Rudolf Dinu
University of Bucharest, History, Department Member
The volume is a collection of studies in which the authors follow a unified line, thus making it possible, on the one hand, to place historical figures that have already been sufficiently researched and, on the other hand, to fill... more
The volume is a collection of studies in which the authors follow a unified line, thus making it possible, on the one hand, to place historical figures that have already been sufficiently researched and, on the other hand, to fill research gaps on other, lesser-known people. Most importantly, it allows us to look at the relations between Romania and Italy from the perspective of diplomatic history by examining a crucial historical period for both countries. The period of study extends from 1909 to 1947 and thus covers the following historical events: the aftermath of the 1908 crisis, the two Balkan wars, the First World War, the rise and consolidation of fascism and the crisis of the Romanian parliamentary regime, and the Second World War.
Research Interests:
The Berlin Congress (1878) was a turning point in the contemporary history of the Balkans and of Europe itself. Convened to discuss the long-lasting Eastern Question, returned forcefully to the attention of the European Cabinets in... more
The Berlin Congress (1878) was a turning point in the contemporary history of the Balkans and of Europe itself. Convened to discuss the long-lasting Eastern Question, returned forcefully to the attention of the European Cabinets in 1875-78, it had the ambition to try to resolve the major international political questions concerning the peoples and states of South-Eastern Europe. Surely it was a moment of deep change not only for the Balkans but also for the relations among the European Great Powers, interested in exploiting the national issues of that region for the achievement of their hegemonic designs. The authors of the essays contained in this volume investigate the outcomes and developments following the Berlin Treaty of 1878 and offer a broad panorama on the politics of the Great Powers and the states and populations of the Balkans in the thirty years following 1878. In the light of the extensive historiography available on the subject and, above all, of the new research conducted in recent years, this volume aims to take stock of the knowledge available about Balkan history at the end of Nineteenth century, seen in the broader context of the international relations of that time.
Il Congresso di Berlino del 1878 fu un nodo cruciale della storia contemporanea dei Balcani e dell’Europa stessa. Convocato per discutere l’annosa Questione d’Oriente, tornata prepotentemente all’attenzione dei Gabinetti europei nel 1875-78, esso ebbe l’ambizione di provare a risolvere le maggiori questioni politiche internazionali che riguardavano popoli e Stati della regione sud-orientale dell’Europa. Sicuramente si trattò di un momento di profondo cambiamento degli equilibri non solo nei Balcani ma anche dei rapporti fra le Grandi potenze europee, interessate a sfruttare le questioni nazionali di quella regione per il conseguimento dei loro disegni egemonici. Gli autori dei saggi contenuti in questo volume indagano sugli esiti e gli sviluppi successivi al Trattato di Berlino del 1878 e offrono un panorama ampio sia sulla politica delle Grandi Potenze, sia su quella degli Stati e delle popolazioni dei Balcani nei trent’anni successivi al 1878. Alla luce dell’ampia storiografia disponibile sull’argomento e, soprattutto, delle nuove ricerche condotte negli ultimi anni, il presente volume vuole fare il punto sulle conoscenze disponibili circa la storia balcanica sullo scorcio del XIX secolo, vista nel contesto più ampio del quadro politico internazionale del tempo.
Il Congresso di Berlino del 1878 fu un nodo cruciale della storia contemporanea dei Balcani e dell’Europa stessa. Convocato per discutere l’annosa Questione d’Oriente, tornata prepotentemente all’attenzione dei Gabinetti europei nel 1875-78, esso ebbe l’ambizione di provare a risolvere le maggiori questioni politiche internazionali che riguardavano popoli e Stati della regione sud-orientale dell’Europa. Sicuramente si trattò di un momento di profondo cambiamento degli equilibri non solo nei Balcani ma anche dei rapporti fra le Grandi potenze europee, interessate a sfruttare le questioni nazionali di quella regione per il conseguimento dei loro disegni egemonici. Gli autori dei saggi contenuti in questo volume indagano sugli esiti e gli sviluppi successivi al Trattato di Berlino del 1878 e offrono un panorama ampio sia sulla politica delle Grandi Potenze, sia su quella degli Stati e delle popolazioni dei Balcani nei trent’anni successivi al 1878. Alla luce dell’ampia storiografia disponibile sull’argomento e, soprattutto, delle nuove ricerche condotte negli ultimi anni, il presente volume vuole fare il punto sulle conoscenze disponibili circa la storia balcanica sullo scorcio del XIX secolo, vista nel contesto più ampio del quadro politico internazionale del tempo.
