirational terms of a fundamentalist, Protestant ethic, while the latter – notes Braithwaite – views her success as that of just having chosen one of several possible versions of the successful black American family, demonstrating that the American Dream can indeed be inclusive of difference.75 The two women represent dissimilar ideologies and perceptions of the sociology of black America. 210 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ Let me round off this section by saying that an approach to ‘rock military style’ which takes into account the history of the group in question, playing both ends of that history against the middle, is always a good tactic when deconstructing military-attired performers and performances. This is made evident by the now solo Beyoncé aka Sasha Fierce in her Alexander McQueen military-style waistcoat accompanied by likewise martially outfitted all-female band members and dancers at the 2008 World Music Awards in Monte Carlo, Monaco; apart from being a nod to Michael Jackson (and via Jackson, back to Hendrix), it is a grand apotheosis of the uniformed look that speaks of the persistency of Beyoncé’s distinctive brand of martial – although not necessarily militant – feminism.76 Since camouflage is also about fooling the observer, does this mean that Knowles, with all of her protestations of purity of intent is in fact laughing all the way to the bank? The ambiguities seem far too many and complex for a definite answer. While insisting that one must ‘assume that everything is coded and in need of interpretation,’ Barrett also recognizes that ‘codes are open to some and closed to others because of culture, age, gender, and familiarity with current and past events.’77 5. Concluding Remarks We can conclude that rock military style involves much that has little or nothing to do with transgression. Rather than simply repeat the many nontransgressing impulses and motives, reasons and purposes behind the appeal of uniforms for rock and pop performers, I would like to summarize some of the new perspectives that my inter-disciplinary referencing of other studies in this volume has brought to the subject. It has raised the question as to how far models of globalized bodily practice might explain the trans-cultural and transnational co-optation of fashion signs and signifiers. This became evident when reviewing my analysis of the post-Diasporic African and stylin’ origins of the uniformed look of Jimi Hendrix in the light of Carriger’s and MacFarlane’s studies. Gendered empowerment, whether it be through new materials as indicated by Basile, redirected style elements as indicated by Carriger, or introduction of the IDVKLRQSURVWKHWLFDVLQGLFDWHGE\.LS|]DQG*QHUFDQDOOEHVHHQWRKDYHVRPH implications for the rock performer use of uniforms. Although Jimi Hendrix kept within the traditional bounds of the uniform as a masculine empowering prosthetic device for the purpose of bolstering his self-image and acquiring a strong visual hook, in the case of Destiny’s Child, this was accomplished by reducing the uniform to a bare minimum of camouflage symbolism, thereby renouncing the uniform-as-prosthetic so as to emphasize female capability. That individualized fashion statements used to signify an authentic self run the risk of being seen as transgressing – this goes for Carriger’s Gothic Lolitas as well as for military-styled rock musicians – is in the nature of things, since more often Michael A. Langkjær 211 __________________________________________________________________ than not it is precisely those style elements