Maistry System in Burma Indentured Servitude and Modern Slavery

PERSPECTIVES Maistry System in Burma Indentured Servitude and Modern Slavery Pratim Das, Mrinmoy Pramanick While existing literature predominantly focuses on servitude in regions like Ceylon, Africa, Fiji, and Guinea, with extensive exploration of the kangani system or girmitiyas, a notable omission can be observed in the case of the maistry system’s role in colonial Burma. The article sheds light on a significant yet often overlooked aspect of the literary portrayal of the Indian labour diaspora in Burma. The authors acknowledge the comments made by the reviewers for improvising the article. This article is a part of research carried out under the UGC-UPE-II project (2017–20), entitled, “South East Asia: Colony and Beyond,” at the Department of Comparative Indian Language and Literature, University of Calcutta. Pratim Das (pratimdas60@gmail.com) is a doctoral candidate and Mrinmoy Pramanick (mpcill@caluniv.ac.in) teaches at the Department of Comparative Indian Language and Literature, University of Calcutta, Kolkata. Economic & Political Weekly EPW december 2, 2023 S outheast Asia and India have a long history of extensive political, economic, and cultural exchanges. In the Arakan region of Burma, many Indian languages were patronised, and literature produced in those languages was gradually circulated in parts of South Asia. Sufi influence is also evident in the writings of mediaeval Arakanese Bengalis, such as Syed Alaol and Daulat Kazi. With the advent of colonial rule in Southeast Asia, the old routes of intraAsian connections were fully exploited to varying degrees by European settlers for economic and political gain. Consequently, following the formal abolition of slavery in the British Empire, a new form of servitude emerged through the indentured labour recruitment system and the migration of labour from Bengal and Madras Presidencies to Burma. This historical migration played a pivotal role in the establishment and development of Indian diasporic communities in Southeast Asia. The indentured labour system not only shaped labour and migration dynamics in the region but also left a lasting impact on the socio-economic landscape of Southeast Asia. During the colonial era, cross-border migration within South Asia strengthened the British Empire by exploiting the native resources of the colonies. Indian labourers moved to the colonies in Guyana, Trinidad, Africa, and Southeast Asia. The thriving Indian diasporic population and settlement in different Southeast Asian nations are a direct result of the British Raj’s extensive network of indentured labourers, originating from the colonial recruitment system. Owing to the dominion of British colonial rule, individuals, particularly from Bengal and Madras Presidencies, embarked on journeys to Southeast Asian vol lViii no 48 nations. Their migration in the latter half of the 19th century played a pivotal role in shaping the labour movement and history of South Asia. Indian expatriates from regions, including tribal areas of eastern India, the North-Western Provinces (now Uttar Pradesh), the Madras Presidency, and some from western India, joined this migration in remote colonies. Later, many workers from the west side of the United Provinces and the northern regions, such as modern-day Haryana, also joined. While in the early days of immigration, people from all regions were free to travel in any direction, this system was eventually subjected to control. A compelling pattern is noticed in this labour migration, indicating that individuals from the northern regions sought opportunities in places like Natal, Guyana, Fiji, and Suriname. In contrast, migrants from the southern parts predominantly moved to Ceylon, Malaya, and Burma (Mishra 2015: 373). The indenture system was more structured as recruitment was done by formally recruited agents and subagents across the communities and regions. Rana Behal (2013: 21) highlights two pivotal systems of recruitment: the maistry and kangani, along with the sirdars and arakatis of Assam tea plantations. The kangani approach characterised Ceylon, while the maistry framework was embraced by Malay and Burma. This intricate web of recruitment strategies adds depth and complexity to the study of indentured labour migration, enriching our comprehension of divergent global trajectories. The Maistry System Maistry is a Tamil word that refers to a supervisor, who used to lead this system and recruit individuals from rural areas. According to Jaiswal (2018: 98), the term does not originate from any Indian language. The etymology of the word reveals that it derives from Portuguese and