Alexandra Eckert
I am an ancient historian who works in the fields of Greek (habilitation) and Roman history (PhD). Since May 2024 I am a member of the board of the Mommsen Society (Association of Archaeologists, Classicists and Ancient Historians in Germany, Switzerland and Austria: https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/ueber-die-mg/vorstand
In January 2024 I have completed the habilitation at the University of Göttingen and received the venia legendi in Ancient History – the qualification for a full professorship in Germany. Key areas of my research are democracy in fifth century BCE Athens and oligarchic threats to democracy. There is a blog entry on the website of the Mommsen Society with an outline of my habilitation thesis (will be published as a monograph in 2025): https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/content-page/item/2632-14-der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-zum-spannungsfeld-zwischen-demokratie-und-oligarchie-im-athen-des-5-jh-s-v-chr
I am investigating social mobility and the role of metics, non-citizen residents, within Athenian democracy. Rome's first civil war general, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, and the impact of his acts of violence on Roman society are further areas of my research. I am the author of the Oxford Classical Dictionary entry on Lucius Cornelius Sulla. I have also published on the development of Roman Rhetoric in the Republic and the Principate. Ancient medicine, the history of emotions and gender studies are also research interests of mine.
For further information concerning my curriculum vitae, my publication record and the list of invited lectures and conference papers see:
Alexandra Eckert’s homepage at the University of Göttingen:
https://www.uni-goettingen.de/en/629161.html
Alexandra Eckert’s detailed profile on academia.edu:
https://uni-goettingen.academia.edu/AlexandraEckert
Website of the Mommsen Society:
https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/content-page/item/2632-14-der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-zum-spannungsfeld-zwischen-demokratie-und-oligarchie-im-athen-des-5-jh-s-v-chr
https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/ueber-die-mg/vorstand.
Address:
PD Dr. Alexandra Eckert
Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Althistorisches Seminar
Humboldtallee 21
37073 Göttingen
alexandra.eckert@uni-goettingen.de
Address: Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Althistorisches Seminar
Humboldtallee 21
37073 Göttingen
alexandra.eckert@uni-goettingen.de
In January 2024 I have completed the habilitation at the University of Göttingen and received the venia legendi in Ancient History – the qualification for a full professorship in Germany. Key areas of my research are democracy in fifth century BCE Athens and oligarchic threats to democracy. There is a blog entry on the website of the Mommsen Society with an outline of my habilitation thesis (will be published as a monograph in 2025): https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/content-page/item/2632-14-der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-zum-spannungsfeld-zwischen-demokratie-und-oligarchie-im-athen-des-5-jh-s-v-chr
I am investigating social mobility and the role of metics, non-citizen residents, within Athenian democracy. Rome's first civil war general, Lucius Cornelius Sulla, and the impact of his acts of violence on Roman society are further areas of my research. I am the author of the Oxford Classical Dictionary entry on Lucius Cornelius Sulla. I have also published on the development of Roman Rhetoric in the Republic and the Principate. Ancient medicine, the history of emotions and gender studies are also research interests of mine.
For further information concerning my curriculum vitae, my publication record and the list of invited lectures and conference papers see:
Alexandra Eckert’s homepage at the University of Göttingen:
https://www.uni-goettingen.de/en/629161.html
Alexandra Eckert’s detailed profile on academia.edu:
https://uni-goettingen.academia.edu/AlexandraEckert
Website of the Mommsen Society:
https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/content-page/item/2632-14-der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-zum-spannungsfeld-zwischen-demokratie-und-oligarchie-im-athen-des-5-jh-s-v-chr
https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/ueber-die-mg/vorstand.
Address:
PD Dr. Alexandra Eckert
Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Althistorisches Seminar
Humboldtallee 21
37073 Göttingen
alexandra.eckert@uni-goettingen.de
Address: Georg-August-Universität Göttingen
Althistorisches Seminar
Humboldtallee 21
37073 Göttingen
alexandra.eckert@uni-goettingen.de
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Books by Alexandra Eckert
Sulla. Politics and Reception De Gruyter 22 September 2021 (Euro 19,95) https://twitter.com/dg_classics/status/1446440234925711363
With contributions by Catherine Steel (Glasgow), Sophia Zoumbaki (Athens), Federico Santangelo (Newcastle), Arthur Keaveney (Canterbury), Cristina Rosillo-López (Sevilla), Alison Rosenblitt (Oxford), Inger Kuin (Virginia), Alexander Thein (Dublin), Alexandra Eckert.