with the strongest Überrest of traditional connotations that, taken out of context, make for forceful – if misunderstood – assertions of individuality. Then again, as we see by way of Braithwaite’s discussion, an accurate appraisal of Michelle Obama’s (and Destiny’s Child’s) role model images can be hindered by simple misapprehension of the histories or ideas behind their purposive fashion messages. Finally, I have shown that empowerment through military style implies a significant other in the shape of death-imagery, as described by Foltyn. It is conceivable that a subconsciously ‘memento mori’ dimension of the military looks of Jimi Hendrix and Destiny’s Child contributed toward framing them as heroic figures exposed to the fire of fans and critics, at risk through their own excesses, and in more than one sense mortal celebrities, being – like soldiers – in possession of the full force of authentically damned youth. What at first glance would appear transgressing and exploitative turns out, via a historical-critical approach, to be otherwise motivated, though by no means precluding transgression, subversion or exploitation. Cynical deductions regarding transgression or fetishism of the uniform can be circumscribed or qualified through the application of well-chosen sources and their critical analysis. The tendency to ignore that there are two sides to rock military style symbolism, involving discrepant or even contradictory attitudes of the artist on the one hand and the audience on the other, can be counteracted by a serious working knowledge of the musicians and bands in question and their histories.78 Notes 1 J. Nathan and N. Alex, ‘The Uniform: A Sociological Perspective’, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 77, No. 4, January 1972, pp. 719-730; J. &UDLN ‫ދ‬7KH Cultural Politics of the Uniform’, Fashion Theory, Vol. 7, No. 2, 2003, pp. 127148; J. Craik, Uniforms Exposed: From Conformity to Transgression, Berg, Oxford and New York, 2005, pp. 16, 22, 38f, 177ff, 205ff; J. Sims, ‘Culture Fashion: Civilian Adoption of Camouflage’, in H. Blechmann and A. Newmann (eds), DPM Disruptive Pattern Material: An Encyclopedia of Camouflage: Nature, Military, Culture, DPM Ltd., London, 2004, pp. 410-415. 2 ‘Rolling Stone Interview: Eric Clapton’, Rolling Stone, 11 May 1968, p. 13. 3 * *UHHQH ‫ދ‬7KH $SSHDO RI 8QLIRUPV¶ Military Illustrated, No. 222/1106, November 2006, pp. 41-44; J. Sims, Rock/Fashion, Omnibus, London, 1999, pp. 123-124 and 176. 4 N. Whiteley, Pop Design: Modernism to Mod, Design Council, London, 1987, p. 94; Laver cited in A. Lurie, The Language of Clothes, Random House, New York, 1981, p. 20; what is described here can be seen in M. Harrison, David Bailey Archive One, 1957-1969, Thames & Hudson, London, 1999, p. 77; J. Rogan, The 212 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ Byrds: Timeless Flight Revisited, The Sequel, Rogan House, London, 2001, figs. between pp. 416 and 417; D. Wolter (ed), Punk: The Whole Story, Dorling Kindersley/Mojo, London, 2006, p. 155; further examples in discussions of the macho fascination for firearms within rock milieus in I. McCann and M. Preece, ‘Ballistic On Your Collar’, New Musical Express, 11 December 1993, pp. 26-28; A. Collins and S. Maconie, ‘Triggers With Attitude’, New Musical Express, 30 March 1991, pp. 24-25. 5 E. Burdon with J. M. Craig, Don’t Let Me Be Misunderstood, Thunder’s Mouth Press, New York, 2001, pp. 79-80. 6 Conclusion based on my investigation in M. A. Langkjær, ‘Then how can you explain Sgt. Pompous and the Fancy Pants Club Band?’ Utilization of Military Uniforms and Other Paraphernalia by Pop Groups and the Youth Counterculture in the 1960s and Subsequent Periods’, Textile History and the Military, Vol. 41, No. 1, Supplement, May 2010, pp. 182-213. 7 H. Schechter, ‘The Myth of the Eternal Child in Sixties America’, in C.D. Geist (ed), The Popular Culture Reader, Bowling Green State University Popular Press, Ohio, 1983, pp. 81-95; M. Jones, Getting It On: The Clothing of Rock’n’Roll, Abbeville Press, New York, 1987; C. Pearce, The Sixties: A Pictorial Review, Blossom, London, 1991, pp. 27-31; D. Sandbrook, White Heat: A History of Britain in the Swinging Sixties, Abacus, London, 2008, pp. 445-456; A. Carter, ‘Notes for a Theory of Sixties Style’, New Society, No. 272, 14 December 1967, p. 867. 8 J. Harris, ‘Introduction: Abstraction and Empathy, Psychedelic Distortion and Meanings of the 1960s’, in C. Grunenberg and J. Harris (eds), Summer of Love: Psychedelic Art, Social Crisis and Counterculture in the 1960s, Tate Liverpool critical forum 8, Liverpool University Press, Liverpool, 2007, pp. 9-17; T. DeDonough, The Beautiful Language of My Century: Reinventing the Language of Contestation in Post-War France, 1945-1968, MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts and London, 2007, pp. 5, 18, 25, 99-101, 106, fig. 3.1; A. Schwartz, The Complete Works of Marcel Duchamp, Thames & Hudson, New York, 1997, Vol. I, pp. 41-51; L. Dickerman, Dada: Zurich, Berlin, Hannover, Cologne, New York, Paris, National Gallery of Art, Washington, and D.A.P./Distributed Art Publishers, Inc., New York, 2005, pp. ix, 7-9. 9 G. Melly, Revolt into Style: The Pop Arts in Britain, Allen Lane/The Penguin Press, London, 1970, pp. 131-141; R. Hewison, Too Much: Art and Society in the Sixties, 1960-1975, Methuen, London, 1986, pp. 63-67; S. Frith and H. Horne, Art into Pop, Methuen, London and New York, 1987, pp. 1, 43, 73ff, 108-115, 125127; J. Lewis, ‘Art School Rock’, in London Calling: High Art and Low Life in the Capital since 1968, Editors of Time Out, Ebury Publishing, London, 2008, pp. 187-191. No institution in the 1960s USA played a role in conflating the spheres of Michael A. Langkjær 213 __________________________________________________________________ Pop Art and rock fashion comparable to that of the British art school, apart from Andy Warhol’s New York ‘Factory’ and his sponsoring of The Velvet Underground; S. Doris, Pop Art and the Contest over American Culture, Cambridge University Press, New York, 2007, pp. 167-168. 10 R. Coleman, Survivor: The Authorized Biography of Eric Clapton, Sidgwick & Jackson, London, 1985, p. 44. 11 ‘Rolling Stone Interview: Eric Clapton’, p. 13. 12 A. LeBlanc, ‘All Part of the Act: A Hundred Years of Costume in AngloAmerican Popular Music’, in P. Cunningham and S. Lab (eds), Dress and Popular Culture, Bowling Green State University Popular Press, Bowling Green, Ohio, 1991, p. 61. 13 P. Dodd and V. Allan,’ Dedicated Follower of Fashion: British Cinema in the Sixties’, in D. Mellor and L. Gervereau (eds), The Sixties: Britain and France, 1962-1973. The Utopian Years, Philip Wilson Publishers, London, 1997, pp. 163165; Sandbrook, White Heat, pp. 449-450. 14 Paul Revere and the Raiders albums ‘Here They Come!’ and ‘Just Like Us’, both released 1965; ‘Gary James’ [undated] Interview With Paul Revere’, viewed on 6 April 2008, <http://www:classicbands.com/PaulRevereInterview.html>; ‘Paul Revere and the Raiders’, www.classic.bands.com, viewed on 20 July 2008, <http://www.classicbands.com/raiders.html>. 