Emil Hilje

The polyptych for the altar of St Martin in the Zadar Cathedral, commissioned from Vittore Carpaccio by Canon Martin Mladošić, is one of those works from the painter’s oeuvre whose chronology is still not agreed upon. Various authors dated the Zadar polyptych to almost the entire range of the painter’s activities, from those who considered it a youthful work to those who considered it a late work, created at the very end of his career.
The document that was recently found in the Zadar archive sheds a completely new light on the issue of dating the polyptych, excluding all dating in the early years of Carpaccioʼs work, but at the same time exposes the conditions and circumstances of its commission and creation. Namely, on September 12, 1497, in Zadar, Martin Mladošić appointed two representatives,
who were supposed to demand from the painter Victor Scarpation (Vittore Carpaccio) in Venice to complete the work on the altarpiece for the altar of St Martin in the cathedral of St Anastasia in Zadar, in accordance with the contract he had previously concluded with the client. It was stated that, if the painter failed to do this, they should take from him the frame carved in Zadar and order the painting from other masters at his expense. However, if he completed and submitted the work, they should cancel the previously concluded contract. Considering Carpaccioʼs signature on the painting, it is obvious that the latter was ultimately achieved. And in the light of the fact that the client and the painter met in person, it can
be assumed that the depiction of the donor in the painting is indeed a realistic portrait of a prominent Zadar canon.
In combination with the previously known information from Mladošićʼs will, dated April 21, 1496, which referred to the making of the frame, it can be established that the polyptych was commissioned in 1496, and that the painting lasted until the end of 1497 or the beginning of 1498. Dated in this way, the Zadar polyptych can be precisely placed in the time between the two great Carpaccioʼs cycles, that is, after the completion of the Cycle of St Ursula and before starting work on the cycle at the Scuola di San Giorgio degli Schiavoni.
The life of Martin Mladošić, in addition to his own notarial books, is witnessed by numerous archival documents, from which it is possible to partially reconstruct his biography, especially his career progression and position within Zadarʼs ecclesiastical circles, where he stood out as one of the most important and influential members of the cathedral chapter. Despite certain disagreements between the chapter and the archbishop, he remained the closest associate and confidant of Archbishop Maffeo Vallaresso. After Vallaressoʼs death, during the vacant episcopal seat, he seems to have been the head of the Zadar church hierarchy, and he retained a key role during the episcopate of Giovanni Robobello. The rise of his ecclesiastical career was accompanied by material prosperity, a luxurious house in the city, and extensive land holdings. So, investing in his own altar in the cathedral was a logical reflection of Mladošićʼs well-being and position. Also, we can assume that Mladošić, satisfied with Carpaccioʼs work, and still connected with the Vallaresso family, played a certain role in his engagement for the work in Scuola di San Giorgio degli Schiavoni.

The conclusion of the Peace Treaty of Zadar on 18th February 1358 marked the beginning of half a century of the Angevin rule in the city of Zadar, which proved to be beneficial in many ways. Most of its autonomy was restored to the city, while prominent individuals from the ranks of the city’s nobility began to take part in state politics, providing the pool from which counts for other Dalmatian communes were most frequently elected. The most important development, however, was that the strong connection with the hinterland and the disappearance of restrictive Venetian duties and monopolies abruptly revived and improved economic activity, bringing new impetus to both trade and crafts. Therefore, the second half of the 14th century was a time of prosperity for Zadar, a time in which many noble families acquired relatively large material resources and a number of commoners became rich. Also, since church institutions were able to enjoy their land holdings without hindrance, and had been increasingly receiving legacies from citizens, they grew more economically resilient.