literally means “master.” The role of “maistries” in labour migration was pivotal in colonial India. These skilled intermediaries moved from village to village, persuading 35 PERSPECTIVES labourers to embark on journeys by vividly depicting the opportunities that awaited them. The gullible coolies, often swayed by convincing narratives, eagerly answered the call to seek their fortunes in distant lands. Michael Adas (1974: 95) highlights the critical role that intermediaries played in shaping migration patterns and aspirations, providing valuable insights into the complexities of labour recruitment during the colonial era. Behal (2013: 22) shows how the labourers were recruited and transported to distant locations, such as Assam, Ceylon, and Malaya, to work on the plantations. They were subjected to control, discipline, and coercion by the colonial state and planters. The indenture contracts included penal provisions and criminal prosecution for any breach. With frequent persecution by the head maistry and wages distributed through middlemen, the condition of the migrant workers was appalling. However, despite this exploitation, the promise of higher wages in Burma led to the influx of workers from India. The system was relatively more organised, graded hierarchically, and had welldefined regulations. According to N Gangulee (1947: 238), between 1852 and 1936, approximately 2,50,000 Indian workers migrated to Burma, which was highest among the British colonies. Scholars such as J S Furnivall, C Kondapi, Hugh Tinker, V Lal, and K S Sandhu, as well as contemporary historians such as Behal and Ashutosh Kumar, have done extensive analyses of indentured servitude. There is considerable disagreement among the researchers and critics as to when exactly this system was established. According to Sandhu (1969: 78), it began sometime in the third quarter of the 19th century. In all perhaps 10 million Indians migrated to Burma, Ceylon, and Malaysia. There was a strict hierarchy and stratification in this system. It took advantage of workers by giving them loans upfront but then made it difficult for them to break free from the debt, by offering low-paying jobs and charging them high fees and interest rates. This created a never-ending cycle of debt that was 36 really hard for the workers to escape (Jaiswal 2014: 917). Labour Recruitment and Exploitation In the early years of the 19th century, following the abolition of slavery, the kangani and maistry systems emerged in response to the escalating demand for labour. This period saw a continual rise in the migration of indentured workers. Between 1834 and 1915, there was a consistent increase in the emigration of indentured labour. During the same period, there was a surge in net migration, primarily due to the labour moving to places like Burma, Ceylon, and Malaysia, starting in the early 1890s. The period from 1915 to 1920 marked a challenging phase, encompassing World War I and the eventual cessation of indentured emigration in 1917. Migration resumed between 1921 and 1930, driven by labour demands in tea, rice, and rubber plantations in the plantation regions. Notably, the largest number of Indian migrants returned home between 1926 and 1930, potentially signalling the impending global economic depression. During the Great Depression and the post-depression era until 1937, more Indians returned home than they left, and by 1938, maistry emigration came to a halt (Jain 1989: 156). The Treaty Act of 1869 and the Labour Act of 1815 encouraged the maistry system. The majority of workers who migrated were from the Andhra region of the former Madras and Bengal presidencies. Similar to the kangani system, the maistry recruitment involved debt bondage and labour dependence, however, it was more organised as it clearly defined the relationship between employees and employers. Additionally, due to the limited interest of the Burmese workers in the mine and farm works, it was a significant opportunity for Indian labourers and the British turned to recruit them in substantial numbers to contribute to the growth of their colony. As evident from the travel writings of Indumadhab Mullick, the Burmese men displayed a preference for indoor activities over outdoor labour. He observes that they were not interested in doing strenuous occupational roles and led a more december 2, 2023 sedentary existence, focusing on domestic chores (Mullick 1906: 14). Similarly, Rahul Sankrityayan, in his travelogue, Japan (1936), shares his experience of travelling to Burma and mentions the aversion of the Burmese to manual labour. The structure of the maistry system included a class of intermediary contractors, as well