Veteran Peoplehood:
A Theoretical Framework
RESEARCH
ERIC HANNEL
ABSTRACT
The Veteran Peoplehood Model can provide a unifying theoretical framework for the field
of Veterans Studies. Veteran Peoplehood will also enrich and expand the field by providing
a model for purposeful inquiry as well as support the primary goals of Veterans Studies;
namely, increasing understanding between civilians and veterans and improving veterancentric healthcare, economic programs, academic programs, and legislation.
CORRESPONDING AUTHOR:
Eric Hannel
Independent, US
ehannel@bellsouth.net
KEYWORDS:
Theory; Peoplehood Model;
Veterans Studies
TO CITE THIS ARTICLE:
Hannel, E. (2023). Veteran
Peoplehood: A Theoretical
Framework. Journal of Veterans
Studies, 9(1), pp. 181–189. DOI:
https://doi.org/10.21061/jvs.
v9i1.397
182
Hannel Journal of Veterans Studies DOI: 10.21061/jvs.v9i1.397
Long before Homer’s Odysseus found his way home from
war and the centuries since Tacitus (ca. 16 BCE/2009)
wrote of a veteran identity,1 veterans have bonded over
their experiences. Even now, veterans spot one another
in restaurants and politely nod, or pass each other with a
smile in recognition of their distinct community that only
becomes more specific with the service in which they served,
the military occupational specialty in which they worked,
and the locations in which they operated. Perhaps more
critical to the recognition some veterans have for each other
is how civilians understand them. The latter point refers to
the days of Tacitus when veterans were presumed to be a
respected class but “often attributed a significance that in
reality [they] probably frequently lacked” (Haynes, 2013,
p. 340). To that end, applying a framework to the veteran
identity will benefit veteran communities and civilians alike.
Veteran identity, often stereotyped by poor
representation in movies or books, is distinct and best
represented by considering it within the Peoplehood Model,
which “accounts for particular social, cultural, political,
economic, and ecological behaviors” (Holm et al. 2003,
p. 12). Primarily borrowed from American Indian Studies,
the model has been noted as “valuable and useful as a
general theory” (Stratton & Washburn, 2008, p. 51), leading
to a Veteran Peoplehood Model that can provide a unifying
theoretical framework for Veterans Studies. The model’s
strength is that it applies to more than one group. Given the
legal status, underrepresentation, and marginalization of
veterans within the larger society, utilizing the Peoplehood
Model to describe the veteran experience is fitting. That
is not to say the veterans and American Indians have the
same experiences, even though the latter serve in America’s
Armed Services at higher rates than any other ethnicity in
the country (Lawrence, 2022). Peoplehood will also enrich
and expand the field by providing a model for purposeful
inquiry supporting the primary goals of Veterans Studies,
namely, increasing understanding between civilians
and veterans and improving veteran-centric healthcare,
economic programs, academic programs, and legislation.2
The concept of Peoplehood, applied by Edward H. Spicer
(1970) in his work on Southwestern Indigenous tribes,
identified differences and similarities within cultural regions
based on specific organizational factors. These factors
were next considered by George Pierre Castile, Gilbert
Kushner, and William Y. Adams as the persistent identity
of enduring people and cultural systems (1981). Robert
K. Thomas (Cherokee) later elaborated on the concept of
Peoplehood in many ways, one of which was to include
“sacred history” as a defining component. With Bob Cooter,
Thomas further discussed how some Peoplehood factors
overtook “precedence over kin ties” (Cooter & Thomas,
2003, p. 214).
In 2003, Tom Holm (Cherokee/Marine Corps), J. Diane
Pearson, and Ben Chavis proposed the Peoplehood Model
to extend sovereignty for Native American societies.
Peoplehood was, in part, necessary to describe a central
paradigm for the interdisciplinary field of American
Indian studies and built on “a substantial body of theory,
scholarship … law and policy, US history, anthropology,
ethnohistory, business, economics, political science,
literature, art, and music” (Holm et al., 2003, p. 8).