15 L. Bangs, ‘The British Invasion’, in J. Miller (ed), The Rolling Stone Illustrated History of Rock & Roll, Random House/Rolling Stone Press, New York, 1980, pp. 169-176. 16 ‘Where the Action Is - Wikipedia’, viewed 14 May 2010, <http://en.wikipedia. org/wiki/Where_the_Action_Is>. 17 Among others Clear Light (Ralph Schuckett) in Rolling Stone, 23 November 1967, p. 3; Gary Puckett and The Union Gap, The Buckinghams, Creedence Clearwater Revival, The Buffalo Springfield (Neil Young), Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young (CSN&Y), Phil Ochs, and Don Nix; Rolling Stone, 31 May 1969, p. 33 and 14 October 1971, p. 25; M. M. Childs and J. March, ‘Lady Willpower: Gary Puckett and the Union Gap’, in Ibid., Echoes of the Sixties, Billboard Books, New York, 1999, pp. 225-254; A. K. Smith and J. E. Akenson, ‘The Civil War in Country Music Tradition’, in C. K. Wolfe and J. E. Akenson (eds), Country Music Goes to War, University Press of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky, 2005, pp. 1-25; Langkjær, ‘Then how can you explain Sgt. Pompous?’, pp. 193-194 and references. 18 G. Link, ‘The Charlatans’, Rolling Stone, 21 February 1970, pp. 30-32; C. Perry, ‘The Sound of San Francisco’, in J. Miller (ed), The Rolling Stone Illustrated History of Rock & Roll, Random House/Rolling Stone Press, 1980, pp. 265-266; W. Medeiros, ‘Mapping San Francisco 1965-1967: Roots and Florescence of the 214 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ San Francisco Counterculture’, in C. Grunenberg and J. Harris (eds), Summer of Love, pp. 319-320. 19 J. Landau, ‘Rock 1970: It’s too Late to Stop Now’, Rolling Stone, 2 December 1970, p. 41. 20 Smith cited in Sims, Rock/Fashion, p. 26. For possible origins of the fad for old uniforms, see N. Cohn, Today there are No Gentlemen: The Changes in Englishmen’s Clothes since the War, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1971, pp. 122ff; A. O’Neill, ‘John Stephen: A Carnaby Street Presentation of Masculinity 1957-1975’, Fashion Theory, Vol. 4, No. 4, 2000, p. 498; P. Gorman, The Look: Adventures in Pop & Rock Fashion, Sanctuary, London, 2001, p. 16; C. Blackman, ‘Clothing the Cosmic Counterculture: Fashion and Psychedelia’, in C. Grunenberg and J. Harris (eds), Summer of Love, p. 215. 21 ‘Madness 67: A Private Eye Psychoguide to a New Craze that is Sweeping London: The Loony Look’, Private Eye, No. 138, Friday, 31 March 1967, p. 9. 22 Ibid. 23 NME, 31 August 2002, p. 27; A. Thornton and R. Sargent, The Libertines: Bound Together, The Story of Pete Doherty and Carl Barât and how They Changed British Music, Time Warner Books, New York, 2006, pp. 11, 17-18, 47, 51, 53-55, 64, 66, 71-73; M. A. Langkjær and C. Nielsen, ‘En Uniformeret Kulturkamp’, Personae. Tidsskrift for Klær Kropp Kultur, Vol. 2, Nos. 3-4, 2009, pp. 62-73. 24 For a short biography of Hendrix, see J. Morthland, ‘Jimi Hendrix’, in J. Miller (ed), The Rolling Stone Illustrated History of Rock & Roll, Random House/Rolling Stone Press, 1980, pp. 297-302. 25 G. Lehnert, A History of Fashion in the 20th Century.|QHPDQQ&RORJQH p. 60 (caption), 61. 