as positions such as prime, charge, and gang maistry. Above all was the head maistry. His job was to go from village to village on behalf of the owner, to persuade people to come under this system and promise a bright prospect ahead. Easily believing the narrative of tempting offers, the villagers would register their names to become labourers. According to Mishra (2015: 378), this mediating class was required in this labour migration system to communicate and take responsibility of all the arrangements for the labourers. To this day, the presence of intermediaries, known as dalals, in the labour sector in India remains conspicuous. In select districts of West Bengal, they play a pivotal role in coordinating all aspects for labourers, including transportation. They organise direct bus services for rural labourers hailing from districts like Nadia, Murshidabad, Malda, and Dinajpur to Kolkata. Subsequently, these intermediaries offer contract employment opportunities, often extending to regions like Kerala, thus perpetuating the involvement of middlemen in the Indian labour landscape. In addition to the maistry system, another popular method of recruitment was the kangani system. Here, workers were sent from South India to Sri Lanka, Malaysia, and so on, whereas in the maistry system, they were only sent to Burma (Jain 1989: 162). Despite its resemblance to Malaya’s kangani system, the maistry system was different. The maistry effectively took on the role of supervising the Indian labour. According available at Siddhivinayak Enterprises B-006, Antop Hill Warehousing Wadala East Mumbai 400 037 vol lViii no 48 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES Mill owners and shipping brokers hired skilled Indian labourers, who were forced to work in harsh conditions and were unable to break their contracts with the employers in Burma. They were trapped because of the uncertainties and lack of opportunities back home. Prakash C Jain (1989: 156) estimates that between 1834 and 1937, 30 million Indians moved to different parts of the world. India became the ideal site for outsourcing low-cost labour. Upon the advent of the colonial rule in British India, agriculture underwent massive transformations. Farmers were subjected to a substantial tax burden and peasants were taxed without due process. Many peasants lost their land and later became rootless labourers. These individuals were ultimately compelled to work in factories and plantations across the globe. In 1850, Tattvabodhini Patrika published Palligramastha Prajadiger Durbastha Barnan (An Account of Rural People’s Plight), the seminal work by Akshaykumar Dutta (1850: 115–21) on the condition of peasants under the East India Company and zamindari system. In his story, “Mahesh,” Sharatchandra Chattopadhyay (1958: 301–14) wrote about the migration of a poor Muslim family and how a peasant became a jute mill labourer as a result of the oppressive zamindari system. This condition of the peasants was not unique to Bengal but permeated the entire nation. However, intra-Indian migration has been observed since the earliest days of East India Company administration in India, when the natural forests of the hill regions were converted into the Company’s tea gardens. After Andhra Pradesh, the Bengal Presidency provided a large number of labourers to Burma under this system, due to its proximity to the region. After the British triumph in the First AngloBurmese War in 1826, Bengali migration to Burma experienced a significant upsurge. With the establishment of the British administration, Bengalis were prominently represented in many colonial bureaucratic positions, including clerks, small railway officers, etc. Burma did not experience a significant outpouring of Bengalis before colonisation. The notion of Burma as Subarnabhumi, or the land of gold, gained popularity among the masses, influencing the middle-class Bengalis to move in search of a secure livelihood. Ramesh Chandra Majumder (1937: 46–47) suggests that the term “Suvarnabhūmi” might have originally referred to Sumatra and parts of Burma. Tagore (1918: 11–16)penned Chiradiner Daga in Palatak, about the marriage of a girl whose “perfect” groom is a Bengali who works in Rangoon, Burma, and comes to Bengal on leave for a few days; after the wedding, they will both return to Rangoon. In the late 19th and early first half of the 20th century, even luxury and essential goods were imported from Burma. These goods are also discussed in Tagore’s writings. Following their conquest of Burma (1825, 1852 and 1885), the British instituted economic reforms which required the import of a large number of workers from India, including