Such a material basis was quickly reflected in the marked flourishing of artistic activity, which makes the last quarter of the 14th century one of the liveliest artistic periods in the millennial history of the Zadar commune. Prominent artists from the artistically more developed Italian communes were settling in Zadar: goldsmith Franjo Antunov from Milan, painter Menegelo Ivanov de Canali from Venice, and sculptor Pavao Vanucijev from Sulmona. Apart from these leading figures of the 14th century Dalmatian art, the archives reveal the names of numerous local artists, but also of those who came to Zadar from other communes, attracted by the opportunities that the flourishing Dalmatian metropolis was offering at that time. It would be difficult to name all the master goldsmiths and their assistants in Zadar workshops. In addition to those from other Dalmatian communes, there were newcomers from across the Adriatic (from Pesaro, Rimini, Ravenna, Padua), from continental Croatia, and even from Germany and France. There were also many boys from the hinterland, mostly from Lika, who came to Zadar to be apprenticed to goldsmiths. Painters Nikola Ciprijanov de Blondis and Blaž Lukin Banić, who joined forces with the local painter Stjepan Martinov Lasagna, returned to the city after finishing their education in Venice. Painter Ivan
Tomazinov came back from Padua, Anđeo Franjin from Ancona, Dominik Ivanov from Naples, Antun Lovrin from Split, and Marko Nikolin from Dubrovnik. Paintings were commissioned from local and naturalized masters, but also from the most prominentartists in Venice. Woodcarvers worked closely with painters, and it was in this period that one of the most important monuments of the Croatian woodcarving was created - the choir bench made by Ivan Jakovljev de Borgosansepolcro for the church
of St. Francis in Zadar. Spurred by the sudden economic prosperity of citizens and church institutions, local stonemasonry workshops, after having almost completely disappeared around the middle of the century, developed a wide scope of activity. The names of many builders, stonemasons and sculptors, as well as data about the commissioned construction and renovation of residential and commercial buildings,
376 zadarski mir: prekretnica anžuvinskog doba but also of church and public spaces, testify to the fact that the city was practically transformed into one big construction site. The communal proto-master Andrija
Desin was the most prominent name among the builders, whereas the workshop of the Bilšić family was gaining ground in local construction. Also, the class of craftsmen, which included all “artistic occupations”, gradually grew not only wealthier, but also more influential within the communal structures. Owing to historical circumstances, the overall situation changed significantly after 1409. Nevertheless, the artistic boom
conceived during the Angevin rule continued into the first half of the 15th century. It was only in the second half of the century that it petered out, after the city gradually sank into poverty and then found itself under pressure from the Ottoman threat, neverto reach the same intensity again.

The painted crucifixions in churches on the island of Ugljan according to Visitation from 1579

The apostolic visitations of Augustinus Valerius from 1579 and Michael Priolus
from 1603 have long been a valuable source for knowledge of the former richness
of the artistic equipment of the medieval churches in Dalmatia. The article analyses
only a part of Valerius’ visitation, the one referring to the churches of the island
of Ugljan, which deviates somewhat from the usual pattern of describing village
churches, but provides evidence of the number of painted crucifixes, as one of the
essential elements of artistic equipment.
In the text of the visitation, the existence of a painted crucifix was noted in nine
churches in Ugljan, and its absence in two churches. When we compare the part
of the visitation that refers to the island of Ugljan with the rest of the text, the one
that refers to Zadar and its area, precisely in terms of mentioning the triumphal
crucifixes, the visitation of Ugljan shows an important difference.
Namely, in most of the churches visited, there is no mention of crucifixes, so the
impression is that they did not exist there. However, the general goals of the apostolic
visitations should be borne in mind, with the emphasis on the arrangement of
the altar and liturgical equipment, and the painted crucifixes in the triumphal arches
were only mentioned incidentally, as part of the visitation concerning the general
status of the churches, along which the condition of the roof, windows, bells and
paving. This is probably the reason why they were not systematically mentioned,
but were probably taken for granted, especially in the richly equipped Zadar city
churches. Therefore, it should not be concluded that Ugljan abounded in painted
crucifixes, and that they did not exist elsewhere, but it is much more likely that the
specificity of the visit to the island of Ugljan stems from the fact that it was not performed by Augustin Valier himself, but by his assistant who, by all accounts,
worked according to a different pattern, which included that piece of church equipment.
