Rachel A Horowitz
I am an anthropological archaeologist whose research examines ancient Maya economic organization and the role of different actors in these economic activities. I specialize in the study of lithic technology, using organizational approaches to link tool production to economic organization. I am currently conducting research in western Belize and eastern Guatemala have previously conducted research in other areas of the Maya world (Mexico), as well as in other regions including the western and southeastern United States and southern Africa.
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Lithic analysis focused on sedentary societies, especially in places like Mesoamerica, has previously been neglected mostly because of the high frequency of informal tools, but such bias limits the ways in which both lithic production and economic organization are investigated. Bringing the importance of studying such technologies to the fore and emphasizing the vital anthropological questions that lithics can answer, Lithic Technologies in Sedentary Societies is a valuable resource for scholars and students of lithic technology and sedentary, complex societies.
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in both mobile and sedentary societies. This paper addresses the ways
in which lithics are impacted by sedentism and what that illustrates
concerning their integration into broader economic systems. In many
sedentary societies, including the Maya, both formal and informal lithic
tools were produced. This dichotomy can be explained by the presence of
specialized and non-specialized lithic producers. Drawing on examples
from the upper Belize River valley, this paper focuses on three main
topics: (1) the role of sedentism on tool form; (2) the role of specialization
in tool production; and (3) the importance of exchange mechanisms because of specialization. In addition, this paper discusses lowland Maya
lithic production in comparative perspectives to other sedentary societies
which also have the specialized and non-specialized production of formal
and informal tools. Using these comparisons, broad discussions of
the impact of sedentism and specialization on lithic economies can be
achieved.
plain in western Namibia. These excavations revealed Middle Stone Age (MSA) archaeological remains dated
between 130–45 ka through ostrich eggshell amino acid racemization and Later Stone Age (LSA) archaeological
remains dating from around 5 ka through AMS 14C through the period of colonial contact. This paper describes
our field methods and offers information concerning site formation and post-depositional processes. In describing
the lithic assemblage, this paper proposes two distinct phases of the MSA and subtle change over time in the LSA
lithic technology. The earlier MSA phase is characterized by more expedient knapping strategies, the use of local
vein quartz, and very low frequencies of end-products. The later MSA phase is characterized by more elaborate
core reduction strategies, the exploitation of more distant dolerite, and higher frequencies of technical end-products.
This report also discusses the characteristics of LSA ostrich eggshell beads, ceramics, and historic objects.
(ca. 800–400 B.C.) lithic assemblages in highland Peru. However,
the functions of these tools have not been ascertained. In this
paper, we present the results of an experimental project that tests
the hypothesis that flake tools were used for shearing
domesticated camelids (alpacas and llamas). A collection of 10
replicated flake tools were used to shear an alpaca over different
amounts of time. Our results indicate that these implements
provide an efficient means of shearing camelids, though their
efficiency declines after prolonged use. Following the shearing
experiment, optical light microscope (OLM) and scanning electron
microscope (SEM) analyses were undertaken to determine what
kinds of use-wear were present on the tools. We tentatively
conclude that shearing does leave recognizable edge-wear,
including micro-chipping, faint striations, and residues, which we
believe could be visible in Peruvian archaeological lithic
assemblages
while little attention is paid to production implements. Hammerstones present an interesting
problem as many areas with readily available lithic raw material sources lack materials for highquality
hammerstones. This paper uses a case study from a chert-rich area, the upper Belize
River valley of western Belize, to examine how the Late Classic Maya acquired material to be
used as hammerstones. This paper finds that lithic producers used locally available poor-quality
stone as well as imported materials, such as groundstone, as hammerstones, suggesting multiple
acquisition networks existed through which lithic producers obtained percussion implements.