the clerical staff. The plan was to expand the production and export of fine rice, as there was a high demand for this rice in the international market. To meet the export targets, skilled labour was in great demand. However, there were insufficiently skilled labourers to cultivate vast swaths of land or to increase the sugar plantation output, and it was not possible to increase the production. In 1870, the British government passed a new labour act to facilitate the labour recruitment. Bhattacharya (2013: 21) shows that the main intention of the 1870 Labour Act was to appoint an intermediary agent to recruit labour from different parts of the colony. The statistics of labour migration to Burma in 1880 shows a gradual growth of the Bengali population. The 1880 Rangoon edition of the Burmese Gazette indicates that the population of Akayab district was 1,09,645 in 1832 and 2,84,119 in 1876. Migration was the primary factor in the doubling of the population of Akayab, in approximately 50 years Economic & Political Weekly vol lViii no 48 to Kaur (2006: 435), in the early 20th century, maistries had all the responsibilities and complete management of the system, which included arranging travel plans and accommodation for labourers. Poverty and Debt Bondage EPW december 2, 2023 period (Gazetter 1880: 15). The Bengali population increased over time. The 1911 Census shows that around 1,34,985 Bengalis migrated to Burma, with 73,968 hailing from Chittagong, of whom 64,000 relocated to Akyab (Gait 1913: 80). They were not only employed in agriculture but also in mills and construction industries. Nolan (1888) notes that the primary reason for migration was financial security. Burma provided a new opportunity for the people of Bengal who were suffering from economic hardships. Furthermore, Nolan points out, the region boasted higher income prospects and a lower cost of living. This enticement led to the transformation of agrarian communities, including tribals, aboriginals, and impoverished peasants, who turned to work as coolies, to escape the dire financial aftermath of the 1866 famine and the stringent controls imposed on the agrarian sector (Nolan 1888: 12). However, the wages of the workers varied significantly across the provinces of Burma. Notably, the Bengali labourers were initially under the contract for seven to eight years. In 1935, a report by settlement officer B O Binns, focusing on Amherst district, writes that the inhabitants of the Bengali colony in Kawkareik area were not permanent, as they come and go. A designated area was reserved for Bengali immigrants. This migration had contributed to significant growth in the town’s population over the years. In 1876, the population was 2,135, which increased to 3,919 in 1901 and further to 5,559 in 1911 (Binns 1935: 111). Indentured Servitude and Modern Slavery The history of indentured labour in Burma unveils a complex web of oppressive practices. The Committee of the AntiSlavery and Aborigines Protection Society, in a letter dated 9 November 1910, brought up a concern about ending direct payments to coolie recruiters. The Government of India expressed its interest in discussing this matter with the Government of Madras (1912: 4). In 1859, the British Government of India enacted an act addressing breaches of contract by artificers, work-men, and labourers in certain cases. This act, famously known as the Breach of Contract Act or Act No XIII 37 PERSPECTIVES of 1859, does not bear a specific title. Violations of this law could draw penalties and fines. The introduction of this act, with vaguely defined clauses in criminal cases, punishments and fines, was used only to enforce slavery. In the maistry system, the labourers had no way of communicating directly with the employer. Under the guise of this system, the intention was to trap the workers in debt and deprive them of everything. Initially, the cost of bringing these workers to Burma was borne by the maistry, but they had to reimburse the costs of food and accommodation, including interest. This burden forced workers to work for the same employer for a long time at low wages. Maistries used to collect commissions through this recruitment, including commissions from the mills or firms, determined by the number of workers supplied. According to the Indian Emigration Act (1922: 10–11), the workers were to report on the conditions of work, working hours, living expenses, wages, and so on, which they took up in foreign lands. However, this act completely avoided the issue of protection of migrant workers. As a result, they regularly become victims of the head maistry and shipping agents. Labourers were given false information