The Veteran Peoplehood Model creates a comprehensive
theoretical framework for Veterans Studies, refocusing the
“fragmented” (Lira & Chandrasekar, 2020, p. 46) research
and “inconsistent communication between researchers of
veteran issues and those who implement veteran policy”
(Lira and Chandrasekar, 2020, p. 46). Beyond stories and
experiences, the Peoplehood Model considers veteran
identity through four interconnecting components, which
are not all required in every conceivable example for
consideration within the model. Understanding these
components, how they connect, and how they define
veteran identity is critical to grasping how history, law,
political science, sociology, healthcare, and other topics
affect veterans and how veterans interact with society.
The analytic value of understanding veterans through
the lens of Peoplehood moves beyond ethnicity, religion,
gender, social class, and nationality.3 Similarly, Peoplehood
functions more than symbols of what might be. The model
organizes details to reflect the power of what already exists
and is often overlooked or unrecognized by non-veterans.
LANGUAGE
Learned in service, veterans have long had a language of
their own, the first component of Peoplehood. Often replete
with seemingly nonsensical acronyms and terms that have
slowly leaked into the general lexicon over the generations,
phrases such as “Catch-22,” “good to go,” and “Roger,
that!” are quickly identifiable as veteran-speak, explicitly
stemming from time in service. More than just jargon,
language carries culture and identity as it interconnects
within the Veteran Peoplehood Model. Language is not
more important than the other three components, but one
among equal and interconnecting components. Language
constantly changes based on society, time, place, and
interactions across the spectrum of warfare.
Similarly, some phrases die out as generations come
and go. In the 1980s, “beer gardens” allowed active-duty
members to gather and share stories. It allowed those
with combat experience to share knowledge and insight
with “boots” or “Nicky Newguy.” While “beer garden” may
have fallen from the general lexicon (although likely not
Hannel Journal of Veterans Studies DOI: 10.21061/jvs.v9i1.397
completely gone), storytelling continues, perhaps under a
different name.
Relationships live within language. Terms such as
“brother” and “sister” between veterans of any service,
even those unfamiliar with each other, are commonplace,
transcending blood relations. Such nuance was captured
by William Shakespeare’s (ca. 1599/2003) King Henry V
when before the Battle of Agincourt, he urged his men to
immortality, saying, “We few, we happy few, we band of
brothers; For he to-day that sheds his blood with me shall
be my brother” (lines 21–23). Although language identifies
veterans, a more specific language within this component
further identifies a branch of service, a particular theater
of service, or combat experience. In other cases, language
identifies a different experience, such as a Navy/Coast Guard/
Marine Corps member participating in a time-honored ritual
of crossing the equator in a ship and evolving from a simple
“pollywog” to becoming an illustrious “shellback” in the
Order of Neptune. Likewise, the Air Force’s “Roof Stomp”
and the Army’s West Point “Pillow Fight” (banned in 2015)
are similar examples in the US military.
Veteran language is distinctly different from the way
civilians speak in its “nuances, references, and grammar”
(Holm et al., 2003, p. 13), such as “chest candy,” denoting
awards worn on the uniform, or “gedunk,” “pogey bait,”
and “boodle” denoting junk food in various branches.
Language can be symbolic and further connect history and
the ceremonial cycle. Language also distinguishes place
in the same way place defines language. Examples of this
characteristic are readily evident in the “birthplace” of the
Marine Corps at Tun Tavern, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania;
or Marines being “born” at Parris Island, South Carolina,
San Diego, California, or Montford Point, Camp Lejeune,
North Carolina. Similarly, other services acknowledge
their “birth” and “birthplace” according to their history.
And while language unites veterans and their active-duty
counterparts, it might also create a barrier between nonveterans who cannot actively participate in such discourse.
HISTORY
Active-military members, and by extension, veterans, carry
the history of their branch of service. In the context of
Veteran Peoplehood, history is an understanding of events,
mores, and traditions instilled through military service and
post-service experiences that shape how veterans make
sense of the past, find meaning, and orient themselves
within their communities.