Research Interests:
In queste pagine sono presentati gli aspetti peculiari della diplomazia del Vecchio Regno Romeno nel periodo 1878-1914. Sono prese in discussione tanto la politica estera e le strategie per la sicurezza messe in atto dallo Stato romeno... more
In queste pagine sono presentati gli aspetti peculiari della diplomazia del Vecchio Regno Romeno nel periodo 1878-1914. Sono prese in discussione tanto la politica estera e le strategie per la sicurezza messe in atto dallo Stato romeno nell'epoca del Re Carlo I, quanto il ruolo che ebbero le strutture governative abilitate e le élite diplomatiche nell'ideazione e nella gestione delle strategie di politica estera della Romania. Il volume prende in esame le condizioni in cui, dopo aver conseguito l’Indipendenza dello Stato, il governo romeno ha definito e costruito la propria strategia di sicurezza, fondata sull'alleanza con gli Imperi Centrali. Sono presentate le caratteristiche fondamentali del sistema di alleanze al quale la Romania aderì a cominciare dal 1883, il ruolo principale di questo meccanismo e la maniera in cui il comportamento internazionale della Romania fu influito e modellato da tale collaborazione.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
An Illustrated History of the Romanian Diplomacy (1862-1947) gives a large, illustrated view of the Romanian diplomacy since the creation of the Romanian modern state – by the union of the Moldavian and Wallachian Principalities (1859) –... more
An Illustrated History of the Romanian Diplomacy (1862-1947) gives a large, illustrated view of the Romanian diplomacy since the creation of the Romanian modern state – by the union of the Moldavian and Wallachian Principalities (1859) – until the complete integration of Romania in the soviet hegemony sphere at the beginning of the Cold War (1947). The book is divided into three chapters. The first chapter, “Overview”, offers a general presentation of the Romanian diplomacy, emphasizing the important moments throughout a century in the general European backround (1848-1947). The second chapter, “Romanian Diplomacy During the Old Kingdom (1878-1914)” presents the evolution of the Romanian diplomacy after gaining independency (1877-1878), when Romania began to manifest itself as an independent actor, until the beginning of the First World War (1914). The last chapter, “Romanian Diplomacy During 1914-1947” is about the efforts of the Romanian diplomacy since the beginning of the First World War (1914) until Romania entered definitively in the sphere of influence of the Soviet Union (1947). The English edition of the book was published in December 2010 and was sent to all Romanian legations abroad in order to be distributed to important libraries and academic institutions in the respective countries. The authors illustrated the book with many pictures which convey – and at the same time, revive – events, diplomatic and political personalities, and the very climate of that time, in order to restore, as close to the reality as possible, the situations of the past. Based on rich documentation, diplomatic sources and literature, the book represents an essential tool for specialists, but also an agreeable reading for the general public.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The alliance with the Central Empires (1883) was the underlying element of Romania’s foreign and security policy until the outbreak of the First World War. It was, however, not a perfect security instrument, since the national problem of... more
The alliance with the Central Empires (1883) was the underlying element of Romania’s foreign and security policy until the outbreak of the First World War. It was, however, not a perfect security instrument, since the national problem of the Romanians in Hungary, the original shortcoming of the alliance, evolved over time and embittered Romania’s relations with the Habsburg Monarchy as well as with Germany. Moreover, Romania’s intervention in the Second Balkan War and the Dual Monarchy’s refusal to support it in the conflict with Bulgaria made Austria-Hungary lose its supremacy over Bucharest in the autumn of 1913. Romania’s security strategy was further transformed after the nomination as prime minister, beginning with January 1914, of Ion I.C. Brătianu, a Francophile, reformist and one of the most “active” nationalists of the moment. After Austria-Hungary’s July Ultimatum, the Romanian Crown Council, convened on 3 August 1914 by King Carol I, concluded with a majority that the conditions of casus foederis were not met, and declared itself for an “armed neutrality” of Romania.
Perhaps even more important than the decision on neutrality taken in August 1914, was the passing, in October 1914, of King Carol I, whose influence thus far had been important enough to prevent Romania from declaring war on Austria. The king’s death led to the reconfiguration of the decision-making unit: his successor, Ferdinand I, was an undecided character while his wife, Queen Mary, was the main advocate of the cause of the Entente. Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu was thus
free to manoeuvre towards the desired political direction and develop a line of negotiations with the Entente powers. Due to the similarity of the positions Romania and Italy had with regard to the war, Brătianu sought to reach a formal agreement with the government in Rome in view of organizing a joint military and diplomatic action. The two governments signed two agreements on 23 September 1914 and on 6 February 1915, pledging to maintain neutrality, to consult each other and to act jointly in case of changes in the international context, as well as not to abandon neutrality without at least 10 days prior notice. In the end, both
agreements remained a dead letter and while Italy entered the war alongside the Western powers in May 1915, Romania continued to wait for “the right moment” for more than a year, until August 1916.