and promises about wages, conditions and employment in Burma. The contract form that was filled out on behalf of these labours by maistries did not mention the amount of their loan or the interest on the debt. As most of them were illiterate, they used fingerprints on the forms as signatures and thus were duped into perpetual slavery by imposing arbitrary debt burden. With the rising interest on pre-paid wages and loans, the maistries used to seize most of the workers’ wages. As they could not cope with the additional tax burden, they would never be able to get out of this agreement. Upon expiry of the contracts, they were unable to return to India. Employers in Burma preferred to recruit Indian workers through the maistry system because they thought it was cheaper and manageable. An important thing to note here is that the 1859 act was introduced to trap the labourers in Burma (Breach of Contract Act 1859: 1–3). Through this act, the maistry could seek legal assistance against lonely 38 or bolted workers before the full settlement of their debts as stated in the signed contract. The maistry had the authority to instruct the labourer to fulfil their contractual obligations, or alternatively, impose penalties, including imprisonment, a monetary fine, or a combination of both, as a form of punishment. The act also played a role in ensuring that labourers returned to Burma when they were allowed to go home temporarily for personal reasons or urgent matters. Often, the maistries would detain a family member or relative of a labourer who had returned to India. These maistries were often aware of the labourer family’s whereabouts in India. They did this to guarantee the labourer’s return and to ensure repayment of their debt (Jaiswal 2018: 104). Initially, many manufacturers and traders in Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, along with others, encountered significant issues when they gave money upfront to workers who later failed to complete the work. To address this problem, the 1859 act was introduced to ensure that labourers did not abscond without repaying the advance money they had earlier received. It was a measure aimed at safeguarding the interests of employers who face financial losses due to fraudulent breaches of contracts by artificers, workmen, and labourers. The law intended to establish a system to prevent such a breach of contract and punish those who did so (Siddiqi 1983: 361). Literary Representations of Labour While Indian literature may not directly delve into the intricacies of the maistry system, it extensively explores the lives of Indian labour in Burma, portraying the working conditions and adversities faced by these labourers. Maharshi Debendranath Tagore’s Moulmein Bhraman (1898), Rabindranath Tagore’s travelogue on Japan titled Japan Jatri (1919), Indumadhab Mallick’s Chin Bhraman (1906), Umaprasad Mukherjee’s Burma Muluke (1965) and Swami Tyagiswarananda’s Pagodar Deshe (1947) offer valuable insights into the multifaceted aspects of indentured labour and migration. These texts depict labourers’ struggles, cultural interactions, and the impact of december 2, 2023 colonial policies and shed some light on the power dynamics and relationships between labourers and supervisors. In Indumadhab Mullick’s travel narrative, one can discern the imprint of Indian labour in Burma. As he disembarked at Rangoon port, he could not help but notice the diversity of the workforce. Notably, the boat crews were predominantly Chittagong Muslims, and the port coolies hailed from South India. He also observed that the street drivers were Muslims from North India or the western part of India, while Sikhs served as guards. Even the shopkeepers were primarily Surati Muslims, Jews, or Persians (Mullick 1906: 12). Along with it, Debendranath Tagore’s autobiographical narrative about the city of Moulmein in Burma highlights the significant settlement of Indian immigrants, with Indians occupying various roles, from government officials to labourers. Tagore was surprised to find both Bengali and South Indian communities in the town. He encountered an escaped Bengali convict in Moulmein, where imprisoning or banishing criminals was common during colonial times. According to Tagore’s account, these convicts often remained in Burma even after their sentences ended (Devi 1914: 235). Swami Tyagiswarananda (1947: 17) writes about the challenging living conditions of coolies in Burma. He described their cramped accommodations, lack of light and fresh air, and their tendency to flock to Rangoon for employment, where many resorted to alcohol and drugs, squandering their earnings. He too mentions various ethnic groups and