This book brings together an international group of scholars to offer new perspectives on the political impact and afterlife of the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (138-78 B.C.), one of the most important figures in the complex history of the last century of the Roman Republic. It looks beyond the march on Rome, the violence of the proscriptions, or the logic of his political reforms, and offers case studies to illustrate his relations with the Roman populace, the subject peoples of the Greek East, and his own supporters, both veterans and elites, highlighting his long-term political impact and, at times, the limits on his exercise of power.
With contributions by Catherine Steel (Glasgow), Sophia Zoumbaki (Athens), Federico Santangelo (Newcastle), Arthur Keaveney (Canterbury), Cristina Rosillo-López (Sevilla), Alison Rosenblitt (Oxford), Inger Kuin (Virginia), Alexander Thein (Dublin), Alexandra Eckert (Oldenburg/Greifswald)
This book brings together an international group of scholars to offer new perspectives on the political impact and afterlife of the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (138–78 B.C.), one of the most important figures in the complex history of the last century of the Roman Republic. It looks beyond the march on Rome, the violence of the proscriptions, or the logic of his political reforms, and offers case studies to illustrate his relations with the Roman populace, the subject peoples of the Greek East, and his own supporters, both veterans and elites, highlighting his long-term political impact and, at times, the limits on his exercise of power. The chapters on reception reassess the good/bad dichotomy of Sulla as tyrant and reformer, focusing on Cicero, while also examining his importance for Sallust, and his characterisation as the antithesis of philhellenism in Greek writers of the Imperial period. Sulla was not straightforward, either as a historical figure or exemplum, and the case studies in this book use the twin approach of politics and reception to offer new readings of Sulla’s aims and impact, both at home and abroad, and why he remained of interest to authors from Sallust to Plutarch and Aelian.
Sulla: Politics and Reception
Editors: Alexandra Eckert (Oldenburg/Greifswald) and Alexander Thein (Dublin)
De Gruyter 2019
207 pages, Euro 79,99
Published: 5 November 2019
https://www.degruyter.com/view/product/539372
Book Chapters and Journal Papers by Alexandra Eckert
For thee full text of the review see https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/hzhz-2023-1203/html
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cultural-memory-in-republican-and-augustan-rome/C9E677F5CE98A4A6E2254DC4C459BDAC
Aleida and Jan Assmann have devised their theory of cultural memory based on Maurice Halbwach’s concept of collective memory. Members of a society invest substantial effort into maintaining cultural memory for a reason. Elements of cultural memory represent values, norms, concepts and certain aspects of the way of life which are of fundamental importance to a society. Hence, cultural memory as a society’s body of shared memories and its guiding effect on living together stabilise a community and increase social cohesion.
Due to the stabilising function of cultural memory, its elements are characterised by durability and longevity. The concept of rem publicam constituere, which persisted in Roman cultural memory for centuries and even survived the fundamental change of the political system from the Late Republic to the Principate, reflects this longevity.
https://www.wiko-greifswald.de/mediathek/beitrag/n/der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-neue-wege-zum-politischen-im-klassischen-athen-61887/
Fellow-Projekt » Oligarchie und Gemeinwohl im Athen des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.:
»Oligarchie und Gemeinwohl im Athen des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.