And based on the recorded quantity on the island of Ugljan, it is possible
to conclude that the painted crucifix and was a regular part of the equipment of
village churches elsewhere, so the total number of medieval painted crucifixes in
rural churches in the Zadar archdiocese, considering the fact that it was missing in
some places, it could be estimated at about a hundred different examples.

The article is dedicated to the contract of May 4, 1560 by which the famous Šibenik goldsmith Horace Fortezza admitted Martin, son of the shoemaker Janko Rabanaščić, for a six-year education. With the help of several other archival sources, it was undoubedly established that the said Janko Rabanačić was indentical with the shoemaker Ivan Janko Kolunić, and that the said Fortezza's student was the well-known graphic artis of Šibenik origin Martin Kolunić Rota. This confirmed the assumptions about the possible connection between Fortezza and Kolunić Rota, and at the same time corrected the chronology of Kolunić's life and work.

Biagio di Giorgio da Traù (Blaž Jurjev Trogiranin) is the most important Gothic painter of Dalmatia, an artist who interconnected the Dalmatian cities from Zadar to Dubrovnik with his activity and his oeuvre so that, in a way, he was also the key figure of Dalmatian visual culture in the first half of the 15th century. Several hitherto unknown archival data can contribute to a somewhat better knowledge of his life path, which also opens up room for new speculations on his artistic development. The fact that in 1419 he is mentioned in Trogir as “painter Biagio from Zadar” confirms the assumption that he spent part of his youth, and most likely his schooling, in that city, at a time when Menegelo Ivanov de Canali was the most prominent painter there. In this context, it is possible to bring certain Trecentist archaisms, noticeable in Biagio’s works, into a more direct connection with their source in Menegelo’s painting. Also, evidence of Biagio’s multiple stays in Split provide a foothold for shifting the usual dating of the crucifix in St Francis’ church into the master’s more mature creative phase instead of the very beginning of his career, which makes it easier to imagine the possible stages of his artistic development – the initial phase, more strongly related to Menegelo’s influence, to which the Šibenik polyptych may belong, his supposed stay in Venice, his more intense activities in Trogir and Dubrovnik, his full affirmation and artistically the most fruitful period in the 1430s, and eventually a quieter period upon his return to Zadar. Although his biography remains full of unknowns, the new insights about his connections with Zadar, Split, and Šibenik, along with those long-known links with Trogir, Dubrovnik, and Korčula, confirm the more or less permanent presence of the most important Gothic painter of Dalmatia in the crucial artistic and cultural centres of Dalmatia at the time.

Certain archival data related to the construction of the Grand Loggia in Šibenik can only partially expand our existing knowledge on the circumstances and the manner in which this construction took place, but they are nevertheless important as reliable chronological strongholds and even more as evidence of the participation and role of local masters in this process. The first proper information about the works on the loggia is the contract of September 29, 1536, by which the construction representatives commissioned Ivan Ručić to transport timber from the Rijeka area. Shortly afterwards, on December 8 of the same year, stonemason Bartul Radojković from Brač undertook to deliver to the construction representatives one hundred and forty feet of cornices for the loggia, according to the model they had given him. Two documents from January 19, 1537 attest that the money from some verdicts was channelled to construct the loggia and paid out to stonemason Frane Dismanić, one of the most important personalities in the stonemason circles of Šibenik at the time. A document from January 30, 1539, when stonemason Bartul Radojković demanded from the construction representatives to take over the processed stone on the island of Brač and pay the rest of the contracted sum, testifies to a serious delay in construction, as he was informed that the budget was spent. Although meagre, these archival data undoubtedly reveal the key role of the local artisans and workshops in the process of building the Šibenik loggia. The links between two parallel ventures are important as well. Namely, Frane Dismanić later became the protomaster of the construction of St Nicholas' fortress, while the sculptures for its portal were carved by sculptor Dujam Rudičić from Split, also attributed with some of the sculptural decoration at the log-gia. Stonemasons from Brač, from the Radojković family, also delivered processed stone for the construction of St Nicholas' fortress, so it is obvious that the same masters were engaged in both representative constructions, probably on similar tasks. ABSTRACT Odjel za povijest umjetnosti Sveučilište u Zadru Obala kralja Petra Krešimira IV. 2 HR-23000 Zadar Primljen / Received: 2. 