History is evident in the stories related to the creation of
each branch of service, and it follows through duty stations,
deployments, and combat experiences. History lives on
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battle streamers, medals awarded, and ribbons adorned.
When one member looks at another member’s combat
action ribbon or combat medal, they share an instant
bond and recognize they have “chewed the same dirt,”
even if it was in different parts of the world and at different
times. History translates events into understandable
language (words, dreams, metaphors) and helps veterans
endure suffering. While some awards are service-specific,
others, like the Medal of Honor or Purple Heart, speak to
recognizable events across all branches.
History solidifies Veteran-group identity by giving
meaning to shared deprivation. The hardship endured
in war and peace, in combat and on training missions,
deployed and at home, weaves the sociocultural coherency
of the veteran experience. Punctuating this experience
further is the knowledge every service member carries
with them that debilitating injury and even death are
distinct possibilities no matter how safe their assignment
is. Veterans must create space to exist side-by-side with
ever-present death as a bedfellow. History instilled during
service gives the veteran the eschatological foundation,
which provides meaning to sacrifices.
History reflects through dreams as stories, messages, or
warnings. It is common for veterans to dream of their time in
service, positively and negatively. Like the dreams of “Wink”
and “Amanda,” the latter dreamed about circumstances
relating to the former without knowing details beforehand,
as documented by Stanley Krippner (2016) in “Dreams
from Deceased Veterans?” Joseph Campbell (2016)
explained such stories as “symbolic images and narratives,
metaphorical of the possibilities of human experience and
the fulfillment of a given culture at a given time” (p. 2).
History also transcends time and connects events across
generations. For instance, in 1986, during a military exercise
in South Korea, I was walking down the sidewalk in Pohang
with a small group of Marines. As we walked, an elderly
South Korean gentleman stepped off the sidewalk and into
the street as we passed. Once we were beyond him, he
stepped back onto the sidewalk and continued his journey.
This act troubled me greatly, as it was reminiscent of Black
Americans stepping out of the way of white Americans in
the deep South circa the 1960s. I spoke limited Korean,
so I asked my Korean linguist buddy to ask the man why
he stepped off the sidewalk. The man replied, “In 1950,
you [Marines] saved me and my country. You risked your
lives so that I might live. I stepped off the sidewalk out of
respect for all you have done for us.” As I was only 18 years
old, there was no way I had any direct role in the sacrifices
made for him and his country. But because we all wore the
uniform of a US Marine, the respect he gave us transcended
time, just as the actions, the revered history of the “Frozen
Chosen” and the Marines in 1950–1951 reflected upon us.
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History influences veteran identity through social mores,
as any Marine can attest to when walking across the First
Sergeant/Master Sergeant’s grass in the company area.
Corps/core values, leadership traits, and principles are
additional examples and potentially different than those
of non-military/non-veteran organizations. A commonly
held perspective, and at times a difficulty experienced
by veterans transitioning from service, is the difference
between military core values and civilian values (Castaneda,
2019). For example, a leadership principle in the military
expects one to “know your [team] and look out for their
welfare.”4
By contrast, the perception is that civilian leadership
often only looks out for itself at employees’ expense. The
difference between civilian and military worldviews is
further noted in the adoption of military leadership into
non-military institutions through The Art of War for Business
Leaders, Semper Fi: Business Leadership the Marine Corps
Way, and “Lessons on Leadership Skills from The Marines”
(Ford, 2021), to name just a few examples. The example
is not to suggest that civilians do not possess leadership
strategies but that military systems have found their way
into non-military environments.
The Uniform Code of Military Justice (UCMJ), a legal
system within the military and veteran communities, also
influences identity. Once considered the exclusive domain
of active-duty servicemembers, Veterans remain connected
to the UCMJ. In US Appellee v. Dinger, No. 17-0510 (2018),
a retiree/veteran was court-martialed rather than held
accountable by a civil trial. Again, in Larrabee v. Del Toro, No.