Keywords: World War I; neutrality; Central Powers; Triple Entente; King
Carol I; Ion I.C. Brătianu; Romania; Germany; Austria-Hungary; Italy
Perhaps even more important than the decision on neutrality taken in August 1914, was the passing, in October 1914, of King Carol I, whose influence thus far had been important enough to prevent Romania from declaring war on Austria. The king’s death led to the reconfiguration of the decision-making unit: his successor, Ferdinand I, was an undecided character while his wife, Queen Mary, was the main advocate of the cause of the Entente. Prime Minister Ion I.C. Brătianu was thus
free to manoeuvre towards the desired political direction and develop a line of negotiations with the Entente powers. Due to the similarity of the positions Romania and Italy had with regard to the war, Brătianu sought to reach a formal agreement with the government in Rome in view of organizing a joint military and diplomatic action. The two governments signed two agreements on 23 September 1914 and on 6 February 1915, pledging to maintain neutrality, to consult each other and to act jointly in case of changes in the international context, as well as not to abandon neutrality without at least 10 days prior notice. In the end, both
agreements remained a dead letter and while Italy entered the war alongside the Western powers in May 1915, Romania continued to wait for “the right moment” for more than a year, until August 1916.
Keywords: World War I; neutrality; Central Powers; Triple Entente; King
Carol I; Ion I.C. Brătianu; Romania; Germany; Austria-Hungary; Italy
Research Interests:
Romanian Diplomacy and the Italian-Ottoman War of 1911–1912. Concerns and Initiatives The strategic, political-diplomatic, and economic considerations, but especially the fear of Russia have shaped Romania’s option of forming an alliance... more
Romanian Diplomacy and the Italian-Ottoman War
of 1911–1912. Concerns and Initiatives
The strategic, political-diplomatic, and economic considerations, but especially the fear of Russia have shaped Romania’s option of forming an alliance with the Central Powers beginning with 1883. Later, to this there was added the fear caused by Bulgarian nationalism, which threatened the power balance in Southeastern Europe. The political and diplomatic collaboration with the Ottoman Empire has thus become a
key element in Romania’s attempt for stopping Bulgaria’s aggressiveness, by promoting a status quo policy. Afterwards, however, the Italian-Ottoman War (1911–1912) and the Balkan wars that succeeded it played a substantial role in changing the status quo in the
Balkans and for accelerating the disintegration process of the Ottoman state. Romanian decision makers tried to mediate in the Italian-Romanian conflict, thus trying to stop the expansion of nationalism in the Balkans, but also to respond to the internal manifestations directed against Italy as a consequence of the economic impact that the conflict had on the country.
Keywords. Romania, Italy, Central Powers, Ottoman Empire, Balkans, alliances,
security, nationalism, mediation, 1911.
of 1911–1912. Concerns and Initiatives
The strategic, political-diplomatic, and economic considerations, but especially the fear of Russia have shaped Romania’s option of forming an alliance with the Central Powers beginning with 1883. Later, to this there was added the fear caused by Bulgarian nationalism, which threatened the power balance in Southeastern Europe. The political and diplomatic collaboration with the Ottoman Empire has thus become a
key element in Romania’s attempt for stopping Bulgaria’s aggressiveness, by promoting a status quo policy. Afterwards, however, the Italian-Ottoman War (1911–1912) and the Balkan wars that succeeded it played a substantial role in changing the status quo in the
Balkans and for accelerating the disintegration process of the Ottoman state. Romanian decision makers tried to mediate in the Italian-Romanian conflict, thus trying to stop the expansion of nationalism in the Balkans, but also to respond to the internal manifestations directed against Italy as a consequence of the economic impact that the conflict had on the country.
Keywords. Romania, Italy, Central Powers, Ottoman Empire, Balkans, alliances,
security, nationalism, mediation, 1911.