7. 2020. Nekoliko arhivskih podataka u vezi s gradnjom šibenske Velike lože tek dijelom može proširiti postojeće spoznaje o uvje-tima i načinu na koje se ta gradnja odvijala, ali su važni kao pouzdana kronološka uporišta, a još više kao svjedočanstvo o učešću i ulozi domaćih majstora u tom procesu. Prvi konkretan podatak o radovima na loži je ugovor od 29. rujna 1536. godine, kojim su zastupnici gradnje lože naručili od Ivana Ručića dovoženje drvene građe s područja Rijeke. Nedugo za-tim, 8. prosinca iste godine, obvezao se klesar Bartul Radojković s Brača isporučiti zastupnicima gradnje lože sto četrdeset stopa vijenca za ložu, prema modelu koji su mu dali. Dva dokumenta od 19. siječnja 1537. godine bilježe da je novac od nekih presuda usmjeren prema gradnji lože i isplaćen klesaru Frani Dismaniću, jednom od najvažnijih ličnosti u okviru kamenarskih krugova u Šibeniku u to doba. O ozbiljnom zastoju u gradnji svjedoči dokument od 30. siječnja 1539. godine, kada je klesar Bartul Radojković tražio od zastupnika gradnje lože da na Braču preuzme pripremljeno kamenje te isplati ostatak ugovorene plaće, na što mu je odgovoreno da gradnja nema novca. Iako skromne, navedene arhivske vijesti nedvoj-beno otkrivaju ključnu ulogu domaćih majstora i radionica u procesu gradnje šibenske lože. Pritom su važne i poveznice između dvaju paralelnih poduhvata. Naime, Frane Dismanić poslije je postao protomajstorom gradnje utvrde Sv. Nikole, a skulpture za njezin portal klesao je kipar Dujam Rudičić iz Splita, kojem je atribuiran i dio skulptorskog ukrasa lože. Također su brački klesari iz obitelji Radojković isporučivali obrađeni kamen za gradnju utvrde Sv. Nikole, pa je očito da su na objema reprezentativnim gradnjama bili angažirani isti majstori, vjerojatno i u sličnim ulogama.

Šibenik’s painter Ivan Vulić (Ivan de Lupis), who was active in the first third of the 16th century, has so far remained completely unknown to the professional public, so his name is not mentioned in any list of Dalmatian painters. However, the archival material, where he is mentioned in over two hundred documents, reveals an interesting and complex personality, a local master whose craft could not provide him a satisfactory living, so he changed his profession and became a notary, Latinizing his surname. But despite his change of profession, he continued to paint as well.
The life and painting career of Ivan Vulić can be traced through archival documents from 1509 to 1531. As is usual in sets of archival materials, most of the documents relate to various private affairs or appearances in the role of a witness, and only a very small part has to do with his artistic activity. However, a number of contracts directly related to painting show that throughout this period, Ivan Vulić (de Lupis) was almost continuously active as a painter, and actually seems to have been the only serious local painter in Šibenik during the first third of the 16th century. Over the course of fifteen years, a total of five painting engagements were recorded. On September 5, 1511, representatives of the Fraternity of Sailors of St Nicholas and painter Ivan Vulić appointed estimators for the value of his painting on a cabinet of the said fraternity, on April 16, 1513, Jakov Kosirić, on behalf of Vladan Rutčić from Vrana, paid the painter for some work on an altarpiece, and on April 13, 1515, Vulić sold to Ivan Milošević from Zaton a painting of the Virgin Mary for
eighteen librae, which he could pay in three instalments of six librae. On May 12, 1522, notary Ivan de Lupis agreed to paint an altar by the end of September, that is, the chapel of St Clare in St Francis’ church in Šibenik, with three scenes from the life of St Clare, for the price of one hundred librae. Finally, on December 8, 1524, painter Ivan de Lupis agreed with the representatives of St Mary of Kaštel to paint an altarpiece for Our Lady’s Chapel depicting the Virgin and Child in the middle, St John the Evangelist and St Andrew to the right, and St Simeon and St Nicholas to the left. On the upper part of the altarpiece, he was to paint the Annun- ciation, and on the wings St Paul to the left and St Jerome to the right. He was also to produce four cassettes for the ceiling and four evangelists with gilded haloes, and paint four candlesticks. All work was to be completed by the end of May, with a contract price of twenty-six ducats.