Athen in klassischer Zeit gilt als der Ort, an dem die Demokratie entstand und ihre erste Blüte erlebte. Leicht gerät dabei in Vergessenheit, welch schwere Krisen die noch junge Demo-kratie zu überstehen hatte. Im letzten Jahr- zehnt des 5. Jh.s v. Chr. erlebte Athen in kurzer Folge zwei oligarchische Umstürze, bei denen die Demokratie abgeschafft wurde. Beim ers- ten Umsturz 411/10 v. Chr. blieb das Ausmaß der Gewalt begrenzt. Bei den Exzessen der sog. „Dreißig“ wurden ab 404 v. Chr. jedoch binnen weniger Monate etwa fünf Prozent der Athe- ner Bevölkerung getötet. Die Opfer waren häu- fig reiche Metöken, Personen mit Wohn- und Gewerberecht in Athen, jedoch ohne Bürgerrecht. Die Oligarchen ließen diese in Schauprozessen zum Tode verurteilen, um sich ihr Vermögen anzueignen. Die Gewalt löste einen Bürgerkrieg aus. Eine Koalition aus Metöken und athenischen Bürgern erreichte 403 v. Chr. eine Rückkehr zur Demokratie in Athen. Im oligarchischen Separatstaat von Eleusis vor den Toren Athens gingen Terror und Blutvergießen
noch für drei Jahre weiter. Erst nach dessen gewaltsamer Auflösung war ganz Attika wieder demokratisch geeint.
In Diskursen zwischen Oligarchen und Demokraten spielte der Begriff Wohl der Polis eine zentrale Rolle. Das Projekt untersuchte solche Diskurse vor dem Hintergrund der historischen Krisen von 411/10 und 404/3 v. Chr. Da eine Analyse zeitgenössischer Vorstellungen vom Wohl der Polis die Beantwortung der Frage voraussetzt, wer am Wohl der Polis partizipiert, konnte das Projekt auch neue Einsichten in das Wesen der Athener Polisgemeinschaft gewinnen. Die lange Nachwirkung der Diskurse um das Wohl der Polis zeigt sich auch in der im letzten Drittel des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. entstandenen „Politik“ des Aristoteles. Der Philosoph zieht das Wohl der Polisgemeinschaft (tò koinê symphéron) als alleiniges Kriterium zur Beurteilung von Verfassungen heran und bewertet die Oligarchie negativ, weil sie vom Eigennutz der Reichen geprägt sei.
Sulla (138-78 BCE) is a pivotal figure in Roman history. He was the first to inflict civil war on his fellow citizens by marching his army on Rome twice, in 88 and 83/82 BCE. During the war against King Mithridates (87-85 BCE), he plundered Greek sanctuaries, sacked Athens, destroyed the Piraeus, and raided Boeotia. He also imposed punitive indemnities on the cities of the province of Asia. Sulla returned to Italy in the spring of 83 BCE and conquered Rome for a second time in 82 BCE. As victor in the civil war, he was appointed dictator, assumed the title Felix and carried out a programme of constitutional reform. Yet, Sulla delegitimized his victory by unprecedented postwar violence. His punitive measures encompassed not only the proscriptions which were directed primarily against wealthy members of the Roman elite, but also mass executions, arbitrary assassinations by his marauding soldiers, and collective punishment of Italian municipalities which affected all strata of Roman society. The 70s and 60s BCE saw efforts to repeal Sulla's legislation and to cope with the e!ects of his punitive measures. When Caesar, who had narrowly escaped Sulla's proscriptions, provoked another civil war in 49 BCE by crossing the Rubicon, he distanced himself from Sulla's postwar violence by his policy of clemency. The responsibility of Octavian, Caesar's heir and later Caesar Augustus, for the proscriptions of the Second Triumvirate (43 BCE) remained a point of severe criticism far into the Imperial period.
This chapter argues that Sulla’s civil war and his acts of violence between 83 BCE and the beginning of 80 BCE constituted a fundamental crisis for Roman society. Sulla’s responsibility for the first major civil war in Roman history and for the unprecedented death toll of about fourteen per cent of all Roman citizens had profound consequences for Roman society and changed Roman cultural identity.
This chapter applies Vierhaus’s concept of ‘historical crisis’ to Sulla’s civil war and his acts of violence. It analyses the period from 80 BCE to the outbreak of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey in 49 BCE to illustrate how Roman society employed a particular coping strategy for dealing with the ‘Sullan crisis’.