21-5012 (2022), a Fleet Marine Corps Reserve member was
court-martialed, and the action did not violate the Grand
Jury Clause of the 5th Amendment. Relatedly, Veterans
Treatment Courts are a growing avenue within the legal
system, specifically when service experience connects to
legal statuses, such as combat-produced posttraumatic
stress experienced in a non-combat environment that
leads to legal problems.
As noted by Holm et al. (2003), sacred history consists
of a “distinct culture, customs, and political economy” (p.
14). While many servicemembers and veterans consider
their organization’s history sacred, the Veteran Peoplehood
Model differentiates from its Native American counterpart
by noting history without referencing the “sacred”
component. Military customs and courtesies incorporating
veterans post-service include standing at attention during
the raising and lowering of the colors (National Ensign) and
the playing of the national anthem, as well as respecting the
chain of command in a civilian workplace, at a minimum.
Additionally, the political economy of veterans is evident
from early America, where they received land grants,
albeit land taken from Native Americans, and veterans
continue to receive pensions and disability compensation
in contemporary times. According to the US Census Bureau
(2021) (Giefer & Loveless, 2021), there are currently 18.2
million veterans, nearly half of whom receive “servicerelated cash or noncash benefits” ( para. 1) through the US
Department of Veterans Affairs (VA). The VA commands a
budget of over $378 billion (USASpending.Gov, 2023) in the
fiscal year 2023 (not including benefits offered by states to
veterans). The political power of veterans not only generates
revenue but it influences votes and public policies, as well
as the economy of a healthy business. Veteran-owned
businesses, specifically with leaders possessing wartime
experience, are “trained in the art of responding to volatile,
uncertain, complex, and ambiguous environments,”
leaving them “poised to lead” the American economy
(Nicholson, 2020, para 1). Such companies employ “5.8
million Americans and bring in a revenue of $1.14 Trillion
annually” (Nicholson, 2020, para 1).
History includes pivotal stories like the Newburgh
Conspiracy of 1783, when soldiers’ pay and promised
pensions were not forthcoming or unfunded, and the
Bonus March of 1932, as approximately 20,000 World
War I veterans sought pledged payments for their service,
money deferred until 1945.
CEREMONIAL CYCLE
The third component of Peoplehood, ceremonial cycle,
deftly reflects the interconnectivity of language (the
first component), which tells the history (the second
component) and denotes territory/place (the fourth
component). Ceremonial cycle is recurrent, acknowledging
remembrance or retelling of events. It includes healing
ceremonies to create balance and harmony in a person or a
place. In Veteran Peoplehood, the ceremonial cycle refers to
the ritual observances that occur at recognized milestones
throughout service, such as graduation from boot camp,
presentation of medals, and retirement. It also includes
such examples as the Sunset Parades conducted by “The
Commandant’s Own,” the Marine Corps Drum and Bugle
Corps, and the precision-focused Silent Drill Platoon (the
repetition of the parade is an example of the ceremonial
cycle). The language of the parade, set in words, music,
and action, tells the story (history) of the Marine Corps
War Memorial, which displays the flag raising on Mount
Suribachi, Iwo Jima (territory/place). Similarly, the Army
guards at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, or the Air Force
“Singing Sergeants” exemplify the ceremonial cycle. Such
repeated acts of remembrance are a few examples of the
ceremonial cycle as it interacts with the other components
of the Peoplehood Model.
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Spirituality lives in the ceremonial cycle. There is
room for numerous perspectives in both active duty and
veteran populations, reflecting the interconnectivity of
the components within Veteran Peoplehood. It stands to
reason, at least to some, that faith or spirituality may be
vital to some active duty/veterans and nonexistent in others,
given the mastication of combat. Despite the paradox, the
World War I axiom “we have no atheists in the trenches”
(The Western Times, 1914) often rings true. Combat
and related experiences impact a veteran’s worldview,
further influencing healthcare, specifically mental health
treatment. Coll and colleagues studied this concept in
2011, noting, “Understanding multidimensional and
multicultural worldviews in veteran clients is an important
undertaking in promoting cultural competence in mental
health practitioners treating veterans” (p. 75). The veteran
worldview often sees a stigma with disability compensation
or care, or mental healthcare, which could limit employment
opportunities, relationships, and other prospects.