Although these orders may seem minor, they show that the local painting production in Šibenik did not stop with the death of Juraj Čulinović, but continued, although in a far more modest form, to cater for those modest needs for paint- ings that still existed in the difficult historical circumstances of the first third of the 16th century. The hitherto unknown painter Ivan Vulić (Ivan de Lupis), although apparently a minor local master, was nevertheless one of the last figures of the “Dalmatian painting school.”

St Margaret monastery of the Benedictine nuns together with its monastery church dedicated to the Annunciation in the town of Pag has been, ever since its foundation in the 14th century, a place for collecting and keeping sacral artistic heritage. The most valuable and important artworks date back to the Late Middle Ages, the flourishing period of the monastery. Although, as elsewhere in Croatia, the preserved artworks from that period represent just a small remnant of the former treasure, its size and value make the artistic heritage of the Pag Benedictine monastery an important complex in the wider context of Dalmatian art. Among stone monuments, the wellhead with a decorated relief made in 1353, the tombstone of the Mišolić family inside the church and the coat of arms of the Pag rector Antonio Loredano embedded into the monastery yard, are of special importance.
Four wooden Gothic statues of different art circles are kept in the monastery: a small statue of St. Margaret from the 14th century, a statue of the Madonna from the Annunciation group from the first half of the 15th century, a relief of the ‘Madonna and Child with Angels’ from the middle of the 15th century, and the statue of the ‘Madonna and Child’ from the 15th century. The painting heritage from the earliest period hasn’t been preserved. We can find just one painting from the latter half of the 15th century in the monastery, a small picture of the ‘Madonna with Child’, painted in the tempera on wood technique. The painting is severely damaged, but the style and quality associate this work of small dimensions with one of the most important painters of the Early Renaissance – Andrea Man- tegna. Some applied arts artefacts deserve to be highlighted - the Reliquary of the Holy Thorn, one of the finest examples of Dalmatian goldsmithery from the first half of the 15th century, a hand reliquary and finally, a processional cross, which can be associated with similar works of the Zadar goldsmithery. This small but valuable art collection, preserved over long centuries, deserves an adequate presentation in order to become available to a wider audience and worshippers.

The numerous monuments of late mediaeval religious architecture on the island of Pag are a valuable witness to the development of mediaeval architecture not merely on Pag, but also throughout the broader geographic region. Unfortunately, only a few of these structures have remained in function to the present. Most of these churches are in ruins today, and many of them have disappeared entirely. It is nonetheless possible to reconstruct to some extent on the basis of what has been preserved and also the data offered in archival records the full wealth of the architectural activity in this period, as well as particular elements in the manner of construction, and certain stylistic developmental advances.
Several churches had already been constructed in Pag as early as the early Christian period, and also during the early mediaeval period. Some of them remained in function afterwards (St Jerome in Vlašići, the older church of the Blessed Virgin in Stari Grad, St Nicholas at Povljana, St George above Pag, St George at Smokvica, St Peter at Prosika). The real expansion in architectural activity took place at the end of the 13th century and during the 14th century, when a large number of small churches were built next to fields and salt flats, as well as churches in the town itself.