A striking example of the effects of this coping strategy is the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. Caesar had been one of the key persons to drive the process of coping with the effects of Sulla’s Civil war and Sulla’s acts of violence. Yet, in 49 BCE, he saw himself in the role of being the initiator of yet another major civil war. The fact that he was faced with enormous pressure to distance himself publicly from Sulla – through his policy of clementia (‘clemency’) – may be seen as a consequence of how the Romans dealt with the ‘Sullan crisis’. Caesar even saw the need to declare in a letter intended for wider circulation that he would not follow in the footsteps of Sulla’s cruelty.
When the triumvirs decided to inflict proscriptions on Roman society once again in 43 BCE, they — just like Caesar before them — had to distance themselves publicly from Sulla. It is highly significant that the triumvirs Lepidus, Marc Antony and Octavian included a desperate attempt at explaining why their proscriptions were somehow ‘milder’ than those of Sulla as part of an official document – the edict on the proscriptions of 43 BCE, which has come down to us through Appian (App., B Civ., 4.10.). Yet, this attempt at justification failed and the proscriptions of the triumvirs were to go down, infamously, as the last in Roman history.
Good Fortune and the Public Good: Disputing Sulla's claim to be Felix, 283-298:
This chapter argues that the Romans perceived Sulla’s claim to felicitas (‘good fortune’) – as expressed by his surname Felix (‘the Fortunate’) – as an outrageous offence against ideas at the heart of Roman society: the divine gift of felicitas and its close ties to the salus rei publicae (the ‘public good of the Romans’). It does so by first discussing the censorial lustration and the Roman triumph, which will show that both concepts were highly relevant to the political and religious life of Rome. Second, this chapter takes a closer look at Sulla’s acts of violence, which will reveal an enormous tension between his deeds and his surname Felix. Third, a detailed analysis of ancient sources from the Late Republic to the early Imperial period illustrates that the Romans did not accept Sulla’s violation of the salus rei publicae. Hence, they disputed his claim to be called ‘the Fortunate’.
After a series of military successes in the Greek East during the 2nd century BC, Rome experienced an increasing influence of Greek culture. Sons of Roman nobiles were educated by Greek teachers, public speeches of Greek philosophers attracted large audiences in Rome, and Roman orators began to adopt elements of Greek rhetoric. Yet, ambivalent feelings towards Greek paideia dominated within Roman society during the 2nd and early 1st century BC. Ambivalence with respect to Greek culture is also attested for the Roman orators Cato the Elder, L. Crassus und M. Antonius.
In 155 BC, Cato lobbied for the speedy departure of the Athenian philosophers Critolaus, Diogenes and Carneades, because their public speeches would distract young Romans from obeying the laws and following the orders of the magistrates. This firm stance did not stop him from advising his son to read, but not to immerse in Greek literature.
L. Crassus was fluent in Greek and thoroughly familiar with Greek culture. When defending his censorial edict of 92 BC, directed against the harmful influence of Latin schools of rhetoric, he conceded that the Greeks provided a better quality of education. However, when emphasizing that it was vital for a Roman orator to familiarize himself with the principles of the law, Crassus stated that he rated the succinct text of the Twelve Tables far more useful than the extensive libraries of Greek schools of philosophy.
Crassus’ contemporary M. Antonius recommended studying Greek language and rhetoric in secret, as an orator displaying knowledge of Greek culture in public speech would risk losing his auctoritas.
Contrary to Gruen’s view, these ambivalent attitudes cannot be explained by a single “discernible pattern”, namely a Roman feeling of superiority and the ensuing desire to utilize Greek culture to serve Roman interests. Instead, this paper proposes to take a wider range of aspects into account, among them different ways to weigh arguments in political debates and different notions of citizenship in Greece and Rome.
This chapter investigates the strong feelings associated with memories of Sulla’s acts of violence and their persuasive power in ancient sources from the late Roman Republic to the first century AD. It elaborates on Klaus R. Scherer’s psychological ‘process model of emotion’ and Jeffrey C. Alexander’s sociological concept of ‘cultural trauma’ to gain a better understanding of the relation between memories of past events and emotions. Drawing on the conceptual ideas of both scholars, this chapter will utilize a variety of Latin texts from different genres to demonstrate why hatred was the predominant emotional response when Romans remembered the ‘cultural trauma’ of Sulla’s violent deeds.