Research Interests:
Tra la fine del XIX secolo e il primo dopoguerra l'Italia, che aspirava a collocarsi tra le grandi potenze del continente europeo, coltivò ambizioni egemoniche verso l'area dell'Adriatico orientale e della Penisola Balcanica. Nella... more
Tra la fine del XIX secolo e il primo dopoguerra l'Italia, che aspirava a collocarsi tra le grandi potenze del continente europeo, coltivò ambizioni egemoniche verso l'area dell'Adriatico orientale e della Penisola Balcanica. Nella competizione con l'Impero austro-ungarico, al quale si desiderava sottrarre territori e influenza politica, la penetrazione imprenditoriale e commerciale fu considerata uno strumento utile per questi fini. Il nostro paese tentò di allacciare rapporti stabili con quei territori sia perché si trattava di aree economicamente complementari, sia per approfittare di una fase in cui i nuovi stati nazionali sorti in quei decenni iniziavano a dotarsi di infrastrutture e impianti produttivi. Attraverso l'analisi di diversi casi di studio, in questo volume si ripercorrono alcuni dei tentativi italiani di penetrazione economica nell'Europa sud-orientale, evidenziando i limiti di una simile azione e le ragioni del suo fallimento, con un approccio eclettico che tenta di intrecciare l'aspetto politico-diplomatico, quello economico e quello culturale.
Research Interests:
In the summer of 1916, Romania declared war to Austria-Hungary and on August 27 the Romanian troops crossed into Transylvania. According to the Romanian historiography, from N. Iorga and A. D. Xenopol until present day, this complete... more
In the summer of 1916, Romania declared war to Austria-Hungary and on August
27 the Romanian troops crossed into Transylvania. According to the Romanian historiography, from N. Iorga and A. D. Xenopol until present day, this complete overturn of the traditional security alignment brought an end to the transformation period underwent by the Romanian foreign policy starting with the Balkan crisis from
1912-1913, or even earlier, with the Bosnian crisis. The overturn took the form of
abandoning the Triple Alliance and going to war against the former allies, a war clearly meant to lead to the fulfillment of the national ideal. According to the same historiography, it was a war almost the entire Romanian population had pronounced
in favor of.The present study sums up a number of observations regarding Romanian foreign policy, focusing on the rationale of the decision makers and the perceptions of the elite that have both contributed to shaping Romania’s attitude towards the war between 1914 and 1916.
27 the Romanian troops crossed into Transylvania. According to the Romanian historiography, from N. Iorga and A. D. Xenopol until present day, this complete overturn of the traditional security alignment brought an end to the transformation period underwent by the Romanian foreign policy starting with the Balkan crisis from
1912-1913, or even earlier, with the Bosnian crisis. The overturn took the form of
abandoning the Triple Alliance and going to war against the former allies, a war clearly meant to lead to the fulfillment of the national ideal. According to the same historiography, it was a war almost the entire Romanian population had pronounced
in favor of.The present study sums up a number of observations regarding Romanian foreign policy, focusing on the rationale of the decision makers and the perceptions of the elite that have both contributed to shaping Romania’s attitude towards the war between 1914 and 1916.
In the summer of 1916, Romania declared war to Austria-Hungary and on August 27 the Romanian troops crossed into Transylvania. According to the Romanian historiography, from N. Iorga and A. D. Xenopol until present day, this complete... more
In the summer of 1916, Romania declared war to Austria-Hungary and on August 27 the Romanian troops crossed into Transylvania. According to the Romanian historiography, from N. Iorga and A. D. Xenopol until present day, this complete overturn of the traditional security alignment brought an end to the transformation period underwent by the Romanian foreign policy starting with the Balkan crisis from 1912-1913, or even earlier, with the Bosnian crisis. The overturn took the form of abandoning the Triple Alliance and going to war against the former allies, a war clearly meant to lead to the fulfillment of the national ideal. According to the same historiography, it was a war almost the entire Romanian population had pronounced in favor of. The present study sums up a number of observations regarding Romanian foreign policy, focusing on the rationale of the decision makers and the perceptions of the elite that have both contributed to shaping Romania’s attitude towards the war between 1914 and 1916.
Research Interests:
in Riccardo Brizzi (a cura di), OSSERVATA SPECIALE. La neutralità italiana nella Prima guerra mondiale e l’opinione pubblica internazionale (1914-1915), Quaderni di Storia, LE MONNIER, 2015, Mondadori Education S.p.A., Milano, p. 225-242,... more
in Riccardo Brizzi (a cura di), OSSERVATA SPECIALE. La neutralità italiana nella Prima guerra mondiale e l’opinione pubblica internazionale (1914-1915), Quaderni di Storia, LE MONNIER, 2015, Mondadori Education S.p.A., Milano, p. 225-242, ISBN 978-88-00-74599-4,
Research Interests:
After gaining its independence in the Russo-Romanian-Turkish War, 1877-1878, Romania chose as a security solution the alliance with the Central Powers (October 1883), alliance to which Italy also adhered in May 1888. Strategic,... more
After gaining its independence in the Russo-Romanian-Turkish War, 1877-1878, Romania chose as a security solution the alliance with the Central Powers (October 1883), alliance to which Italy also adhered in May 1888. Strategic, political-diplomatic and economic reasons, but especially the fear of Russia shaped this option.
