- www.nchristofis.com
http://his.snnu.edu.cn/info/1252/13077.htm
- Comparative and Connected History, Comparative History, Turkish and Middle Eastern Studies, Turkish Foreign Policy, Oral History and Memory, Greek History, and 139 moreConversion to Islam in the Ottoman Empire, Social History, Turkish History, Early Republican Turkish History, Transnationalism, Modern Greece, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Turkish Greek Relations, Cross-national comparison, Modern Turkey, History of Modern Turkey, States, Modern History of Cyprus, Cold War history, Histories and theories of modernity, History and Memory, Identity, Nationalism and Nation-State, Barry Buzan, Eric Hobsbawm, Anti-Americanism, Political Parties, Social and Collective Memory, Lieux de memoire, Politics of Memory, Revolutions, Public History, Call for Papers, Zerubavel Eviatar, Memory Studies, Collective Memory, TAKSIM SQUARE, Gezi Parki, Divided Societies, Nicos Poulantzas, Antonio Gramsci, Perry Anderson, Middle East History, Nationalism, Uneven Development, Gezi Protests, Cambridge scholars publishing, Political Sociology, Colonialism, Imperialism, Empire, National Identity, Modernism, Conflict Resolution In Cyprus, Turkey, Greece, Cyprus; Political History, Political Currents, Colonial Studies, Historiography, Comparative/Transnational History, Labour history, Ottoman Studies, Turkish politics, Turkish Studies, Social Movements, European Union, Late Ottoman Period, SYRIZA, Turkish military, Legitimacy and Authority, WELFARE PARTY, Islam in Turkey, Modernity, Turkish Nationalism, Ottoman Turkish historical writing, Rebellion, Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Re-imagining Democracy 18th-19th Centuries, Turkish and USA History, Anti-communism, Bureaucracies & Bureaucratic Workers, Early Greek Socialist Movement, AKP and democratization, Postcolonial Studies, Ideology, Nationalism in the Middle East, Tanzimat reforms Ottoman Empire, Turkish Left, Peter Wagner, Middle East Studies, History of Nationalism, Radical Left Parties, Left-wing Radicalism, Cypriot Politics, Communist Parties, Modern Greek Politics, Democracy, The Cyprus Problem, Ottoman Greece, Ottoman Selanik (Thessaloniki), Modern Greek Studies, Global History, Greek Nationalism, Middle Eastern Politics, Leo Panitch, Theories of the State, Turkish Culture, Immanuel Wallerstein, Turkısh Politics, Modern Greek History, Young Turks, Committee of Union and Progress, Lila Abu Lughod, War Studies, Religion and Violence, New Left, Protest and State Repression, British Imperial and Colonial History (1600 - ), Turkey in World Politics, Gramsci and Cultural Hegemony, Saskia Sassen, Modern Turkish History, Nigel Thrift, Contentious Politics, Comparative Politics, Ottoman Cyprus, Conservatism in Turkey, Turkish-American Relations, British Imperial & Commonwelath History - 19th & 20th century, History of Cyprus, Marx, Turkish Documentary Cinema, Cyprus Studies, New Left Review, Turkish and European Union Relations, Turkish military history, Third world Marxisms/Tricontinental Marxisms (Mao, Identity Politics (Political Science), War Crimes, Kurdish Question in Turkey, Kurdish Question, Turkey's Foreign Policy Towards Northern Iraq or Iraqi Kurdistan, Kemalism, Political Science, and Historyedit
- I am an assistant professor of international cultural relations at the Department of Language and Intercultural Studi... moreI am an assistant professor of international cultural relations at the Department of Language and Intercultural Studies at the University of Thessaly in Volos, Greece. I am also adjunct lecturer at Hellenic Open University and affiliate researcher at the Netherlands Institute at Athens.
