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Open Linguistics, 2019
Drawing on the layered verb phrase hypothesis, the unexpected adversity imposed on the subject of causative-passives in Japanese will be explained by the loci of-sase and-rare, both of which may instantiate more than one functional heads. This hypothesis also gives an account of the marginal status of passive-causatives whose passivized subject (=causee) is animate. Turning to Korean, /Hi/ is univocally causative, and its apparent use as passive is the result of Voice-Cause bundling. Furthermore, the possible and impossible use of /Hi/ and /Hu/ as passive morphology results from their selectional properties.
Linguistic Research, 2015
Gengo Kenkyu: Journal of the Linguistic Society of Japan, 1973
Language and Literary Traditions of Japan. Collection of papers to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of Japanese studies at the Jagiellonian University (1987–2012) [ISBN 978-83-233-3838-3], 2014
Locality and Minimalism (Proceedings of the 9th Seoul International Conference on Generative Grammar), 2007
The isomorphism of the causative and passive suffix /Hi/ in Korean is well accommodated under the late Vocabulary Insertion hypothesis in Distributed Morphology together with an assumption that D is pair-Merged with v, resulting in absorption of the external argument in passive.
Diachronica, 2021
This paper investigates two instances of alignment change which both resulted from reanalysis of a nominalized embedded clause type, in which the external argument was marked with genitive case and the internal argument was focused. We show that a subject marked with genitive case in the early development of Austronesian languages became ergative-marked when object relative clauses in cleft constructions were reanalyzed as transitive root clauses. In contrast to this, the genitive case in Old Japanese nominalized clauses, marking an external argument, was extended to mark all subjects. This occurred after adnominal clauses were reanalyzed as root clauses. Japanese underwent one more step in order for genitive to be reanalyzed as nominative: the reanalysis of impersonal psych transitive constructions as intransitives. With these two case studies of Austronesian and Japanese, we show that reanalysis of nominalization goes in either direction, ergative or accusative, depending on the syntactic conditions involved in the reanalysis.
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