Towards the end of the century, in the mind of the Romanian decision-makers the fear of Russia was replaced by the combined fear of Russia and Bulgaria, and this given that the Bulgarian nationalism centered on the territorial expansion in Macedonia became increasingly more aggressive, threatening the existing balance of power in South-East Europe. Romania tried to block the Bulgarian nationalism by promoting a policy of status quo, within which the political and diplomatic collaboration with the Central Powers and the Ottoman Empire was the key element.
This paper analyzes – based on an unpublished archive material from the Romanian Archives – the Balkan dimension of the Romanian diplomacy and security politics at the late XIX and early XX century.
Towards the end of the century, in the mind of the Romanian decision-makers the fear of Russia was replaced by the combined fear of Russia and Bulgaria, and this given that the Bulgarian nationalism centered on the territorial expansion in Macedonia became increasingly more aggressive, threatening the existing balance of power in South-East Europe. Romania tried to block the Bulgarian nationalism by promoting a policy of status quo, within which the political and diplomatic collaboration with the Central Powers and the Ottoman Empire was the key element.
This paper analyzes – based on an unpublished archive material from the Romanian Archives – the Balkan dimension of the Romanian diplomacy and security politics at the late XIX and early XX century.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
"After gaining its independence in the Russo-Romanian-Turkish War, 1877-1878, Romania chose as a security solution the alliance with the Central Powers (October 1883), alliance to which Italy also adhered in May 1888. Strategic,... more
"After gaining its independence in the Russo-Romanian-Turkish War, 1877-1878, Romania chose as a security solution the alliance with the Central Powers (October 1883), alliance to which Italy also adhered in May 1888. Strategic, political-diplomatic and economic reasons, but especially the fear of Russia shaped this option. Towards the end of the century, in the mind of the Romanian decision-makers the fear of Russia was replaced by the combined fear of Russia and Bulgaria, and this given that the Bulgarian nationalism centered on the territorial expansion in Macedonia became increasingly more aggressive, threatening the existing balance of power in South-East Europe. Romania tried to block the Bulgarian nationalism by promoting a policy of status quo, within which the political and diplomatic collaboration with the Central Powers and the Ottoman Empire was the key element. This paper analyzes – based on an unpublished archive material from the Romanian Archives – the Balkan dimension of the Romanian diplomacy and security politics at the late XIX and early XX century. "
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
The present study focuses on the use of private correspondence in the XIX century diplomacy. It discusses the role of private correspondence, in particular the one between diplomats and the Sovereign, respectively between diplomats and... more
The present study focuses on the use of private correspondence in the XIX century diplomacy. It discusses the role of private correspondence, in particular the one between diplomats and the Sovereign, respectively between diplomats and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with the purpose of defending State’s secrets and rationalizing decision by avoiding the administrative control outside the epistemological community of decision makers and diplomats. It also underlines the importance of private correspondence as source in the analyze of the way foreign policy was designed and implemented in the XIX century. Key words: secret diplomacy, diplomatic elite, decision making process, private, correspondence.
Research Interests:
"After gaining its independence in the Russo-Romanian-Turkish War, 1877-1878, Romania chose as a security solution the alliance with the Central Powers (October 1883), alliance to which Italy also adhered in May 1888. Strategic,... more
"After gaining its independence in the Russo-Romanian-Turkish War, 1877-1878, Romania chose as a security solution the alliance with the Central Powers (October 1883), alliance to which Italy also adhered in May 1888. Strategic, political-diplomatic and economic reasons, but especially the fear of Russia shaped this option. Towards the end of the century, in the mind of the Romanian decision-makers the fear of Russia was replaced by the combined fear of Russia and Bulgaria, and this given that the Bulgarian nationalism centered on the territorial expansion in Macedonia became increasingly more aggressive, threatening the existing balance of power in South-East Europe. Romania tried to block the Bulgarian nationalism by promoting a policy of status quo, within which the political and diplomatic collaboration with the Central Powers and the Ottoman Empire was the key element. This paper analyzes – based on an unpublished archive material from the Romanian Archives – the Balkan dimension of the Romanian diplomacy and security politics at the late XIX and early XX century. "