Obert Bernard Mlambo

This study centres on the body of the soldier, the cultural production of images and representations of gender which advance theoretical discussions around war, masculinity and violence. It employs a transcultural comparative approach based on a persistent factor found in both societies: land expropriation. Often articulated in a framework of patriarchy, land appropriation takes place in the context of war-shaped masculinities.The book fosters a deeper understanding of social processes, adding an important new perspective to the study of military violence, and paying attention to veterans' claims for rewards and compensation. These claims are developed in the context of war and its direct consequences, namely expropriation, confiscation and violence. Land Expropriation in Ancient Rome and Contemporary Zimbabwecontributes to current efforts to decolonise knowledge construction by revealing that a non-Western perspective can broaden our understanding of veterans, war, violence, land and gender in classical culture.

This book is a comparative study of the relationship between military veterans and land expropriation in the client-army of the first-century BC Roman Republic and veterans of the Zimbabwean liberation war. The study centers on the body of the soldier, the cultural production of images, and representations of masculinity advancing theoretical discussions on war, masculinity, and violence. The analysis of these diverse cases aims to examine the cultural logic connecting masculinity, violence, and land.

The book employs a transcultural comparative approach based on a persistent factor found in both societies: land expropriation. Land appropriation takes place in the context of war-shaped masculinities, often articulated in a framework of patriarchy. The book fosters a deeper understanding of social processes, adding an important new perspective to the study of masculinity(ies) and military violence, understood in the context of veterans’ claims for rewards and compensation developed in the context of war and its direct consequences – expropriation, confiscations, violence, etc. The study equally reveals that a non-Western cultural perspective can broaden the understanding of classics, highlighting the discussion of veterans, war, masculinity, violence, land and gender in a classical culture.

OBERT BERNARD MLAMBO Semiotics of Dress in Ancient Rome as male cultural dominance: Some parallels with Zimbabwe This paper explores the effects of the dress code, both male and female in Ancient Rome and in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe. It looks at gender related elements of the dress code of Classical Rome and modern Zimbabwe, and attempts to discover human sartorial behavior as is exhibited in Zimbabwe following its colonization. Dress, as a non-verbal communicative device plays a crucial role in authenticating and subverting socio-political myths. Dress is standardized, normalized, appreciated by the society or conversely, judged by the same society on different grounds. I argue that in Ancient Rome as in colonial and post colonial Zimbabwe dress was used to reinforce the inferior status of various social groups and in the process mystified and sanctified male authority and class authority. In the latter one detects a society that has tendencies of pragmatism, neutrality and inclusivity when it comes to dress, when in actual fact what is construed as normal, usual and reasonable is made to be so by the societal values that derive their impetus from the Victorian Culture of morality and dress. This culture, steeped in patriarchal tendencies, reinforced class related, race related, and political consciousness based on dress, among the Africans. There are precedents in Ancient Rome, where dressing was often associated with dogmatism and emperors would sign decrees to insist on a certain type of dress. In this context certain colors were thought to be too “startling” and “loud” for a lady to wear. There were colors that would be worn by prostitutes that were not fit for “staid matrons”. It is the secondary argument of this paper that, although, an indication of class, dress signifies many other things. Evidence and examples from Classical Rome will throw light on the occurrence of such things in Zimbabwe.

ABSTRACT This article investigates the Zimbabwean Liberation War veterans’ naming and labelling of individuals and groups opposed to the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP) in post-2000 Zimbabwe. As instruments of political coercion, the two processes participated in the production of images of individuals and groups opposed to land expropriation, particularly white farmers and political opponents in the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), that were at once grotesque and indicative of the polarized nature of political discourse in post-2000 Zimbabwe. The article evinces that naming and labelling participated in the articulation of the Zimbabwean Liberation War veterans’ sense of entitlement to land, resources and preferential treatment by the post-2000 Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government of Robert Mugabe. Using the Zimbabwean Liberation War context in which post-2000 Zimbabwean political culture of framing reality in exclusionary terms finds its roots and inspiration, the article explores how veterans of the Zimbabwean Liberation War used names and labels to categorize people and phenomena, separating so-called patriots from exploiters and sell-outs. The discussion also explicates how the Zimbabwean Liberation War veterans held themselves up as yardsticks of commitment to patriotic citizenship in the context of a perceived ZANU-PF war against neo-colonialism.