This paper explores the traumatic nature of Sulla‘s proscriptions as the first legalized massacre in Roman history directed at the members of the Roman elite and the pro- found repercussions the proscriptions of 82/81 B.C.E. produced in antiquity. I will first focus on theoretical aspects by introducing Jeffrey C. Alexander’s sociological concept of cultural trauma and relating it to the theory of cultural memory developed by Aleida and Jan Assmann. The second part of my paper will discuss the memory of Sulla’s proscriptions in the context of cultural trauma and elaborate on how incorpo- rating the proscriptions into Roman cultural memory was governed by ‘the principle of normative inversion’ (Jan Assmann). I will conclude by examining the way Chris- tian authors utilized the cruelty of Sulla’s proscriptions to prove the superiority of a clement Christian society.
Book Reviews by Alexandra Eckert
Sulla. Politics and Reception De Gruyter 22 September 2021 (Euro 19,95) https://twitter.com/dg_classics/status/1446440234925711363
With contributions by Catherine Steel (Glasgow), Sophia Zoumbaki (Athens), Federico Santangelo (Newcastle), Arthur Keaveney (Canterbury), Cristina Rosillo-López (Sevilla), Alison Rosenblitt (Oxford), Inger Kuin (Virginia), Alexander Thein (Dublin), Alexandra Eckert.
This book brings together an international group of scholars to offer new perspectives on the political impact and afterlife of the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (138-78 B.C.), one of the most important figures in the complex history of the last century of the Roman Republic. It looks beyond the march on Rome, the violence of the proscriptions, or the logic of his political reforms, and offers case studies to illustrate his relations with the Roman populace, the subject peoples of the Greek East, and his own supporters, both veterans and elites, highlighting his long-term political impact and, at times, the limits on his exercise of power.
With contributions by Catherine Steel (Glasgow), Sophia Zoumbaki (Athens), Federico Santangelo (Newcastle), Arthur Keaveney (Canterbury), Cristina Rosillo-López (Sevilla), Alison Rosenblitt (Oxford), Inger Kuin (Virginia), Alexander Thein (Dublin), Alexandra Eckert (Oldenburg/Greifswald)
This book brings together an international group of scholars to offer new perspectives on the political impact and afterlife of the dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (138–78 B.C.), one of the most important figures in the complex history of the last century of the Roman Republic. It looks beyond the march on Rome, the violence of the proscriptions, or the logic of his political reforms, and offers case studies to illustrate his relations with the Roman populace, the subject peoples of the Greek East, and his own supporters, both veterans and elites, highlighting his long-term political impact and, at times, the limits on his exercise of power. The chapters on reception reassess the good/bad dichotomy of Sulla as tyrant and reformer, focusing on Cicero, while also examining his importance for Sallust, and his characterisation as the antithesis of philhellenism in Greek writers of the Imperial period. Sulla was not straightforward, either as a historical figure or exemplum, and the case studies in this book use the twin approach of politics and reception to offer new readings of Sulla’s aims and impact, both at home and abroad, and why he remained of interest to authors from Sallust to Plutarch and Aelian.
Sulla: Politics and Reception
Editors: Alexandra Eckert (Oldenburg/Greifswald) and Alexander Thein (Dublin)
De Gruyter 2019
207 pages, Euro 79,99
Published: 5 November 2019
https://www.degruyter.com/view/product/539372
For thee full text of the review see https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.1515/hzhz-2023-1203/html
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/cultural-memory-in-republican-and-augustan-rome/C9E677F5CE98A4A6E2254DC4C459BDAC
Aleida and Jan Assmann have devised their theory of cultural memory based on Maurice Halbwach’s concept of collective memory. Members of a society invest substantial effort into maintaining cultural memory for a reason. Elements of cultural memory represent values, norms, concepts and certain aspects of the way of life which are of fundamental importance to a society. Hence, cultural memory as a society’s body of shared memories and its guiding effect on living together stabilise a community and increase social cohesion.