My word work focuses on comparative historical analysis on the Eastern Mediterranean (Turkey, Greece, and Cyprus) and the MENA region. I hold a PhD from the Institute for Area Studies (LIAS) at Leiden University, the Netherlands. Book series editor for Berghahn, New Directions in Turkish Studies, and for Transnational Press, Mediterranean Politics.edit
Από τον Κεμαλισμό στον Ριζοσπαστισμό Σε αντίθεση με την καθιερωμένη προσέγγιση του τουρκικού κοινωνικού σχηματισμού, το παρόν βιβλίο ευελπιστεί να φέρει στο προσκήνιο μια πιο σύνθετη και πολύπλευρη πραγματικότητα, να βοηθήσει το ελληνικό... more
Από τον Κεμαλισμό στον Ριζοσπαστισμό Σε αντίθεση με την καθιερωμένη προσέγγιση του τουρκικού κοινωνικού σχηματισμού, το παρόν βιβλίο ευελπιστεί να φέρει στο προσκήνιο μια πιο σύνθετη και πολύπλευρη πραγματικότητα, να βοηθήσει το ελληνικό κοινό να έρθει σε επαφή με σχετικά άγνωστες πτυχές της γειτονικής χώρας. Στο επίκεντρό του βρίσκεται το τουρκικό φοιτητικό κίνημα, του οποίου παρουσιάζονται διεξοδικά τα διάφορα στάδια: από την ταύτισή του με το κεμαλικό κράτος στη σταδιακή ριζοσπαστικοποίηση και μαζικοποίησή του τη δεκαετία του 1960, και, τέλος, το πέρασμά του στον αντιφασιστικό και ένοπλο αγώνα τη δεκαετία του 1970. Μέσα από μια πρωτότυπη, για την ελληνική βιβλιογραφία, μελέτη αναδεικνύονται, συνολικά, οι κοινωνικοί και πολιτικοί αγώνες στη μεταπολεμική Τουρκία, οι οποίοι επιχείρησαν, έστω και για σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα, να διαμορφώσουν μια διαφορετική πολιτική πραγματικότητα, όχι αποκομμένη από τις κατακλυσμιαίες εξελίξεις που δημιούργησε αργότερα το παγκόσμιο κινηματικό κύμα της «μακράς δεκαετίας του 1960», αλλά σε άμεσο διάλογο με αυτές.
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A Century of Greek-Turkish Relations is an important handbook written by leading authorities from both shores of the Aegean Sea. Greek and Turkish scholars present in a balanced and objective way, as well as in a graspable and meaningful... more
A Century of Greek-Turkish Relations is an important handbook written by leading authorities from both shores of the Aegean Sea. Greek and Turkish scholars present in a balanced and objective way, as well as in a graspable and meaningful manner, the main periods in which key events brought the two sides into dispute or even conflict. These events, which are integrated in parallel and conflicting national narratives, fuel the historicity of the two national rivals. A century since the end of the Greek-Turkish war, the trauma of the Greek military defeat and the “disaster of the Asia Minor Greeks”, the establishment of the Republic of Turkey and the emblematic Treaty of Lausanne, render this kind of handbook undoubtedly essential. It opens the discussion to the wider audience in a rational and composed way and most importantly, the reader can follow through the pages, the dialogue between Turkish and Greek scholars. A book of this kind was missing from public history.” – Prof. Sia Anagnostopoulou, Panteion University
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co-edited with Antonis Derisiotis and Murat Issi
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Translation of Erdogan's 'New' Turkey (Routledge) with a preface by Ahmet Insel and an afterword by Cengiz Aktar
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Edited volume on nationalisms in Cyprus, co-edited with Thekla Kyritsi
Research Interests: History, Gender Studies, Marxism, Cyprus Studies, Politics, and 4 moreNationalism, Turkey, Greece, and Malta
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This book focuses on the AKP government since 2002 during which time the state’s approach to the Kurdish Question has undergone several changes. Examining what preceded and followed the failed putsch of 2016, it explains and critiques... more
This book focuses on the AKP government since 2002 during which time the state’s approach to the Kurdish Question has undergone several changes. Examining what preceded and followed the failed putsch of 2016, it explains and critiques that situates the Kurdish Question in its broader context. It stands out with the main objective to avoid any ‘policy-oriented bias’ through an interdisciplinary and multi-thematic approach.
The volume discusses the state and policies in the Kurdish region of Turkey, as well as counter-hegemonic discourses that seek to reform existing institutions. Some chapters focus on the domestic aspects and gender perspectives of the Kurdish Question in Turkey, which focus has been taken over by recent developments in Syria and the Middle East in general. Other chapters include a range of new aspects of Turkish society and politics, and the international aspects of Ankara’s policies and its implications not only inside Turkey but also internationally.
Taking both domestic and foreign policy aspects into account, the book offers a set of innovative explanations for the state of crisis in Turkey and a solid basis for thinking about the likely path forward. Scholars, researchers and post-graduates, interested in political theory, Kurdish and Middle East politics will find this book invaluable.
The volume discusses the state and policies in the Kurdish region of Turkey, as well as counter-hegemonic discourses that seek to reform existing institutions. Some chapters focus on the domestic aspects and gender perspectives of the Kurdish Question in Turkey, which focus has been taken over by recent developments in Syria and the Middle East in general. Other chapters include a range of new aspects of Turkish society and politics, and the international aspects of Ankara’s policies and its implications not only inside Turkey but also internationally.