This article seeks to undertake a comparative study of the politics of corruption and organized violence in two historically, geographically, and culturally distinct societies, namely the Roman Republic and contemporary Zimbabwe. Based on the assumption that power politics undercut spatial-temporal distinctions, as has also been observed by Finley,2 this study extrapolates the Roman Republic’s nexus of political power, land and violence into the case of contemporary Zimbabwe. The article frames part of its argument in one aspect of Marx´s social theory of production and also Michel Foucault’s view of power as not just an abstraction but a force that defines itself in practical situations where it enables individuals to achieve and/or block certain goals. Thus, in both political landscapes, we consider land as one of the crucial sites where power plays out, and in this sense, draw upon the study of the economy of sharing resources in different parts of the world. We also argue that a...

Introduction Often-times people talk of rumour as just baseless statements that seek to discredit the correct information. However, more often than not, almost all rumours have an element of truth in them and some even turn out to be true. In a country like Zimbabwe where information on what is happening on the political-economic sphere is not readily available, rumours seem to play the role of filling the gaps. Originating mostly from anonymous sources who happen to be close to the information at hand, rumours play the part of updating the general population on what is deemed to the true case of what will be happening in the state. Being spread by both the elite and the common person alike, rumour also plays the role of either expressing implicitly (or even explicitly) love or hatred towards one's political enemies. This paper seeks to explore the concept of rumour, bringing to the fore its importance in the Zimbabwean political and economic context, paying particular attention...

This article examined attitudes, knowledge, behavior and practices of men and society on Gender bias in sports. The paper examined how the African female body was made into an object of contest between African patriarchy and the colonial system and also shows how the battle for the female body eventually extended into the sporting field. It also explored the postcolonial period and the effects on Zimbabwean society of the colonial ideals of the Victorian culture of morality. The study focused on school sports and the participation of the girl child in sports such as netball, volleyball and football. Reference was made to other sports but emphasis was given to where women were affected. It is in this case where reference to the senior women soccer team was made to provide a case study for purposes of illustration. Selected rural community and urban schools were served as case references for ethnographic accounts which provided the qualitative data used in the analysis. In terms of me...

AbstractThis article is a comparative examination of the moral arguments for land redistribution mobilised and deployed by politicians in contemporary Zimbabwe and Gracchi Rome. The land reform movements of the two societies are based on different but related realities. The period of the Gracchi in ancient European classical history reveals some of the pitfalls and dangers of human action, even when the action is intended to correct gross injustices. Critics of Zimbabwe's land reform have pointed to issues of corruption, violence, cronyism and the creation of new injustices. This article is a critical analysis of Zimbabwe's land reform that will enable academics and policy makers to be aware of some mistakes, ambiguities and contradictions which could have been avoided and how these on hind sight could help improve the ongoing process of land redistribution and empowerment. Hence, in both cases the moral argument for land redistribution creates a very complicated moral zone,...

IntroductionPresident Robert Mugabe's famous speech at the Earth Summit in South Africa in 2002, in which he targeted the then British prime minister, Tony Blair, opened up a new dimension in the land redistribution debate of Zimbabwe's 2000-2008 years of crisis. The speech revealed what can be argued in Mugabe's scheme of things when he conceived the idea of instituting a land reform. Mugabe's words against Tony Blair presuppose that there was an existing relationship between the physical space of the people resettled by Mugabe, especially veterans of Zimbabwe's war of liberation, and Mugabe's political order. While a common concern for the landless poor was no doubt part of the ideological foundations of Zimbabwe soon after attaining independence, we argue in this article that the redistribution of land and farm invasions (termed the "Third Chimurenga" (Uprising) in official and popular discourses) were concerned with transforming the lands acquir...

This article seeks to undertake a comparative study of the politics of corruption and organized violence in two historically, geographically, and culturally distinct societies, namely the Roman Republic and contemporary Zimbabwe. Based on the assumption that power politics undercut spatial-temporal distinctions, as has also been observed by Finley,2 this study extrapolates the Roman Republic’s nexus of political power, land and violence into the case of contemporary Zimbabwe. The article frames part of its argument in one aspect of Marx ́s social theory of production and also Michel Foucault’s view of power as not just an abstraction but a force that defines itself in practical situations where it enables individuals to achieve and/or block certain goals. Thus, in both political landscapes, we consider land as one of the crucial sites where power plays out, and in this sense, draw upon the study of the economy of sharing resources in different parts of the world. We also argue that ...