Relatedly, medical practitioners, some of whom have
limited or no military experience, have prescribed medication
that worsened symptoms or misdiagnosed healthcare issues
(Castellano, 2021), resulting in veterans not receiving care
or, at times, altogether avoiding it (Department of Veterans
Affairs Office of Inspector General, 2019). The problem
became so pervasive that the American Psychological
Association published a story about their concerns regarding
using inappropriate medication (see Smith, 2012).
Non-veterans can also misinterpret military ceremonies.
For instance, Veterans Day and Memorial Day signify
two entirely different concepts. The former celebrates
all American veterans of honorable service regardless of
whether they served in war or peacetime. In contrast, the
latter honors those who died in service to their nation or
from injuries sustained during battle. (Office of Public and
Intergovernmental Affairs, 2006). Neither day is a cause of
celebration with fireworks, but non-veterans could become
confused with the two holidays and how to honor service.
Some active-duty servicemembers and veterans believe
dreams carry messages (but likely so do non-veterans for
different reasons). Military members have noted dreaming
or having premonitions of specific actions to take or not
to take, which could lead to good and bad results, such
as avoiding a patrol because “your number will come up
(you will die).”5 Relatedly, an example of a veteran’s dream
as premonition is President Abraham Lincoln, a veteran
of the Black Hawk War, dreaming of his assassination 10
days before it occurred. (Teillard, 1911). Dreams also help
solve problems, turning nightmares into lucid dreaming
techniques that change outcomes (Berry, 2011).
Veterans likewise possess many rituals born of their
time in service, such as the previously mentioned shellback
and blue nose rituals for traveling to specific geographical
locations to those rituals conducted within veteran service
organizations. Additionally, rituals for Native American
veterans, such as smudging, sweats, and purification
ceremonies, offer healing options beyond or in conjunction
with Western medicine. Similarly, acupuncture, healing
touch, and Cranio-Sacral therapy are becoming more
commonplace in veteran treatment (Fox31 News, 2014).
TERRITORY/PLACE
It should be no surprise that territory/place is an essential
facet of Veteran Peoplehood. While serving in uniform,
wars are fought over territory, lives are lived and lost,
memories are formed, and nightmares are made real.
Some traumatic experiences have lasting effects, such as
Agent Orange, Burn Pits, and Gulf War Illness. The ailments,
disabilities, and contaminants born from territory/place
often lead to protests, new public policies, and fights for
healthcare. Veterans connect to land through blood, sweat,
and tears. They take a part of the land with them and often
leave a portion or all of themselves. When they die, their
final resting “place” is often a national or state cemetery
for veterans, replete with a burial ritual (ceremonial
cycle). A veteran’s connection to territory/place is a “lived
experience” (Rodman, 1992, p. 641).
Locations where veterans went to boot camp/recruit
training, attended military occupational schools, been
stationed, and served leave an indelible mark. Memories,
feelings, and stories strengthen the connections with
territory/place. The importance of place is visible in poems,
drawings and paintings, and other expressions. One
example, captured by Haley Britzky (2022), documented
military-turned-veteran experiences during the evacuations
at the Hamid Karzai International Airport in Afghanistan: “I
feel like I’m still there,” said one veteran (para. 15).
Col. Charles H. Waterhouse, a Marine Corps combat
Veteran who served in World War II (wounded at Iwo
Jima), painted, sculpted, and illustrated his fellow Marines,
honoring many who didn’t return. Noteworthy in his
representations are his fellow veterans and specific times,
battles, and places. Waterhouse painted individuals like
Medal of Honor recipient Sergeant John Basilone who
fought in the South Pacific, and places like Dong Ha,
South Vietnam, where Col. John W. Ripley worked under
a strategic bridge planting explosives for 3 hours to stop
an enemy advance (Clayson & Hagan, 2021). Such places
are “fraught with important spiritual and ceremonial
significance” (Stratton & Washburn, 2008, p. 57) through
the sacrifices made, the history created, and the act of
remembrance produced.