Of the numerous religious structures built at the end of the 13th and in the first half of the 14th century, the majority of those located in the southeastern part of the island belong to the characteristic type of single-naved rectangular churches of small dimensions, with a semicircular apse, roofed with a barrel vault which was strengthened by a horizontal band supported on laterally placed pilasters. The ruined remains of the following churches show that they belonged to this type: St Michael near Gorica, St Martin at Stara Povljana, St Nicholas at Pag Point, and the most attractive of them all, the Church of St Guy on the hill above Kolan. For some churches, such as St Andrew and St John at the salt flats, St Martin in Stari Grad, SS Cosmos and Damian in Stari Grad, and St Gregory near Stari Grad, it is not possible to determine whether they belonged to the same time because of their poor preservation, but the preserved remains indicate a similar plan.
In the northwestern part of the island, remains have been preserved from the cited period of the Churches of St Christopher near Stara Novalja, St George at Caska, St Guy at Vidasovi Stanovi, St John near Jakišnica, St Martin at the tip of Lun Point, and St Andrew near Novalja. In contrast to those in the southeastern part of the island, these churches exhibit neither typological nor stylistic uniformity, and the two constructed on the Lun peninsula, which was owned by inhabitants of the adjacent island of Rab (St Guy and St John), are stylistically more advanced than the contemporary structures in other sections of the island.
The greatest number, however, of the religious structures from the end of the 13th century and from the 14th century disappeared entirely (or the structures were later remodelled completely). The following churches are known merely on the basis of archival records: St Ambrose, St Andrew, St Francis, St George, the Holy Cross, St Margaret, and St Matthew in Stari Grad, St Maurus at Barbat, St Quirinus near Pag, St Euphemia and St Stephen near the salt flats, St Maurus at Dinjiška, the Holy Cross at Stara Vasa, St Catherine at Novalja, and St Anthony in the Novalja plain.
The large Cathedral of the Our Lady was constructed at the beginning of the 14th century in Stari Grad, in a simple form of the developed Romanesque, even in a somewhat rustic style (due to lack of funds). Its impoverished aesthetic appearance was somewhat modified at the end of the 14th century, when the previous facade was demolished and a new one built, decorated with reliefs by the Zadar sculptor Pavao of Sulmona. The migration of the inhabitants of the town to the new Pag, and the construction of a new cathedral, meant that the Church of Our Lady lost all of its importance. Nonetheless, thanks to the fact that it later belonged to the Franciscans, who built a monastery next to it, this church has remained in function up to the present.
There are somewhat fewer monuments of religious architecture from the second half of the 14th century, but they are as equally poorly preserved as those from the earlier period. Ruined remains are preserved of the following churches: St Christopher at Barbat Point, St Anthony in Stari Grad, Our Lady near Stara Novalja, St Mary Magdalen in Bošana, St Catherine in Pag, St James in Stari Grad and the Holy Spirit near Kolan. These structures mostly show typological differences in relation to the monuments from the previous period, which is apparent in the increased dimensions, the loss of the vault, and the somewhat more careful construction technique, but they retained the semicircular apses and the technique of walling layers of dressed stone characteristic for the Romanesque style.
A large number of churches from this period have also not been preserved: St Thomas in Košljan, St Bartholomew in Zamet, St Chrysogonus, St Lucia, and St Dominique in Stari Grad, and St Helen near Prosika.
Architectural activity was concentrated in the area of the new city of Pag during the 15th century. Only a few small churches were erected in small places and on agricultural estates. Two of them (St Mary in Metajna and St Jerome near Kolan) have been preserved in their original form and are still in use, two are in ruins (the Holy Trinity near Pag and St Bartholomew near Dinjiška), while one has been reconstructed from the very foundations (St Luke in Kolan).
Five churches were built in Pag itself during the 15th century. The Church of St James was demolished in 1903, and its appearance is known from only a single panoramic photograph. The Dominican monastery and the Church of St Anthony were adapted for profane functions, and were greatly damaged. Nonetheless, on the basis of remains and the preserved plans from the beginning of the last century, the appearance of both the church and monastery is known. The Church of St Francis has been entirely preserved, and is still in function, but the monastery structures that were once located next to it have entirely disappeared. The Church of St George is no longer in religious use, but it has been completely preserved. All three of these structures represent simple types of provincial Gothic architecture – elongated single-aisled structures with rectangular apses.