Taking both domestic and foreign policy aspects into account, the book offers a set of innovative explanations for the state of crisis in Turkey and a solid basis for thinking about the likely path forward. Scholars, researchers and post-graduates, interested in political theory, Kurdish and Middle East politics will find this book invaluable.
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For over a decade the Turkish ruling party, AKP, is consciously trying to construct a new historical narrative by contesting, and replacing, the dominant ideological doctrine of Kemalism. In so doing, the Turkish government recycles the... more
For over a decade the Turkish ruling party, AKP, is consciously trying to construct a new historical narrative by contesting, and replacing, the dominant ideological doctrine of Kemalism. In so doing, the Turkish government recycles the past selectively and interprets the present in terms of historical myths to offer a counter-memory, challenging the Kemalist indoctrination in Turkish society. Thus, the article focuses on the core socioeconomic and political program of ‘Yeni Türkiye’ (New Turkey) of the AKP, and Recep Tayyip Erdogan in particular, and explores how a counter memory is being constructed. It analyses the methods, discourses, and repertoires employed to cast a new narrative to hegemonize Turkish society and politics into the future, as Kemalism did in the past. Finally, it discusses continuities and discontinuities between Kemalism and Erdoğanism.
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This article outlines the nature of Cypriot mines and mine owners between 1914, when the British directly annexed Cyprus, and the Second World War, and the terms on which the British allowed foreign companies to function on the island, at... more
This article outlines the nature of Cypriot mines and mine owners between 1914, when the British directly annexed Cyprus, and the Second World War, and the terms on which the British allowed foreign companies to function on the island, at the expense of the people. It then turns to discuss the emergence of the first communist cells on the island, the establishment of the Communist Party of Cyprus (CPC) and the party's labour policies. Finally, it analyses the strikes undertaken by the miners from the 1920s to 1940, and the connection between Cypriot communists and the miners' struggles under the conditions of British colonialism. It also problematises colonial anti-communist policies towards local political agents, which sought to suppress the emerging joint class consciousness across the island. To do this, we draw extensively on press and news reports of the period, documents from the UK national archives, and the memoirs of leftists who were involved with and bore witness to the strikes, as well as secondary literature.
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Turkish foreign policy has experienced a profound transformation in the nearly two decades since the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) came to power. In its first decade (2002-2011), the AKP government sought... more
Turkish foreign policy has experienced a profound transformation in the nearly two decades since the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) came to power. In its first decade (2002-2011), the AKP government sought to consolidate, promote, and implement its agenda through the use of soft power while also aligning Turkey with the West and EU conditionality. However, since 2011 domestic and international developments have led Ankara to pursue a 'logic of strategic autonomy.' Since the failed coup attempt in July 2016-which reinforced a trend towards resecuritization in Turkish foreign policy-relations with the EU in general and Greece, in particular, have grown more complicated, leading to a militarized and increasingly tense situation in the region. Against this backdrop, the present article analyses the rekindling of the 'Aegean Cold War' since 2016, focusing principally on the Aegean, Cyprus, and the refugee crisis and the EU's ambivalent policy towards Turkey and Greek-Turkish relations in general.
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Right from the start in 2016, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and Amnesty International challenged the legitimacy of the so-called refugee deal between Turkey and the EU. Toward the end of 2020, the EU concluded... more
Right from the start in 2016, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and Amnesty International challenged the legitimacy of the so-called refugee deal between Turkey and the EU. Toward the end of 2020, the EU concluded another agreement with Turkey as part of the €6 billion in funding covered by the refugee deal, in spite of Turkey's deteriorating human rights record. Against a backdrop of Turkey's weaponizing of refugees against Europe and Europe's treatment of the refugee issue as a local problem, the European border and coast guard organization Frontex has been practicing illegal pushbacks. It is clear that once you toy with the devil, you cannot escape hell.
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Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey’s foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of ‘geographical imagination’. Cyprus policy... more
Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey’s foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of ‘geographical imagination’. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP’s socio-political vision of a ‘Yeni Türkiye’ (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey’s regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey’s Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara’s policy towards Cyprus under the AKP.
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Research Interests: Turkey and Global Sixties
The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an... more
The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with
direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the
development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate
impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the
world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student
movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics
that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on
reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a
revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.
direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the
development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate
impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the
world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student
movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics
that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on
reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a
revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.