Due to the stabilising function of cultural memory, its elements are characterised by durability and longevity. The concept of rem publicam constituere, which persisted in Roman cultural memory for centuries and even survived the fundamental change of the political system from the Late Republic to the Principate, reflects this longevity.
https://www.wiko-greifswald.de/mediathek/beitrag/n/der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-neue-wege-zum-politischen-im-klassischen-athen-61887/
Fellow-Projekt » Oligarchie und Gemeinwohl im Athen des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.:
»Oligarchie und Gemeinwohl im Athen des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr.
Athen in klassischer Zeit gilt als der Ort, an dem die Demokratie entstand und ihre erste Blüte erlebte. Leicht gerät dabei in Vergessenheit, welch schwere Krisen die noch junge Demo-kratie zu überstehen hatte. Im letzten Jahr- zehnt des 5. Jh.s v. Chr. erlebte Athen in kurzer Folge zwei oligarchische Umstürze, bei denen die Demokratie abgeschafft wurde. Beim ers- ten Umsturz 411/10 v. Chr. blieb das Ausmaß der Gewalt begrenzt. Bei den Exzessen der sog. „Dreißig“ wurden ab 404 v. Chr. jedoch binnen weniger Monate etwa fünf Prozent der Athe- ner Bevölkerung getötet. Die Opfer waren häu- fig reiche Metöken, Personen mit Wohn- und Gewerberecht in Athen, jedoch ohne Bürgerrecht. Die Oligarchen ließen diese in Schauprozessen zum Tode verurteilen, um sich ihr Vermögen anzueignen. Die Gewalt löste einen Bürgerkrieg aus. Eine Koalition aus Metöken und athenischen Bürgern erreichte 403 v. Chr. eine Rückkehr zur Demokratie in Athen. Im oligarchischen Separatstaat von Eleusis vor den Toren Athens gingen Terror und Blutvergießen
noch für drei Jahre weiter. Erst nach dessen gewaltsamer Auflösung war ganz Attika wieder demokratisch geeint.
In Diskursen zwischen Oligarchen und Demokraten spielte der Begriff Wohl der Polis eine zentrale Rolle. Das Projekt untersuchte solche Diskurse vor dem Hintergrund der historischen Krisen von 411/10 und 404/3 v. Chr. Da eine Analyse zeitgenössischer Vorstellungen vom Wohl der Polis die Beantwortung der Frage voraussetzt, wer am Wohl der Polis partizipiert, konnte das Projekt auch neue Einsichten in das Wesen der Athener Polisgemeinschaft gewinnen. Die lange Nachwirkung der Diskurse um das Wohl der Polis zeigt sich auch in der im letzten Drittel des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. entstandenen „Politik“ des Aristoteles. Der Philosoph zieht das Wohl der Polisgemeinschaft (tò koinê symphéron) als alleiniges Kriterium zur Beurteilung von Verfassungen heran und bewertet die Oligarchie negativ, weil sie vom Eigennutz der Reichen geprägt sei.
Sulla (138-78 BCE) is a pivotal figure in Roman history. He was the first to inflict civil war on his fellow citizens by marching his army on Rome twice, in 88 and 83/82 BCE. During the war against King Mithridates (87-85 BCE), he plundered Greek sanctuaries, sacked Athens, destroyed the Piraeus, and raided Boeotia. He also imposed punitive indemnities on the cities of the province of Asia. Sulla returned to Italy in the spring of 83 BCE and conquered Rome for a second time in 82 BCE. As victor in the civil war, he was appointed dictator, assumed the title Felix and carried out a programme of constitutional reform. Yet, Sulla delegitimized his victory by unprecedented postwar violence. His punitive measures encompassed not only the proscriptions which were directed primarily against wealthy members of the Roman elite, but also mass executions, arbitrary assassinations by his marauding soldiers, and collective punishment of Italian municipalities which affected all strata of Roman society. The 70s and 60s BCE saw efforts to repeal Sulla's legislation and to cope with the e!ects of his punitive measures. When Caesar, who had narrowly escaped Sulla's proscriptions, provoked another civil war in 49 BCE by crossing the Rubicon, he distanced himself from Sulla's postwar violence by his policy of clemency. The responsibility of Octavian, Caesar's heir and later Caesar Augustus, for the proscriptions of the Second Triumvirate (43 BCE) remained a point of severe criticism far into the Imperial period.