The Church of the Annunciation and the Benedictine Convent are still in function today. The church, with its rib vaulted apse and lateral chapel, and rich architectural decoration, is a fine example of developed Gothic architecture.
The central Church of Our Lady, intended to be but never actually the cathedral of Pag, the most significant monument of religious architecture on the island, is also important in a wider context. Constructed according to the forms of other Dalmatian cathedrals, and thus close to their Romanesque spatial conceptions and solutions, it also represents a combination of Gothic and Renaissance elements. The lengthy period of construction and the succession of architectural groups (the Zadar architects, the brothers Pavao and Juraj Dimitrov, Šibenik architects from the circle of Juraj Dalmatinac, and the Korčula master-builders Marko Andrijić and Nikola Alegreti) made their mark on this structure with a variety of artistic experience and orientations, all pleasingly incorporated into a unified conception.
The data about over fifty late mediaeval religious structures on one island speaks for itself about the spiritual climate of the time and space, but all of these churches (both those preserved and those no longer extant) represent an orientation for better knowledge of the past on the island of Pag. No matter how modest and artistically undefined in the sense of a given stylistic category, the churches of Pag represent the most intact segment of late mediaeval architecture in the Northern Dalmatian region, a true reflection of the period and the way of life, and the emphasized aesthetics of individual segments of this architecture would require a far more active approach to the preservation of these monuments.

ZADAR'S SCULPTOR AND BUILDER PAOLO DI VANUZZI DA SULMONA

Paolo di Vanuzzi da Sulmona was an important Dalmatian sculptor, whose activity is entirely linked to Zadar and the surrounding region. So far, there are no conclusive indications of his possible activity in his hometown or the formation process of his artistic personality. However, it is evident that his artistic expression mirrors the tastes of a provincial setting, in which certain traditional visual elements combined with contemporary achievements. Although Paolo developed a somewhat archaic style, with strong reminiscences of Apulian Romanesque sculpture, he nevertheless managed to express his own, individual sensibility, which is especially evident in details and smaller forms, and reveals his capacity for surpassing the level of finding simple technical solutions for sculptural tasks. His careful treatment of drapery, manifest in all his artworks, reveals contacts with the contemporary artistic tendencies, which were spreading from Tuscany throughout central Italy. Paolo di Vanuzzi was not a great sculptor. His work lacks an outspoken artistic power, as well as skill in solving specific problems of visual persuasion, or even realistic quality of depiction. His working method remains conceptually close to the outdated Romanesque forms, which results in unrealistic proportions, inaccurate anatomy, and implausible psychologization of his figures. Paolo practically never produced full sculpture. All his artworks are reliefs, varying only in the depth of the volume, with no sign of aspiring to achieve full three-dimensionality. Nevertheless, his figures almost regularly emit the warmth of true humanity, all the more admiring for having been achieved with modest means. This flaunting vivacity is additionally accentuated by decorative elements and the way Paolo employs them, especially the vegetal motifs, which he uses and varies with preference, the most striking being his small roses, somewhat reminiscent of the sculpture of his homeland.