26 The chronology and public and private settings of Hendrix’s military look can be established from datable images of him wearing the jackets, of which the best images are in G. Mankowitz, Jimi Hendrix: The Complete Masons Yard Photo Sessions, Schwarzkopf and Schwarzkopf, Berlin, 2004; M. Hearn (ed), The Jimi Hendrix Experience: Rex Collections, Reynolds & Hearn, Richmond, 2005, pp. 52, 54-55, 59, 60, 62; for the regimental history of the jackets, see F. Smith, A History of the Royal Army Veterinary Corps 1796-1919, Baillière, Tindall & Cox, London, 1927, Appendix I: The Uniform of the Army Veterinary Service, 1796-1911, pl. J; R. Barnes, A History of the Regiments & Uniforms of the British Army, J. M. Dent & Sons, London, 1954, pl. XIX: 1904; Appendix III, 1914: Regimental Titles and Uniforms, p. 331; R. Barnes, A History of the Regiments & Uniforms of the British Army, 5th ed., Seeley Service & Co., London, 1962, p. 270; C. Chant, The Handbook of British Regiments, Routledge, London and New York, 1988, p. 282; for hussars as glamorous fashion icons, see Craik, Uniforms Exposed, pp. 28-29. Michael A. Langkjær 215 __________________________________________________________________ 27 Black British R&B musician Geno Washington quoted in J. Black, Jimi Hendrix, pp. 68-69; Burdon, Don’t Let Me Be Misunderstood, p. 126. 28 J. Black, Jimi Hendrix, pp. 74-75; M. Hearn, The Jimi Hendrix Experience, p. 7, caption. 29 Black, Jimi Hendrix, p. 115; E. Burdon, Don’t let Me be Misunderstood, p. 79; C. R. Cross, Room Full of Mirrors: A Biography of Jimi Hendrix, Hyperion, London, 2005, pp. 248-249. 30 J. McDermott and E. Kramer, Hendrix: Setting the Record Straight, Little, Brown, London, 1993, p. 170. 31 Perhaps a sense of the distancing of his ‘Carnaby-look’ from that of California hippies at Monterey and militant blacks in Harlem during his appearances at both venues in the summer of 1967 had begun to make itself felt; D. Henderson, The Life of Jimi Hendrix:‘Scuse me while I kiss the sky’, Book Sales, London, 1990, p. 295; C. S. Murray, ‘Street Fighting Man’, Mojo, Vol. 72, 1999, pp. 78-80, 84; C. S. Murray, Crosstown Traffic: Jimi Hendrix and Post-War Pop, Faber & Faber, London, 2001 (1989), pp. 113-116; Cross, Room Full of Mirrors, pp. 190, 195, 200-201. 32 J. Picton, ‘What to Wear in West Africa: Textile Design, Dress and SelfRepresentation’, in C. Tulloch (ed), Black Style, V&A Publications, London, 2004, pp. 28, 32; R. Thompson, Flash of the Spirit: African and African-American Art and Philosophy, Vintage Books, New York, 1984, pp. 207-220. 33 G. O’Neal, ‘The Power of Style: On Rejection of the Accedpted [sic]’, in K. Johnson and S. Lennon (eds), Appearance and Power (Dress, Body, Culture), Berg, Oxford, 1999, pp. 130, 135. 34 C. A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World 1780-1914: Global Connections and Comparisons, Blackwell Publishing, Malden, Oxford, Carlton, 2004, pp. 1219, 41-44. 35 S. Kaiser, L. Rabine, C. Hall and K. Ketchum, ‘Beyond Binaries: Respecting the Improvisation in African-American Style’, in C. Tulloch (ed), Black Style, V&A Publications, London, 2004, p. 51. 36 Morthland, Jimi Hendrix, pp. 297, 300. 37 G. L. Mosse, The Image of Man: The Creation of Modern Masculinity, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford, 1996, pp. 12-13. 38 D. Cannadine, Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire, Allen Lane/The Penguin Press, London, 2001, pp. 181-199. 39 Whiteley, Pop Design, pp. 71, 212-216; Dodd and Allan, ‘Dedicated Follower of Fashion’, p. 165; J. Green, All Dressed Up: The Sixties and the Counterculture, Pimlico, London, 1999, p. 94. 40 Black, Jimi Hendrix, pp. 74-75. 216 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ 41 R. Martin, ‘Beyond Appearance and beyond Custom: The Avant-Garde Sensibility of Fashion and Art since the 1960s’, in J. Brand and J. Teunissen (eds), Fashion and Imagination: About Clothes and Art, ArtEZ Press/d’jongeHond, Arnhem and Zwolle, 2009, pp. 10-25, 26-43. 42 Rolling Stone, No. 869, 24 May 2001, cover feature, also reproduced in Blechmann & Newmann, DPM, p. 557. 