Nicolai Petro

The Tragedy of Ukraine challenges the conventional view that the conflict in Ukraine is primarily an interstate conflict, and highlights its deep domestic roots. For all parties within Ukraine and beyond to move from confrontation to dialogue will require untangling these roots and embracing a change of heart, or catharsis. To assist in this endeavor, this book employs the lens of classical Greek tragedy, which once performed a similar therapeutic function in Athenian society.

The recent “conservative turn” in Russian politics has raised to new levels the role of spiritual and moral values in political discourse. The new partnership formed between the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) and the state, a modernized version of the traditional Byzantine symphonia, has also affected Russian foreign policy. One notable example is the emergence of the “Russian World” as a key concept in Russia's relations with Ukraine and the rest of the CIS.

Although the Church plays a subordinate role in this relationship, it is far from being merely the Kremlin’s puppet. By decentering the nation, this investigation seeks to shed light on the Church’s distinct approach to politics, and show where it draws the line on cooperation with civil authorities. Only by viewing the ROC as an autonomous political and eschatological actor, will we be able to appreciate how it influences Russian foreign policy.

The Novgorod region of Russia is a sparsely populated area about the size of Ireland better known for its medieval archaeology and folklore than for anything else. Although Novgorod began the post-Soviet period with no unusual endowment of natural or human resources, it has attracted a large amount of foreign investment. Its dramatic economic success and political innovation have impressed observers. Local governments deliver benefits and services reliably, and the regional government responds quickly to citizens? needs and demands. Something noteworthy is happening in Novgorod that does not square with familiar headlines about contemporary Russia: oligarchs and oil, ethnic tensions and corruption.

Nicolai N. Petro attempts to explain the Novgorod phenomenon by seeking answers at the regional level. Novgorod is, he finds, a model of effective democratic consolidation. Petro suggests that the region owes its unexpected recent success to its political elites, who have identified key cultural symbols and used those symbols to promote democratic development. Drawing on comparisons with other regions and countries, Petro finds that these cultural tactics often yield better results than do Western-style institutions and educational training programs.

Current efforts to promote democracy focus too much on structural changes and not enough on the conditions needed to sustain them, Petro writes. For the rule of law, free markets, and free and fair elections to gain broad public support, they must first make sense within the local cultural tradition. The unexpected success of regional democratic development in a country not known for its democratic traditions suggests that local governments can transform the burden of the past into an ally of change, a finding with implications for democratic development initiatives in other areas of the world.

How could the West have better prepared for the fall of communism and gained a clearer picture of Russia's new political landscape? By cultivating an awareness, Nicolai Petro argues, of the deep democratic aspirations of the Russian people since Muscovite times. Petro traces the long history of those aspirations, recovering for us an understanding crucial to our formation of successful foreign policy toward Russia.

      Expanding the traditional definition of political culture from single thread to continuous historical tapestry, Petro illuminates a reality previously lost to even the most rigorous Sovietology: the fragility of communism. He portrays an abiding "alternative political culture" that tells us Russia indeed possesses a democratic tradition on which its contemporary democracy rests.

      Petro's analysis includes many surprising and incisive observations. In a look at the Russian Orthodox Church, he traces its long history of support for opposition sentiment during both tsarist and Soviet times and its support for democracy today. He also explores the character and power of contemporary Russian nationalism and traces its origins to the neo-Slavophile national identity that took its shape as a challenge to Bolshevik oppression. Delineating Russia's postcommunist political parties, the author reveals their roots in prerevolutionary times and explains how this continuity makes Russian political aspirations far more predictable than is commonly assumed.

      Awakening us to Russia's historical involvement in the democratic quest that lies at the heart of Western values, Petro opens a path for a more meaningful, more productive understanding of modern Russia.

В книге представлен анализ политических процессов в Великом Новгороде и Новгородской области за период с начала 90-х годов прошлого века до первых лет XXI столетия. Центральное место отведено становлению гражданского общества и присущих ему демократических институтов. Эта тема рассматривается в широком историческом, политическом, социально-экономическом и культурологическом контексте, с использованием методов сравнивнительного анализа, обширного фактического и статистического материала. Сочетание строгой научности с оригинальными исследовательскими подходами позволили автору ввести в научных оборот новые эмпирические данные и сделать теоретические выводы, которые позволяют более глубоко осмыслить политические процессы в России после распада СССР.

In 2018 religious conflict in Ukraine reached a new level of intensity. On the eve of national elections in 2019, the President and parliament of Ukraine set themselves the ambitious goal of creating a single national church out of the many Christian denominations. This controversial initiative has re-opened old confessional wounds, and risks creating a split among Christians worldwide.