The oeuvre of Paolo da Sulmona is rather heterogeneous. However, besides the quite common differences in quality, which is more or less present in any artistic profile, especially with sculptors working with a variety of assistants, Paolo’s work also reveals rather significant differences in performance, as well as certain visual elements that do not fit into his usual artistic expression. It is almost certain that most of these differences result from his using (or not using) model drawings, which varied in quality. Beside the documented design for the tomb of Bishop Matafar, one or other work of Paolo da Sulmona may have been done after designs by painter Menegelo Ivanov de Canali. The long years of collaboration between the two masters, attested in several documents that mention them together, is only an incentive to seek for answers to the question to which extent Menegelo influenced Paolo’s artistic expression, as the latter came to Zadar as an accomplished artist. Menegelo’s presence from Paolo’s first commission in 1386 (the tomb of Bishop Matafar) to the last one in 1400 (St Simon’s chapel) may help to understand some solutions typical of a painter, which occur in Paolo’s sculpture. Moreover, it seems that Menegelo’s element gave a somewhat more modern appearance to Paolo’s sculpture, including the presence of Gothic aspects, which are more outspokenly present in such projects than in Paolo’s independent work. There may have been other designs that Paolo used besides Menegelo’s, which is indicated by artworks such as the relief of St Anne with Mary as a child from St Chrisogonus’ church, which reveals a sort of iconographic misunderstanding between the depicted subject and the design on which it was modelled. In any case, Paolo’s involvement in the artistic scene of Zadar, which featured prominent personalities such as the most distinguished Dalmatian painter of the time (Menegelo Ivanov de Canali) as well as the most prominent goldsmith of the time (Francesco from Milan) must have had a considerable impact on the sculptural expression of this South Italian master, even though he remained attached to the traditions of his homeland, with a touch of visual archaism, especially in motifs and the way he used decorative elements.
As recognizable and characteristic elements of Paolo’s artistic expression one may primarily mention the faces of his figures: regularly broad and somewhat round physiognomies with accentuated cheekbones and small, pursed lips, straight noses, and slightly squinting eyes. Regardless of the actual volume of the head, the faces are rather shallow, barely protruding from the surface, which makes them seem like a relief applied on the roundness of the head. All faces reveal an attempt at expressing a particular psychological moment. Mostly it is a somewhat reserved, blissful smile, which is so typified that one sometimes has the impression as if all heads were the same. In an attempt at rendering suffering (in the two Lamentation reliefs), Paolo is less successful and the facial expressions largely turn into a grimace. Apparently, the most successful psychologization appears in those figures where the master did not aspire at expressing a particular emotion (such as the two extant heads on Matafor’s monument or the saintly figures on the portal of St Michael’s church). Hands are usually anatomically inaccurate, with typically thick palms and stylized fingers, separated by deep incisions and without a hint of details. However, Paolo dedicated particular attention to drapery, which is almost always rather voluminous and rendered in fine detail. It is in this depiction of fabric that the sculptor takes the most decisive step away from the overall archaism of impression, embracing the Gothic affinity for carefully elaborated, rich drapery instead of the traditional stylization. To be sure, the realism of drapery may vary in different artworks, but it is regularly among the best aspects of Paolo’s artistic expression. The use of ornaments, mostly vegetal, is rather reserved, but its performance always reveals an exceptionally refined approach, with a careful elaboration of each particular leaf. In Paolo’s work, vegetal ornament is so unobtrusive that it almost goes unnoticed, yet its function in compositions primarily dominated by human figures is nevertheless significant. Similarly to most authors of mediocre artistic achievement, Paolo di Vanuzzi is a passionate master of detail, which is particularly striking in his vegetal ornaments. In his reliefs, the compositions are always carefully assembled and the relationship between different characters and their relationship to the observer are purposefully combined so as to give the character of both timeless sublimity and everyday presence to the depicted subject matter.
It is difficult to say anything certain about Paolo da Sulmona as a builder. The construction of the apse of St Michael’s church was completely subjected to the predefined design, and the front façade of the Pag church seems to have been subjected to the commissioner’s demands, which implied an outspokenly archaic concept. However, it is precisely the way in which Paolo incorporated the elements of modern visual relations into the structure thus predetermined indicated that, also as a builder, he was a more individualistic artistic personality than it may seem at the first glance. Moreover, his elaboration of the iconographic programme and the distribution of reliefs in the Pag church indicate that the artist, when creating sculptures, always kept in mind what place they would have within a particular architectural concept.
Even though it cannot be denied that Paolo da Sulmona was basically a modest provincial artist, one should not forget the fact that he was the most significant Dalmatian sculptor of the second half of the 14th century, and that his artistic achievements reflected the artistic tastes of his environment as well as its links to the opposite Adriatic coast.