Review <1> I have heard of the exploits of Joseph Kony in the Media back in Zimbabwe and in Germany, respectively for a long while, although I have to admit that I have not followed his exploits very closely. The much I have known of him is that he leads a rebel group of fighters that normally operates in the North West of Uganda, and that he styles his movement as a holy one, The Lord's Resistance Army. In my view, operating in that region, he had the advantage of tapping on the general militarized culture of Northern Uganda, which is the same as the neighbouring North Rif in Kenya, where the cultures of youth regiments, pastoralism and a general sense of masculine courage and little fear of death, have made it easy for the rebel group to thrive. It needs to be noted too that that region of the North is generally less developed, and not well embraced within the modern scheme of, for instance, central, and Eastern Uganda. This is even before we consider the role of the neighbouring Southern Sudan and DR Congo, where there has always been rebel activity.

Review <1> I have heard of the exploits of Joseph Kony in the Media back in Zimbabwe and in Germany, respectively for a long while, although I have to admit that I have not followed his exploits very closely. The much I have known of him is that he leads a rebel group of fighters that normally operates in the North West of Uganda, and that he styles his movement as a holy one, The Lord's Resistance Army. In my view, operating in that region, he had the advantage of tapping on the general militarized culture of Northern Uganda, which is the same as the neighbouring North Rif in Kenya, where the cultures of youth regiments, pastoralism and a general sense of masculine courage and little fear of death, have made it easy for the rebel group to thrive. It needs to be noted too that that region of the North is generally less developed, and not well embraced within the modern scheme of, for instance, central, and Eastern Uganda. This is even before we consider the role of the neighbouring Southern Sudan and DR Congo, where there has always been rebel activity.

Abstract
This article seeks to undertake a comparative study of the politics of corruption and organized violence in two historically, geographically, and culturally distinct societies, namely the Roman Republic and contemporary Zimbabwe. Based on the assumption that power politics undercut spatial-temporal distinctions, as has also been observed by Finley,2 this study extrapolates the Roman Republic’s nexus of political power, land and violence into the case of contemporary Zimbabwe. The article frames part of its argument in one aspect of Marx´s social theory of production and also Michel Foucault’s view of power as not just an abstraction but a force that defines itself in practical situations where it enables individuals to achieve and/or block certain goals. Thus, in both political landscapes, we consider land as one of the crucial sites where power plays out, and in this sense, draw upon the study of the economy of sharing resources in different parts of the world. We also argue that agrarian violence, selfishness and corruption are not products of a specific mode of production per se; rather, they are consequences of the breakdown of civic life, and result from prolonged dictatorship.

This article is a comparative examination of the moral arguments for land redistribution mobilised and deployed by politicians in contemporary Zimbabwe and Gracchi Rome. The land reform movements of the two societies are based on different but related realities. The period of the Gracchi in ancient European classical history reveals some of the pitfalls and dangers of human action, even when the action is intended to correct gross injustices. Critics of Zimbabwe's land reform have pointed to issues of corruption, violence, cronyism and the creation of new injustices. This article is a critical analysis of Zimbabwe's land reform that will enable academics and policy makers to be aware of some mistakes, ambiguities and contradictions which could have been avoided and how these on hind sight could help improve the ongoing process of land redistribution and empowerment. Hence, in both cases the moral argument for land redistribution creates a very complicated moral zone, and thus, these land reforms began with, ostensibly, good intentions and had the potential to address socioeconomic imbalances in both societies. The bi-polarity of these societies into pro and anti demonstrates a problematic situation, a position represented in Zimbabwe's land reform agenda.

While interest in land appropriation in Zimbabwe has produced a significant amount of literature
in recent decades, much of this research has not been located within an explicatory schema that
explores the relationship between physical space and political order in Zimbabwe’s land reform
programme for purposes of political control and power retention. The attempt by Mugabe to
appropriate different arguments to justify his veterans-led land redistribution programme has
been interpreted differently in the existing scholarship on Zimbabwe’s land reform programme.
Mugabe’s speech quoted in the title of this article opened for us a new lacuna to explore in the
ongoing debate on Mugabe’s motives for land reform. In this respect, we need to examine the
politics of space in Zimbabwe’s land reform programme, which saw the expropriation of white-owned commercial farms by veterans of Zimbabwe’s war of liberation, discussing the various
strategies and subtle arguments appropriated by Mugabe to reconfigure the structures of power.
While a common concern for the landless poor was no doubt Mugabe’s campaigning philosophy,
we explore the possibility of arguing that land reform was driven by political imperatives
masquerading as such concern.
Key words: Third Chimurenga, physical space, political order, land redistribution