nationalities among the passengers and workers in Rangoon, showcasing the diverse demographics of the city. These literary works show how people from diverse contexts encountered new environments, interacted with local communities, and overcame the challenges of adjusting to unfamiliar surroundings. Rahul Sankrityayan’s travelogue, Japan (1936), offers insights into Southeast Asia, focusing on Rangoon, Penang, and Singapore. He portrayed Rangoon as a city with a diverse population, including 50,000 Indians 50,000 Chinese, and the majority being Burmese, with business primarily controlled by Surati Muslims, vol lViii no 48 EPW Economic & Political Weekly PERSPECTIVES Marwaris, and some Chinese. Sankrityayan (1936: 5–7) highlighted the significant Indian presence in Burmese society, mainly Hindi-speaking individuals, and noted the substantial number of Marwari merchants in cities like Rangoon and Mandalay. Umaprasad Mukhopadhyay’s travelogue, Burma Muluke (1960), stands out as an important exploration of the Indian indentured labour migration, especially the Madrasi immigrants and the role of the Chettiar community of South India, in Burma’s business, particularly moneylending. He compares their economic influence in Burma to that of the Marwaris in India (Mukhopadhyay 1960: 397–98). Sarala Debi Choudhurani’s Burma Yatra (1922) offers a vivid portrayal of modern Myanmar, encompassing its religion, people, ethnic tensions, political landscape, education, and the immigrant Bengali community. She highlights the lack of unity among Bengalis there, with most being engaged in government jobs and facing retrenchment challenges. Debi also observes the presence of a significant South Indian population, working as coolies and labourers. However, Indian coolies were leaving Burma due to rising dissatisfaction, influenced by the Dobama movement and nationalist sentiments. Her account underscores the multicultural fabric of Burma’s streets, with a noticeable absence of local Burmese and the dominance of South Indians and Gujaratis. She observes the presence of Indian Muslims known as Jerbadi and the increasing influence of Bengalis and Punjabis in Burma’s ports (Choudhurani 1958: 146). was used for various kinds of plantations in Southeast Asia, Burma, and Sri Lanka. Despite being conceived as a system replacing slavery, the indenture system was associated with slavery from its inception (Kumar 2017: 133). However, recent scholarship by Nalamala (2023) reveals a different side of the story of Indian labourers. Due to a pervasive mix of caste-based oppression and agricultural servitude, Dalits were forced to migrate overseas. They faced socially entrenched discrimination within the caste-based village order in southern India, leading to social exclusion and negative identity. This reality was little changed by colonial rule, as Dalits continued to live in segregated hamlets with limited access to education. Agricultural labourers in colonial India faced discriminatory wages and caste-based oppression, and they were frequently met with violent resistance when attempting to seek higher pay or improve their working conditions. This widespread caste oppression, combined with agrarian exploitation, drove many Dalits to migrate abroad in search of a better life and to escape socio-economic hardships (Nalamala 2023: 59). The Indian labourers in the colonial economy frequently sought opportunities abroad to improve their prospects and avoid caste-based discrimination. This trend aided the rise of the maistry system under colonial rule, inadvertently perpetuating a modern form of slavery, especially in Burma. In retrospect, the Burmese maistry system reveals a new layer of colonial servitude, intertwined with the existing practice of slavery under imperial rule. In Conclusion The abolition of slavery across the empire exacerbated the problem of labour shortage. Parliamentary law abolished slavery throughout the British Empire on 1 August 1834, and the French and Dutch followed suit. The abolition of slavery induced insecurity and anxiety in the disputants and necessitated the search for alternative labour sources. In response to this need, the British developed a new system of labour recruitment, known as the maistry system, in their settlements, which both met the demand and established a new form of slavery. The kangani or maistry labour supply system references Economic & Political Weekly vol lViii no 48 EPW december 2, 2023 Adas, Michael (1974): The Burma Delta: Economic Development and Social Change on an Asian Rice Frontier, 1852–1941, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. 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