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special issue Documento, September 2018
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Beyond the loss of life and personal injuries that the victims of terrorist actions suffer and the atmosphere of fear terrorists seek to create with their premeditated use of brutal violence, terror also has real economic and political... more
Beyond the loss of life and personal injuries that the victims of
terrorist actions suffer and the atmosphere of fear terrorists seek to create with their premeditated use of brutal violence, terror also has real economic and political costs that go beyond the immediate costs and damages of a terrorist attack. Terrorist actions can have a multitude of economic consequences that may adversely affect a number of economic indices, sectors and activities including their impact on capital markets. This paper sets out to examine the effect of these attacks on the Turkish Stock Market. It focuses its empirical investigation on the Istanbul stock-market and the impact that recent major terrorist incidents exerted on market behaviour. Findings reported herein indicate in some cases significant abnormal returns
terrorist actions suffer and the atmosphere of fear terrorists seek to create with their premeditated use of brutal violence, terror also has real economic and political costs that go beyond the immediate costs and damages of a terrorist attack. Terrorist actions can have a multitude of economic consequences that may adversely affect a number of economic indices, sectors and activities including their impact on capital markets. This paper sets out to examine the effect of these attacks on the Turkish Stock Market. It focuses its empirical investigation on the Istanbul stock-market and the impact that recent major terrorist incidents exerted on market behaviour. Findings reported herein indicate in some cases significant abnormal returns
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Terrorist attacks can have a multitude of economic consequences that may adversely affect a number of economic sectors and activities including capital markets. This paper examines the impact of three major terrorist incidents on the... more
Terrorist attacks can have a multitude of economic consequences that may adversely affect a number of economic sectors and activities including capital markets. This paper examines the impact of three major terrorist incidents on the Istanbul Stock Exchange, one of the major emerging markets internationally. The reaction of both the general index as well as sectorial indices is investigated. The findings reported herein indicate that the impact, although significant in certain cases, had only short-lived effects since the market rebound was fairly quick. Of the sectorial indices, the tourist industry is found to be more adversely affected by these events
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On 15 July 2016, at 7.30pm, Turkey was experiencing the eighth attempt at a full-blown military takeover in modern Turkish political history. Although the coup attempt was aborted, the developments that followed marked a watershed in... more
On 15 July 2016, at 7.30pm, Turkey was experiencing the eighth attempt at a full-blown military takeover in modern Turkish political history. Although the coup attempt was aborted, the developments that followed marked a watershed in several respects. One of those has been the culmination of the collapse of a decade-long (2002–12) concordat between the AKP and the transnational “parapolitical” Gülen Movement, which was immediately pinpointed by the Turkish government as the only force behind the plot. Since then, a power struggle between the ruling AKP and the Gülen Movement – already in motion for quite some time – took unprecedented
proportions, each side presenting its own account of the events. Against this background, the present article turns its focus on how both parties tried to influence and affect the endgame of the political power game between the two strongmen of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Fethullah Gülen; a power game which although it started as a power struggle, it soon turned to a struggle of political survival.
proportions, each side presenting its own account of the events. Against this background, the present article turns its focus on how both parties tried to influence and affect the endgame of the political power game between the two strongmen of Turkey, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Fethullah Gülen; a power game which although it started as a power struggle, it soon turned to a struggle of political survival.
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Research Interests: Political Sociology, International Relations, Education, Ottoman History, Foreign Policy Analysis, and 12 morePolitical Science, Turkish and Middle East Studies, Turkey, Turkey And Europe, Islam in Turkey, Kurdish Question in Turkey, Political History of Turkey, Turkish Foreign Policy, Modern Turkey, History of Modern Turkey, Turkey in World Politics, and Turkish politics
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Research Interests: Cyprus and Modern Turkey
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Abstract: Beyond the loss of life and personal injuries that the victims of terrorist actions suffer and the atmosphere of fear terrorists seek to create with their premeditated use of brutal violence, terror also has real economic and... more
Abstract: Beyond the loss of life and personal injuries that the victims of terrorist actions suffer and the atmosphere of fear terrorists seek to create with their premeditated use of brutal violence, terror also has real economic and political costs that go beyond the immediate costs and damages of a terrorist attack. Terrorist actions can have a multitude of economic consequences that may adversely affect a number of economic indices, sectors and activities including their impact on capital markets. This paper sets out to examine the interpretation of the terrorist attacks, the political interactions and the effect of these attacks on Turkish Stock Market. It focuses its empirical investigation on the Istanbul stock-market and the impact that recent major terrorist incidents exerted on market behaviour. Findings reported herein indicate in some cases significant abnormal returns.