As the war in Ukraine enters its fifth year, it remains mired in debt, corruption, and strife. The country seems to be caught up, again, in a vicious cycle that has been repeating itself for decades, if not centuries. Classical Greek tragedy gives us a deeper look at the reasons behind Ukraine's persistent failure to achieve social stability, and to suggest remedies. The tragic cycle can be broken through a compromise in which individual, social and divine aspirations for justice are reconciled. As long as Ukrainian leaders seek to achieve justice without compromise, the nation's self-destructive cycle is likely to persist.

A decade ago, influential Russian analysts concluded that the emergence of a multipolar world was inevitable, and that Russia could benefit from this transition by adopting a strategy that combined great power realism and “traditional” Russian values.This strategy, first elaborated in Vladimir Putin’s Valdai Speech of 2013, has since come to be known as “civilizational realism.” This essay describes how, through civilizational realism, Russia hopes to forge a new, and more ‘congenial’ world order.

the President of Ukraine, Petro Poroshenko, has set himself the ambitious task of dismantling the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church, an autonomous and self-administered part of the Russian Orthodox Church, and creating a new, single national church out of the many Christian denominations in his country.

A decade ago many Russian analysts concluded that the West’s efforts to preserve its global superiority would be futile and the emergence of a polycentric world was inevitable. To benefit from this transition Russia should adopt a strategy that combined great power realism and “traditional” Russian values. This strategy, first elaborated in Vladimir Putin’s Valdai Speech of 2013, is known as ‘Civilizational Realism’. This article describes the emergence of Russia’s new sense of self-worth, how and why Russia gradually lost faith in the West as a potential partner, and how, through the internal adoption and external projection of conservative multicultural values, Russia hopes to forge a new, and more pluralistic, world order.

The West’s focus on corruption in Ukraine is largely misplaced. The main impediment to stability and economic growth is the government’s suicidal choice to cut the country off from its main investor – Russia. This article looks at the economic and political costs of pursuing such a policy, and concludes that there is no alternative to Russian investment. Given the political and economic constraint imposed upon the European Union, the West and Russia need to work together to develop a comprehensive economic strategy that can promote Ukraine’s economic development.

Peacemaking efforts in Ukraine have failed because two crises must be addressed simultaneously. The first is the crisis within Ukraine over whether it should be a monocultural or bicultural nation. The second is the crisis in Russian relations with the West. The key is viewing Russia as part of the solution, rather than as the problem.

The study of Russia proper has yet to really begin in the United States. Restoring the academic linkages between Russia Studies and European Studies that have frayed since the end of the Cold War would be a good start. Restoring Russia to European studies will help the rediscovery our common cultural and religious heritage, so that the definition of Western identity can be broadened to include Russia.

For many analysts the term Russky mir, or Russian World, epitomizes an expansionist and messianic Russian foreign policy, the perverse intersection of the interests of the Russian state and the Russian Orthodox Church.

Little noted is that the term actually means something quite different for each party. For the state it is a tool for expanding Russia's cultural and political influence, while for the Russian Orthodox Church it is a spiritual concept, a reminder that through the baptism of Rus, God consecrated these people to the task of building a Holy Rus.

The close symphonic relationship between the Orthodox Church and state in Russia thus provides Russian foreign policy with a definable moral framework, one that, given its popularity, is likely to continue to shape the country's policies well into the future.

The cultural and political differences besetting Ukraine are the product of very different patterns of regional settlement. Among these, the settlement of eastern and southern Ukraine stands out, for in these traditionally Russophone regions, political conflict has arisen whenever the legitimacy of Russian culture in Ukraine has been challenged.

This article looks at the history of Russian settlement east of the Dniepr river, explores the significance of the past for the present conflict, and calls for acknowledging the obvious reality that Ukraine is, at its heart, bilingual and bicultural.

Ukrainian politicians commonly say that the language issue only comes up during election campaigns, but then these same politicians have also come to blows in the parliament over this issue. This suggests that deep-seated and unresolved concerns lie at the heart of the language issue. To appreciate these we need to look at who actually uses which language, and the different cultural and political agendas behind one’s choice of language.

Russian foreign policy thinking has evolved significantly in recent years. Defined throughout the 1990s by a notable lack of any clearly defined strategic course, there is now a clear vision of the type of global order that Russia wants. Russian foreign policy thinking is reaching far beyond traditional realism to embrace global risk sharing, although the extent to which the country ought to embrace a truly global security agenda is still hotly debated. Too little attention has been paid in the West to this intellectual evolution, and to what it says about Russia's long term foreign policy goals.

While Poroshenko and Patriarch Bartholomew have cast the church split as a struggle against undue Russian influence in Ukraine, this simplistic narrative does not address either what critics describe as the president’s radical departure from Western notions of separation of church and state, or the consternation that the Ecumenical Patriarch’s actions have stirred up among the world’s other Orthodox churches.

Despite the passage of time, Cold War patterns of thinking about Russia show no sign of weakening in America. To avoid repeating the mistakes of the past, we need to look at Russian society in a fundamentally different light. We must learn to appreciate it as a democracy that shares key similarities, as well as differences, with the West.