43 ‘YouTube - Survivor Destiny’s Child’, viewed 30 April 2010, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N9fr5QkDWYs>; ‘YouTube - Destiny’s Child Making of Survivor Video Part 1’, viewed 17 May 2010, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xPbBnh_zalo&feature=related>. 44 T. Barrett, ‘Interpreting Visual Culture’, Art Education, Vol. 56, No. 2, March 2003, pp. 6, 8-9. 45 Ibid., pp. 9-10. 46 K. Rodway, Destiny’s Child: The Unauthorized Biography in Words and Pictures, Chrome Dreams, New Malden, Surrey, 2001, p. 21; B. Knowles, K. Rowland and M. Williams, with J. P. Herman, Soul Survivors: The Official Autobiography of Destiny’s Child, HarperCollins/Regan Books, New York, 2002, pp. 77, 110-111; T. Knowles, with Z. Alexander, Destiny’s Style: Bootylicious Fashion, Beauty, and Lifestyle Secrets from Destiny’s Child, HarperCollins/Regan Books, New York, 2002, p. 5. 47 Barrett, ‘Interpreting Visual Culture’, p. 10. 48 Ibid. 49 J. Dunn, ‘A Date with Destiny’, Rolling Stone, Iss. 869, 24 May 2001, pp. 52-53. 50 T. Dalzell and T. Victor (eds), The Concise New Partridge Dictionary of Slang and Unconventional English, Routledge, London and New York, 2008, p. 21: ‘ax, axe noun 1 a musical instrument, especially an electric guitar’; see also ‘axe hero’, ‘axe man’, Ibid., p. 21; Ibid., p. 311: ‘gun noun 8 an electric guitar. From the symbolic actions of guitarists like Jimi Hendrix ... who stresses the metaphor when he recorded the song ‘Machine Gun’ in 1969’; see also my remarks and references in endnote 4. 51 The Old Testament book of Isaiah origin of ‘Destiny’ in the group’s name proclaims their confidence in an abundant, albeit morally conditioned, destiny under God analogous with that of biblical Israel; Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, p. 58; J. Bright, ‘Faith and Destiny: The Meaning of History in Deutero-Isaiah’, Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology, Vol. V, No. 1, January 1951, pp. 3-26; J. N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah, Chapters 40-66, The New International Commentary on the Old Testament/NICOT, Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co., Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1998, pp. 137, 194, 269, 311, 346, 534. Beyoncé, Michelle, and Kelly publicly credit God with their success, in the sense that much can be endured if we have a sense of destiny borne out of a particular identity, of Michael A. Langkjær 217 __________________________________________________________________ belonging to God and of being accountable to Him; Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, pp. 42, 58, 165-175, 185; Rodway, Destiny’s Child, pp. 12, 15, 24, 55. 52 G. Gaar, She’s a Rebel: The History of Women in Rock & Roll, 2nd rev. ed., Seal Press, New York, pp. 452-453: ‘[Britney Spears] explained the risqué clothing as ‘playing a part’’; B. and L. Spears, with S. Berk, Britney Spears’ Heart to Heart, Hodder & Stoughton, London, Sidney, Auckland, 2000, pp. 65-71; Britney’s mother, Lynne Spears (Ibid., pp. 86-87) on the rationale behind the sexy look: ‘She dresses appropriately for where she’s at and the business she’s in’; S. Dennis, Britney: Inside the Dream, HarperCollins, London, 2009, pp. 12-13, 24, 85, 97, 134, 177-178, 180, 234, 236, 245-246, 383; J. W. Kennedy, ‘Miss (Christian) America’, Christianity.com, viewed on 29 May 2010, <http://www.christianity. com/Christian%20Living/Features/11622493/page5/print/. 53 Gaar, She’s a Rebel, p. 450. 