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Invited lecture, Hamburg University
in 1940s and 1950s, The Critical Decades: The Development and Shaping of the Relations of the two Communities, University of Cyprus, September 9-10, 2016
Democracy and Dissent around the Globe, Pelion Summer Lab for Cultural Theory and Experimental Humanities, June 29, 2017
ΜΝΗΜΩΝ, March 22, 2017
Turkey at Critical Crossroads: Dynamic Trajectories for Society, Politics and Culture, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, Lisboa, February 1-3, 2017
Invited lecture st the Department of Turkish and Middle Eastern Studies, January 24, 2017
Invited lecture at the Department of Anthropology, Panteion University, December 15, 2016
Invited lecture, History and Archeology Department, Anatolian and African Studies field, University of Crete and Instute for Mediterranean Studies
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Research Interests: Turkey and Referendum
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Speakers:
Nikos Christofis
Yiannos Katsouridis
Nikos Moudouros
Spyros Sakellaropoulos
Antonis Antoniou
Nikos Christofis
Yiannos Katsouridis
Nikos Moudouros
Spyros Sakellaropoulos
Antonis Antoniou
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One-day conference on the history and historiography of the region of Thessaly, Greee during the 1940s. 28.05.2016, Larissa, Greece @ OYIL Theater
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Right from the start in 2016, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and Amnesty International challenged the legitimacy of the so-called refugee deal between Turkey and the EU. Toward the end of 2020, the EU concluded... more
Right from the start in 2016, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and Amnesty International challenged the legitimacy of the so-called refugee deal between Turkey and the EU. Toward the end of 2020, the EU concluded another agreement with Turkey as part of the €6 billion in funding covered by the refugee deal, in spite of Turkey’s deteriorating human rights record. Against a backdrop of Turkey’s weaponizing of refugees against Europe and Europe’s treatment of the refugee issue as a local problem, the European border and coast guard organization Frontex has been practicing illegal pushbacks. It is clear that once you toy with the devil, you cannot escape hell.
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The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an... more
The transnational phenomenon that was “1968” was felt keenly around the globe with direct and virtually immediate impact. Turkey stands as a clear example, wherein the development and dynamism of the “Western” student movement had an immediate impact and shaped developments unfolding in Turkey at the time. As elsewhere in the world, “1968” did not hit Turkey out of thin air. The “1968 generation,” and the student movement in general, was mainly Kemalist, one of the significant characteristics that differentiated it from others. It first emerged as a student movement focused on reform within the university system, but toward the end of the 1960s, it evolved into a revolutionary movement, eventually deploying revolutionary violence from 1971–72.
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The present chapter adopts a comparative perspective and focuses on how the Greek and Turkish Left during the 1950s and 1960s treated the “national” issue of Cyprus. In particular, the chapter points that from the start Cyprus was... more
The present chapter adopts a comparative perspective and focuses on how the Greek and Turkish Left during the 1950s and 1960s treated the “national” issue of Cyprus. In particular, the chapter points that from the start Cyprus was presented in the party programs and speeches as part of their anti-imperialist and anti-colonial struggle. At the same time, this was done without rejecting the island’s national importance and meaning to the “national centers”, i.e. Greece and Turkey. Furthermore, the chapter will identify whether the theoretical/ideological principles of Marxism coincided with practical matters, especially, when the “nation” is a case in point, both before and after the independence of Cyprus in 1960.
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Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey’s foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of ‘geographical imagination’. Cyprus policy... more
Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey’s foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of ‘geographical imagination’. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP’s socio-political vision of a ‘Yeni Türkiye’ (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey’s regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey’s Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara’s policy towards Cyprus under the AKP.
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In the edited collection The Revival of Islam in the Balkans: From Identity to Religiosity, editors Arolda Elbasani and Olivier Roy bring together essays that consider the choices, practices and public expressions of faith exercised by... more
In the edited collection The Revival of Islam in the Balkans: From Identity to Religiosity, editors Arolda Elbasani and Olivier Roy bring together essays that consider the choices, practices and public expressions of faith exercised by Muslims in the Balkans through a range of cross-country case studies. Nikos Christofis welcomes this book as a timely addition to the literature with its rich insights and innovative path-breaking analyses.