Hannel Journal of Veterans Studies DOI: 10.21061/jvs.v9i1.397
WHAT DOES IT MEAN
Considering the Veteran Peoplehood Model as an analytical
framework moves beyond theory, it is also an active
structure that contributes to a better understanding
of veterans, leading to improved community-building,
healthcare, economic programs, academic programs,
legislation, and other outcomes. Veterans’ experiences
are often unique, a fact that is frequently overlooked or
ignored. For instance, other than military service, how often
is a 19-year-old representing an entire nation dropped in a
foreign country with millions of dollars worth of equipment,
responsible for the lives of others, and told to “do good”?6
The leadership and critical-thinking skills honed under such
circumstances are often misunderstood or ignored by the
non-veteran community. The confusion could be related
to how military skills translate into civilian opportunities
(Prudential, 2012), but it could also be related to other
misunderstandings, lack of awareness, privilege, and/or
biases. Veteran Peoplehood can provide a comprehensive
lens through which to consider such experiences.
In business, veterans are often offered low to mid-level
occupations that do not take advantage of their skills and
experience, perhaps due to misconceptions held by the
employer (Competitive Edge Services, 2013). Relatedly,
some employers are critical of veteran’s needs, such as time
for a medical appointment related to a service disability
(Competitive Edge Services, 2013). Veteran Peoplehood’s
interdisciplinary and interconnected components can assist
in reframing employer misperceptions about “unproductive”
time as rehabilitative, improving production time. Noteworthy
examples of organizations that understand the capabilities
of veterans include The Mission Continues and Team Rubicon,
with a combined revenue of more than $69M in 2020.7
The Mission Continues, founded by Veteran Eric Greitens,
connects communities in need with veterans prepared to
address various conditions. Similarly, Team Rubicon, founded
by William McNulty and veteran Jacob Wood, provides
disaster response in dangerous environments and harnesses
battlefield skills to serve those in need.
Veteran Peoplehood can provide a better understanding
of social issues and advance policies affecting veterans.
Consider that some veterans have served in arduous
environments only to return home as second-class citizens.
Negative sentiment has often been common, from racial
problems to a perception that veterans do not deserve
additional consideration for benefits or compensation.
Native American veterans, such as Dennis Banks (Ojibwe),
an Air Force veteran, recognized the similarities between the
federal government’s treatment of Native Americans and
the treatment by the American government/Japanese police
toward farmers in the Sunagawa Struggle. His observations
186
led to his co-creation of the American Indian Movement in
Minneapolis. Similarly, Black veterans returned from service
and agitated for equality and an end to Jim Crow racism
after service from the US Civil War into the 1970s.
Relatedly, in the proceedings of The American Legion 35th
National Convention (1953), National Commander Lewis K.
Gough noted a “vociferous and extensively publicized” (p.
11) anti-veteran sentiment related to veterans benefits.
Decades later, in 2014–2015, whistleblowers from the Wait
Time Scandal in the US Department of Veterans Affairs also
told of a solid anti-veteran sentiment amongst agency
employees who believed veterans should not receive
benefits and disability compensation. These beliefs were so
strong that some employees were said to intentionally lose
critical documentation or even complete files on veterans,
drag their feet on claims, or set them aside and declare them
nonexistent.8 Although there is less anti-veteran sentiment
than in the 1950s and 1970s, mainly civilian attitudes
towards Korean and Vietnam veterans, an undercurrent
remains, underscoring the importance of public policies and
social justice programs supporting veterans.