The paper explores the effects of the dress code, both male and female in Ancient Rome and in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe. It looks at gender related elements of the dress code of Classical Rome and modern Zimbabwe, and attempts to discover human sartorial behavior as is exhibited in Zimbabwe following its colonization. Dress, as a non-verbal communicative device plays a crucial role in authenticating and subverting socio-political myths. Dress is standardized, normalized, appreciated by the society or conversely, judged by the same society on different grounds. I argue that in Ancient Rome as in colonial and post colonial Zimbabwe dress was used to reinforce the inferior status of various social groups and in the process mystified and sanctified male authority and class authority. In the latter, one detects a society that has tendencies of pragmatism, neutrality and inclusivity when it comes to dress, when in actual fact what is construed as normal, usual and reasonable is made to be so by the societal values that derive their impetus from the Victorian Culture of morality and dress. This culture, steeped in patriarchal tendencies, reinforced class related, race related, and political consciousness based on dress, among the Africans. There are precedents in Ancient Rome, where dressing was often associated with dogmatism and emperors would sign decrees to insist on a certain type of dress. In this context certain colors were thought to be too “startling” and “loud” for a lady to wear. There were colors that would be worn by prostitutes that were not fit for “staid matrons”. It is the secondary argument of this paper that, although, an indication of class, dress signifies many other things. Evidence and examples from Classical Rome will throw light on the occurrence of such things in Zimbabwe.

OBERT BERNARD MLAMBO

Semiotics of Dress in Ancient Rome as male cultural dominance: Some parallels with Zimbabwe

This paper explores the effects of the dress code, both male and female in Ancient Rome and in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe. It looks at gender related elements of the dress code of Classical Rome and modern Zimbabwe, and attempts to discover human sartorial behavior as is exhibited in Zimbabwe following its colonization. Dress, as a non-verbal communicative device plays a crucial role in authenticating and subverting socio-political myths. Dress is standardized, normalized, appreciated by the society or conversely, judged by the same society on different grounds. I argue that in Ancient Rome as in colonial and post colonial Zimbabwe dress was used to reinforce the inferior status of various social groups and in the process mystified and sanctified male authority and class authority. In the latter one detects a society that has tendencies of pragmatism, neutrality and inclusivity when it comes to dress, when in actual fact what is construed as normal, usual and reasonable is made to be so by the societal values that derive their impetus from the Victorian Culture of morality and dress. This culture, steeped in patriarchal tendencies, reinforced class related, race related, and political consciousness based on dress, among the Africans. There are precedents in Ancient Rome, where dressing was often associated with dogmatism and emperors would sign decrees to insist on a certain type of dress. In this context certain colors were thought to be too “startling” and “loud” for a lady to wear. There were colors that would be worn by prostitutes that were not fit for “staid matrons”. It is the secondary argument of this paper that, although, an indication of class, dress signifies many other things. Evidence and examples from Classical Rome will throw light on the occurrence of such things in Zimbabwe.

OBERT BERNARD MLAMBO

Semiotics of Dress in Ancient Rome as male cultural dominance: Some parallels with Zimbabwe

This paper explores the effects of the dress code, both male and female in Ancient Rome and in colonial and post-colonial Zimbabwe. It looks at gender related elements of the dress code of Classical Rome and modern Zimbabwe, and attempts to discover human sartorial behavior as is exhibited in Zimbabwe following its colonization. Dress, as a non-verbal communicative device plays a crucial role in authenticating and subverting socio-political myths. Dress is standardized, normalized, appreciated by the society or conversely, judged by the same society on different grounds. I argue that in Ancient Rome as in colonial and post colonial Zimbabwe dress was used to reinforce the inferior status of various social groups and in the process mystified and sanctified male authority and class authority. In the latter one detects a society that has tendencies of pragmatism, neutrality and inclusivity when it comes to dress, when in actual fact what is construed as normal, usual and reasonable is made to be so by the societal values that derive their impetus from the Victorian Culture of morality and dress. This culture, steeped in patriarchal tendencies, reinforced class related, race related, and political consciousness based on dress, among the Africans. There are precedents in Ancient Rome, where dressing was often associated with dogmatism and emperors would sign decrees to insist on a certain type of dress. In this context certain colors were thought to be too “startling” and “loud” for a lady to wear. There were colors that would be worn by prostitutes that were not fit for “staid matrons”. It is the secondary argument of this paper that, although, an indication of class, dress signifies many other things. Evidence and examples from Classical Rome will throw light on the occurrence of such things in Zimbabwe.