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This book aims to take the reader on a journey along the intricate web of Turkish-American relations. It critically examines the process during which the relations evolved from those of strangers into an occasionally troubled, yet... more
This book aims to take the reader on a journey along the intricate web of Turkish-American relations. It critically examines the process during which the relations evolved from those of strangers into an occasionally troubled, yet resilient alliance. Through the extensive use of Turkish, American, and British archival documents and numerous private paper and manuscript col-lections, the book examines Turkish-American relations from 1800 to 1952, starting with the earliest contacts and ending with the institutionalization of the alliance after Turkey’s entry into NATO. Its purpose is to provide a better understanding of the signicant issues pertaining to Turkish-American relations such as the impact of international developments on foreign pol- icy decisions, the role of key gures and organizations in shaping the rela -tions, the interaction of political, economic, cultural, and military factors in policy formation and the importance of mutual perceptions in shaping actual relations. The analysis also situates Turkish-American relations in the larger context of diplomatic history through an evaluation of how the United States’ relations with Turkey t into the general framework of U.S. foreign Turkish-American Relations, 1800–1952This book aims to take the reader on a journey along the intricate web of Turkish-American relations. It critically examines the process during which the relations evolved from those of strangers into an occasionally troubled, yet resilient alliance. Through the extensive use of Turkish, American, and British archival documents and numerous private paper and manuscript col-lections, the book examines Turkish-American relations from 1800 to 1952, starting with the earliest contacts and ending with the institutionalization of the alliance after Turkey’s entry into NATO. Its purpose is to provide abetter understanding of the signicant issues pertaining to Turkish-Americanrelations such as the impact of international developments on foreign pol-icy decisions, the role of key gures and organizations in shaping the rela-tions, the interaction of political, economic, cultural, and military factors in policy formation and the importance of mutual perceptions in shaping actual relations. The analysis also situates Turkish-American relations in the larger context of diplomatic history through an evaluation of how the UnitedStates’ relations with Turkey t into the general framework of U.S. foreignpolicy and also through an examination of the conduct and changing priori-ties of Turkish foreign policy in this era. Such a study not only enhances our knowledge of Turkish-American relations for the period of 1800–1952, but also provides further insight into the relations during the Cold War and its aftermath.
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The end of the Cold War and the tragic events of 9/11 in 2001 brought about a radical shift in international political landscape and led to a remaking of the world order. In the field of foreign policy-making, it is these “major changes... more
The end of the Cold War and the tragic events of 9/11 in 2001 brought about a radical shift in international political landscape and led to a remaking of the world order. In the field of foreign policy-making, it is these “major changes in the geopolitical context generally [that] bring the reformulation of geopolitical visions, a re-articulation of geographical representations that is necessary to acknowledge and justify foreign policy changes” (Mamadouh and Dijkink 2006, p. 357). The 2011 Arab Uprisings has yet again validated the above statement as it has resulted in the formulation of new foreign policy strategies for many countries, not just in the Middle East but across the world.
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This edited volume presents a range of perspectives on the Cyprus conflict, with thirty leading experts drawing on their research and experience to assess whether a solution can finally be found to the dispute. Nikos Christofis finds the... more
This edited volume presents a range of perspectives on the Cyprus conflict, with thirty leading experts drawing on their research and experience to assess whether a solution can finally be found to the dispute. Nikos Christofis finds the book to be a welcome addition to the literature on the Cyprus Problem which brings together some of the most important arguments pertaining to the issue in a single volume.
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ment extracted surpluses from the Mineworkers’ Pension Scheme, limited compensation payments for injury, and denied public inquiries into miscarriages of justice, such as the orchestrated police attack on miners at Orgreave in June 1984.... more
ment extracted surpluses from the Mineworkers’ Pension Scheme, limited compensation payments for injury, and denied public inquiries into miscarriages of justice, such as the orchestrated police attack on miners at Orgreave in June 1984. The sense of hopelessness that pervaded the coalfields in the 1990s and early 2000s signalled seismic political shifts. Both Prime Minister Tony Blair and architect of New Labour policy Peter Mandelson held parliamentary seats in north-east England, which in 2019 were won by the Conservatives. The book explains in substantial detail that the decline of the Labour vote in former English coalfields was not a recent phenomenon. The Conservative vote was deeper in localities that had witnessed mine closures in the 1960s, and weaker, but still substantial, in those that retained mines into the 1990s. One lacuna here that is in need of further research is the role of English nationalism in fuelling support for the Conservatives. In the 1931 general election, the Labour vote in Durham fragmented, but in South Wales it held firm (26). Similar electoral outcomes were evident in local council elections in 2021. It would appear that labour culture retained some resonance as part of a broader Welsh identity, whereas in former coal communities in County Durham, the North East and the Midlands it has been fundamentally disconnected from a post-Brexit Englishness. The book is a major contribution to the historiography of the British coal industry, and the culture it produced. It should be required reading for historians of twentiethcentury Britain, but perhaps most importantly for those who are committed to reconnecting the Labour Party to the post-industrial working class. As the Brexit vote and the 2019 general election revealed, the ‘kings of the underworld’ were not quite banished to the realms of the history books, and the shadow of the mine continued to have a dramatic impact on British politics.
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The aborted coup attempt of 15 July 2016 constitutes a major historical juncture in Turkey’s recent history. Few observers would contest that this event symbolically marks the country’s transformat...