Lithic analysis focused on sedentary societies, especially in places like Mesoamerica, has previously been neglected mostly because of the high frequency of informal tools, but such bias limits the ways in which both lithic production and economic organization are investigated. Bringing the importance of studying such technologies to the fore and emphasizing the vital anthropological questions that lithics can answer, Lithic Technologies in Sedentary Societies is a valuable resource for scholars and students of lithic technology and sedentary, complex societies.
in both mobile and sedentary societies. This paper addresses the ways
in which lithics are impacted by sedentism and what that illustrates
concerning their integration into broader economic systems. In many
sedentary societies, including the Maya, both formal and informal lithic
tools were produced. This dichotomy can be explained by the presence of
specialized and non-specialized lithic producers. Drawing on examples
from the upper Belize River valley, this paper focuses on three main
topics: (1) the role of sedentism on tool form; (2) the role of specialization
in tool production; and (3) the importance of exchange mechanisms because of specialization. In addition, this paper discusses lowland Maya
lithic production in comparative perspectives to other sedentary societies
which also have the specialized and non-specialized production of formal
and informal tools. Using these comparisons, broad discussions of
the impact of sedentism and specialization on lithic economies can be
achieved.
plain in western Namibia. These excavations revealed Middle Stone Age (MSA) archaeological remains dated
between 130–45 ka through ostrich eggshell amino acid racemization and Later Stone Age (LSA) archaeological
remains dating from around 5 ka through AMS 14C through the period of colonial contact. This paper describes
our field methods and offers information concerning site formation and post-depositional processes. In describing
the lithic assemblage, this paper proposes two distinct phases of the MSA and subtle change over time in the LSA
lithic technology. The earlier MSA phase is characterized by more expedient knapping strategies, the use of local
vein quartz, and very low frequencies of end-products. The later MSA phase is characterized by more elaborate
core reduction strategies, the exploitation of more distant dolerite, and higher frequencies of technical end-products.
This report also discusses the characteristics of LSA ostrich eggshell beads, ceramics, and historic objects.
(ca. 800–400 B.C.) lithic assemblages in highland Peru. However,
the functions of these tools have not been ascertained. In this
paper, we present the results of an experimental project that tests
the hypothesis that flake tools were used for shearing
domesticated camelids (alpacas and llamas). A collection of 10
replicated flake tools were used to shear an alpaca over different
amounts of time. Our results indicate that these implements
provide an efficient means of shearing camelids, though their
efficiency declines after prolonged use. Following the shearing
experiment, optical light microscope (OLM) and scanning electron
microscope (SEM) analyses were undertaken to determine what
kinds of use-wear were present on the tools. We tentatively
conclude that shearing does leave recognizable edge-wear,
including micro-chipping, faint striations, and residues, which we
believe could be visible in Peruvian archaeological lithic
assemblages
while little attention is paid to production implements. Hammerstones present an interesting
problem as many areas with readily available lithic raw material sources lack materials for highquality
hammerstones. This paper uses a case study from a chert-rich area, the upper Belize
River valley of western Belize, to examine how the Late Classic Maya acquired material to be
used as hammerstones. This paper finds that lithic producers used locally available poor-quality
stone as well as imported materials, such as groundstone, as hammerstones, suggesting multiple
acquisition networks existed through which lithic producers obtained percussion implements.
However, the “landscape” unit challenges archaeologists. Are landscapes geographically bounded, delineated by watercourses, recognized by floras and faunas, built around toolstone outcrops, or focused on natural spaces like caves, mountains, or basins? Or, are landscapes territorial units, socially bounded by groups with similar economies, spatial identities, subsistence practices, ideologies, and networks? If landscapes encompass all of these variables, how can archaeologists, often specialists in single artifact genres or analytic methodologies, juggle the unit’s immense variability in their behavioral reconstructions? Where does the modern landscape end and the prehistoric landscape begin? Landscapes beg interdisciplinary research that incorporates varied methodologies, assessing each dimension, and, more importantly, how these dimensions interacted.
This session explores the interplay between prehistoric human groups and landscape-level resources (whether geographic, comestible, or social) through a series of global case studies that incorporate diverse methodologies, including lithic analysis, Geographic Information Systems, mathematical modeling, Bayesian statistics, geoarchaeology, isotope analysis, and documentary studies. Overall, these studies examine landscapes as diverse entities and address how resources influenced past behavioral systems in both mobile and sedentary societies. Our hope is that through the examples presented here, which have methodological, temporal, and spatial breadth, we can emphasize the versatility of landscape studies and the common frameworks that researchers can apply in future cross-cultural studies.