54 Ibid. See also Michelle cited in Knowles, Destiny’s Style, p. 135; Kelly cited in Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, pp. 160, 172-173; Ibid., p. 262; Rodway, Destiny’s Child, p. 68. 55 Knowles, Destiny’s Style, pp. xvii-xviii, 8. 56 Craik, Uniforms Exposed, pp. 3, 39, 90-91; Knowles, Destiny’s Style, p. 64: ‘I was criticized by some people for the ‘Survivor’ military fatigues. One general sent me a complaint letter because he was appalled that I’d cut up military uniforms for the girls to wear.’ 57 ‘YouTube - Destiny’s Child Making of Independent Women Part 1’, viewed on 18 May 2010, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MUNP_rk&feature=related>; Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, pp. 130-131; D. Mainon and J. Ursini, The Modern Amazons: Warrior Women On-Screen, Limelight Editions, Pompton Plains, New Jersey, 2006, pp. 307-313. 58 Ibid., pp. 1-8, 19-59; S. Shadrake, ‘Gladiatrix: Female Gladiator’, Military Illustrated, No. 157, June 2001, pp. 18-23. 59 S. A. Inness, Tough Girls: Women Warriors and Wonder Women in Popular Culture, University of Pennsylvania Press, Philadelphia, 1999, pp. 1-27, 144; T. Robbins, The Great Women Superheroes, Kitchen Sink Press, Northampton, Massachusetts, 1996, pp. 1-14; Mainon and Ursini, The Modern Amazons, pp. 115117; R. Kaveney, Superheroes! Capes and Crusaders in Comics and Films, I. B. Taurus, London and New York, 2008, p. 18. 60 Beyoncé cited in Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, p. 186; ‘Beyoncé eyes Wonder Woman role/News/NME.COM’, 9 November 2008, viewed on 19 July 2009, <http://www.nme.com/news/nme/40940>. 61 N. Gibbs and R. Bragg, ‘The Real Story of Jessica Lynch’, Time, Vol. 162, No. 19, 17 November 2003, pp. 26-42. 62 Hamilton cited in Whiteley, Pop Design, p. 53. 218 Not Entirely Subversive __________________________________________________________________ 63 R. Pattison, The Triumph of Vulgarity: Rock Music in the Mirror of Romanticism, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford, 1987, pp. 122-125. 64 Knowles, Destiny’s Style, pp. 64, 65 (illus.), 68-69 (illus.); Kelly cited in Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, pp. 90-91. 65 Blechmann and Newmann, DPM, pp. 550-599. 66 Tony Touch featuring Wu-Tang Clan (Inspectah Deck’s verse), The Abduction, Tommy Boy Records, 2000, and MC Rakim, both cited in Blechmann and Newman, DPM, pp. 418, 582. 67 b hooks, Black Looks. Race and Representation, South End Press, Boston, 1992, p. 35; b hooks, ‘My ‘Style’ Ain’t No Fashion’, Z Magazine, May 1992, p. 27. 68 Rodway, Destiny’s Child, pp. 21, 26-27, 34-38; as sung in ‘Soldier’, ‘YouTube Soldier, Destiny’s Child feat. T.i. Lil Wayne’, viewed on 17 May 2010, <http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xPbBnh_zalo&feature=related>; D. Rhym, ‘“Here’s for the Bitches”: An Analysis of Gangsta Rap and Misogyny’, Womanist Theory and Research, Vol. 2.1/2.2, 1996-97, viewed on 28 April 2010, <http://www.uga.edu/womanist/rhym2.1.htm>; G. H. Woldu, ‘Gender as Anomaly: Women in Rap’, in I. Peddie (ed), The Resisting Muse: Popular Music and Social Protest, Ashgate, Aldershot and Burlington, Vermont, 2006, pp. 89102. 69 H. Blechmann, ‘Preface: Colour Symbolism: The Allure of Green’, in Blechmann and Newmann, DPM, p. 16. 70 Sims, ‘Culture Fashion’, pp. 431-455. 71 Blechmann and Newmann, DPM, p. 557. 72 K. Adie, Corsets to Camouflage: Women and War, Hodder & Stoughton, London, 2003, pp. 211-241. 73 Knowles et al., Soul Survivors, p. 139. 74 R. Rudder, ‘In Whose Name? Country Artists Speak Out in Gulf War II’, in C. K. 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