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Turkish foreign policy making under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) rule has been at the centre of scholarly debates since the party first came to power in 2002. Interest to the subject maximised in a... more
Turkish foreign policy making under the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) rule has been at the centre of scholarly debates since the party first came to power in 2002. Interest to the subject maximised in a way during the 2010s, raising serious concerns over its manifestation in the field – not only in the Middle East, but also in other parts of the world. Contrary to what was initially believed, mostly by Western scholars, the AKP did not shift Turkish foreign policy away from Turkey’s westernization vision. The AKP rather adapted to the changing global conditions of our time, affected by and being in constant dialogue with, the socio-economic and political aspects of the party’s vision of founding the “New Turkey”. The collective goal of the present collection of articles in this special issue is to show how – and in what complex ways – Turkish foreign policy has changed over the years, and discuss the nature of the changes through three distinct them...
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Abstract:The essay shows how Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) and, most importantly, the country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, use the concept of Yeni Turkiye (New Turkey) in attempts to construct a new national... more
Abstract:The essay shows how Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) and, most importantly, the country's president, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, use the concept of Yeni Turkiye (New Turkey) in attempts to construct a new national state tradition, a counterhegemonic narrative to replace Turkey's traditional one, Kemalism. It is argued that the AKP aims to replace Kemalism to reconstruct the imagined Turkish community anew. It is further argued that collective memory is central to AKP discourses and repertoires in the party's attempt to construct stabilized, sedimented, dominant, and durable features in this renewed process of Turkish national-identity formation and nation building.
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Moving Health Sovereignty in Africa is a work in five parts which focuses on disease governance and climate change across Africa based on the adaptation of the challenge-response innovation, which is useful for assessing global health... more
Moving Health Sovereignty in Africa is a work in five parts which focuses on disease governance and climate change across Africa based on the adaptation of the challenge-response innovation, which is useful for assessing global health governance and the evolving perspectives of sovereignty since the Westphalia Conference in 1648. In defining the problem, John Kirton (chapter 1) points to the gap between static territories and political sovereignties largely found in Africa that requires innovations in global governance in order to deal with the changing health needs that cause deaths in Africa. These are adequately captured under three perspectives: identifying the challenges of a new world of people and pathogens, assessing existing and emerging responses in ideas, and responses by public authorities as well as the identification of innovations needed, introduced and available to improve the health of Africans and others. This edited work should serve a useful purpose for state actors or public authorities in Africa and beyond. It should also be useful for non-governmental organisations (NGOs) whose focus is on the health and well-being of Africa and the globe, researchers and academics with interests in health policy, as well as Africans whose health needs should be improved in a globalised world. The chapters by Annamarie Šehović (chapter 3), Pieter Fourie (chapter 4) and Dennis Willms (chapter 6) amplify the voice of AIDS at a multilateral level. Obijiofor Aginam’s discussions in chapter 2 tie into the discourse from both a theoretical perspective and as a focused study. Willms (chapter 2) also discusses how proper and good sovereignty concerns can be addressed, which is in line with Oscar Picazo (chapter 7) and Rangarirai Machemedze’s arguments in chapter 8 that the World Bank continues to be a major financier of health in Africa and the World Health Organization (WHO) has continued to provide leadership and technical support to nations. Yet the question arising from this well-written volume is whether the WHO and allied institutions can be trusted? Concerning climate change, the chapters by Nelson Sewankambo et al. (chapter 10) and Kirton and Jenilee Guebert (chapter 12) identify gaps in governance in connecting climate change and health and they highlight the various effects of climate change across countries. This is an essential book that adds to the intellectual discourse about disease, government and climate change in the continent of Africa. The arguments follow through and show how sovereignty, institutions and different authorities are making available and implementing viable health policies in Africa in a globalised world.
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constantly evaluate and negotiate the main threads of their social life and Malyutina’s book captures the intricacies of these processes. The reader may feel that there is still room for methodological clarifications; perhaps a... more
constantly evaluate and negotiate the main threads of their social life and Malyutina’s book captures the intricacies of these processes. The reader may feel that there is still room for methodological clarifications; perhaps a sub-section focused on these aspects could be useful. The author succeeds in carrying out the overall purpose of the book and her appealing study adds valuable knowledge about a highly heterogeneous social life in a super-diverse context.
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chapter 1, Evans should be commended for outlining key theoretical arguments in a concise and accessible manner to non-specialists. As a result, her work has the potential to reach a wide audience of academics, students and those with an... more
chapter 1, Evans should be commended for outlining key theoretical arguments in a concise and accessible manner to non-specialists. As a result, her work has the potential to reach a wide audience of academics, students and those with an interest in the history of apartheid South Africa. It should be noted that the central argument of this book, regarding the role of live broadcasting in the formation of post-apartheid South African nationalism, could have been stronger had it included a discussion of media events in the period following the 1995 Rugby World Cup. For example, the broadcasting of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), along with other events in the post-apartheid era, have been crucial to the process of national identity formation in the ‘new’ South Africa, and Evans’ failure to acknowledge such examples has weakened her argument. Overall, Broadcasting the End of Apartheid is a highly commendable book which provides an innovative contribution to discussions surrounding the fall of apartheid, and ultimately, South Africa’s transition to democracy.