Still, while laws support healthcare and disability
compensation for veterans dealing with Gulf War Illness,
more than 80% of the claims for that care have been
denied, according to the Government Accountability Office
(2017). Similarly, while laws support veterans dealing
with Agent Orange contamination, the VA has rejected
most disability claims for decades, as the Government
Accountability Office (2022) documented. Policies should
ensure access to care and track outcomes to determine
weaknesses in policy or lack of interest in following
established policy. Public offices could benefit from Veteran
Peoplehood as a transformational framework that assists in
interpreting veteran experiences and needs. It would also
be appropriate for such offices to consider hiring veterans
from the top post to positions along the entire structure,
focusing on military and veteran policy. In that vein, US
and state congressional offices should all have at least one
veteran on staff who knows the terrain and can bridge the
gaps between veteran-centric policy and practice.
Academia recognizes the financial resources veterans
bring to their organizations through the GI Bill, which provided
$94B from 2009 to 2019 (Government Accountability
Office, 2019). While the return on the public investment
may still be unidentified for the Post 9/11 GI Bill, the return
on investment for the original GI Bill, the Servicemen’s
Readjustment Act of 1944, was $7 for every $1 invested
(The American Legion 100th Anniversary Commemorative
Coin Act, 2017). That means the investment in veterans
returned a staggering amount of revenue to the American
taxpayer. But beyond fiscal returns, the group of veterans
taking advantage of the new policy in 1944 also produced
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“3 Presidents of the United States, 3 Supreme Court
justices, 14 Nobel Prize winners, 24 Pulitzer Prize winners,
91,000 scientists, 67,000 doctors, and 450,000 engineers”
(Institute for Veterans & Military Families, 2019, Financial
aid, para. 4), and numerous other influential women, and
men. Still, academia has slowly recognized this unique
culture common to veterans, regardless of their distinctive
experiences. The Veterans Studies baccalaureate program
at Saint Leo University is the first 4-year degree of its kind
in the nation to recognize the value of an interdisciplinary
program. The degree will help eliminate the typical biases
and misunderstandings held by civilians and prepare
military and veteran students to serve their fellow veterans
in numerous fields upon graduation.
Veteran Peoplehood fosters a culturally specific
understanding of the interconnected experiences of
veterans of any service branch, having a particular set of
laws surrounding their identity, employment, education,
and care. Veterans represent a unique identity, including
a distinctive language with various dialects, histories, and
ceremonies, often born in a specific place. The details within
these four components: language, history, ceremonial
cycle, and territory/place have been well documented but
often studied independently. Through Veteran Peoplehood,
the four components examine their relationships with
each other as a unifying theory analyzing and considering
veterans, their needs, and their contributions, potentially
simplifying the veterans’ odyssey from military service to
community service and beyond.
Considering veterans’ identity through the complex and
unifying framework of the Peoplehood Model highlights the
(mis)perception that the academic discipline of Veterans
Studies is a nascent field. Perhaps it is new to academia,
but that is because it is only now receiving the attention
it has long received in public policy, history, science, and
more. Veterans have created and recreated their stories for
millennia through art, literature, and song, disseminating
their unique individual experiences and shared culture.
Applying the lens of the Veteran Peoplehood Model—
which recognizes veterans’ distinctive language, histories,
ceremonies, and ties to specific places—to the veteran
identity provides scholars with a theoretical framework
to continue identifying and documenting veterans’
contributions.
5. Conversation between the author and another Marine while serving
in a combat zone.
6. This was my experience in 1986.
7. Based on publicly available financial reports.
8. Based on investigations with the Department of Veterans Affairs
and substantiated credible evidence of whistleblowers’ claims.
COMPETING INTERESTS
The author has no competing interests to declare.
AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS
Dr. Eric Hannel is a Combat Veteran with 20+ years in the
Marine Corps, a decade in the US House of Representatives
(staff), and many years in academia.
AUTHOR AFFILIATION
Eric Hannel
orcid.org/0000-0002-9114-5074
Independent, US
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Britzky, H. (2022, August 29). As the world moves on, veterans
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TO CITE THIS ARTICLE:
Hannel, E. (2023). Veteran Peoplehood: A Theoretical Framework. Journal of Veterans Studies, 9(1), pp. 181–189. DOI: https://doi.
org/10.21061/jvs.v9i1.397
Submitted: 07 September 2022
Accepted: 22 May 2023
Published: 22 June 2023
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