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during Brezhnev’s long reign. This disillusion produced the radical economic reform wave of the early 1990s as a reaction against the Soviet system but also the cynicism and pragmatism that later triumphed once the initial postcommunist... more
during Brezhnev’s long reign. This disillusion produced the radical economic reform wave of the early 1990s as a reaction against the Soviet system but also the cynicism and pragmatism that later triumphed once the initial postcommunist reform wave faltered. This cynicism and pragmatism were behind the combination of autocracy and market economy that Vladimir Putin installed after 2000. The question that this analysis naturally raises is how will Russia change in the future as the 1970s generation dies away and new generations rise to political leadership? Vladimir Gel’man and his co-authors offer some hope that further generational–ideational shifts are likely to occur. They note, however, that this will take some time – another decade or two – and that there are considerable structural obstacles to democratisation to overcome. It is comforting to think that we can wait out the Putin generation, but it is hard to be certain which way any generation’s ideas might develop. The general idea in this book is that each generation reacts against the dominant ideas of their time and this might lead to a reaction against autocracy, and that this will be helped along by globalisation and modernisation. We shall see, but in the meantime, this useful volume is the best brief history of the recent Russian past and the ideas that have driven change that we have and is recommended for specialists and students alike.
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cies to take the place of traditional mechanisms. The book delves into the complex debates over the way that colonialism and decolonization effected political development. It highlights how colonial powers sought to harness the... more
cies to take the place of traditional mechanisms. The book delves into the complex debates over the way that colonialism and decolonization effected political development. It highlights how colonial powers sought to harness the specificities of local models of political development for their own gain – and in doing so reinforced certain structural features in the wake of their departure. In Africa, colonial powers did not have the means for direct control and therefore used traditional structures as a way of backing friendly allies. As a legacy of this, such traditional forms are today hotly debated. While some see them as key to developing locally legitimate alternatives to western, liberal democracy, others dismiss ethnicitybased mechanisms as transmission belts for the clientelism that keeps the same elites in power. Fukuyama details how in many rising economies social change is happening so fast that it is outstripping existing institutional structures. Readers may well find the final chapter most intriguing. As Fukuyama comes to summarize these centuries of political development, he suggests a vital lesson to learn is that political systems can move in positive but also negative directions. Benign institutional development is often followed by collapse and instability. Order is shadowed through history by decay. In a sense, it is because underlying political features become so embedded through historical processes of institutional development, that patterns of order and decay can repeat themselves – rather than political development following a single, linear track forwards. The irony, of course, is that this lesson is being drawn out by an author best known for suggesting history had reached is natural endpoint. Fukuyama has argued on many occasions that his ideas in The end of the history have often been caricatured. That book is certainly one that is cited rather breezily by many who have perhaps not read its full text, and indeed is more nuanced than the way in which it is often portrayed. Nevertheless, the fact that in this latest volume it is the author of The end of history himself honing in on the contingency of political development – after 600 pages of superbly written text, that provides an unparalleled breadth of examples – is in a sense a reflection of today’s disquieting juncture. In many countries, the hopes for democratic development have been disappointed and a certain authoritarian backlash is evident. Political order and political decay helps us locate many of the important reasons for this worrying state of affairs. In doing so, it is a monumental achievement.
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Since the rise of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, the country has been at the forefront of events in the region and beyond, even more so in the wake of the 15 July 2016 failed coup attempt. The... more
Since the rise of Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to power in 2002, the country has been at the forefront of events in the region and beyond, even more so in the wake of the 15 July 2016 failed coup attempt. The party’s initial pro-EU, pro-democratic posture has given way to an illiberal authoritarianism since 2010, a process that has yet to reach its denouement. Tahir Abbas’ worthy ambition in Contemporary Turkey in Conflict: Ethnicity, Islam and Politics is to chart the path of sociopolitical transformation Turkey has undergone over the last decade or so, by surveying some of the key ideas and actors shaping contemporary Turkish politics...
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Book Reviews: Emanuele Saccarelli and Latha Varadarajan, Imperialism: Past and Present and Roger Hardy, The Poisoned Well: Empire and Its Legacy in the Middle EastImperialism: Past and Present by SaccarelliEmanueleVaradarajanLatha. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. 256pp., £16.99 (h/b), ISBN...more