This chapter argues that Sulla’s civil war and his acts of violence between 83 BCE and the beginning of 80 BCE constituted a fundamental crisis for Roman society. Sulla’s responsibility for the first major civil war in Roman history and for the unprecedented death toll of about fourteen per cent of all Roman citizens had profound consequences for Roman society and changed Roman cultural identity.
This chapter applies Vierhaus’s concept of ‘historical crisis’ to Sulla’s civil war and his acts of violence. It analyses the period from 80 BCE to the outbreak of the civil war between Caesar and Pompey in 49 BCE to illustrate how Roman society employed a particular coping strategy for dealing with the ‘Sullan crisis’.
A striking example of the effects of this coping strategy is the civil war between Caesar and Pompey. Caesar had been one of the key persons to drive the process of coping with the effects of Sulla’s Civil war and Sulla’s acts of violence. Yet, in 49 BCE, he saw himself in the role of being the initiator of yet another major civil war. The fact that he was faced with enormous pressure to distance himself publicly from Sulla – through his policy of clementia (‘clemency’) – may be seen as a consequence of how the Romans dealt with the ‘Sullan crisis’. Caesar even saw the need to declare in a letter intended for wider circulation that he would not follow in the footsteps of Sulla’s cruelty.
When the triumvirs decided to inflict proscriptions on Roman society once again in 43 BCE, they — just like Caesar before them — had to distance themselves publicly from Sulla. It is highly significant that the triumvirs Lepidus, Marc Antony and Octavian included a desperate attempt at explaining why their proscriptions were somehow ‘milder’ than those of Sulla as part of an official document – the edict on the proscriptions of 43 BCE, which has come down to us through Appian (App., B Civ., 4.10.). Yet, this attempt at justification failed and the proscriptions of the triumvirs were to go down, infamously, as the last in Roman history.
Good Fortune and the Public Good: Disputing Sulla's claim to be Felix, 283-298:
This chapter argues that the Romans perceived Sulla’s claim to felicitas (‘good fortune’) – as expressed by his surname Felix (‘the Fortunate’) – as an outrageous offence against ideas at the heart of Roman society: the divine gift of felicitas and its close ties to the salus rei publicae (the ‘public good of the Romans’). It does so by first discussing the censorial lustration and the Roman triumph, which will show that both concepts were highly relevant to the political and religious life of Rome. Second, this chapter takes a closer look at Sulla’s acts of violence, which will reveal an enormous tension between his deeds and his surname Felix. Third, a detailed analysis of ancient sources from the Late Republic to the early Imperial period illustrates that the Romans did not accept Sulla’s violation of the salus rei publicae. Hence, they disputed his claim to be called ‘the Fortunate’.
After a series of military successes in the Greek East during the 2nd century BC, Rome experienced an increasing influence of Greek culture. Sons of Roman nobiles were educated by Greek teachers, public speeches of Greek philosophers attracted large audiences in Rome, and Roman orators began to adopt elements of Greek rhetoric. Yet, ambivalent feelings towards Greek paideia dominated within Roman society during the 2nd and early 1st century BC. Ambivalence with respect to Greek culture is also attested for the Roman orators Cato the Elder, L. Crassus und M. Antonius.
In 155 BC, Cato lobbied for the speedy departure of the Athenian philosophers Critolaus, Diogenes and Carneades, because their public speeches would distract young Romans from obeying the laws and following the orders of the magistrates. This firm stance did not stop him from advising his son to read, but not to immerse in Greek literature.
L. Crassus was fluent in Greek and thoroughly familiar with Greek culture. When defending his censorial edict of 92 BC, directed against the harmful influence of Latin schools of rhetoric, he conceded that the Greeks provided a better quality of education. However, when emphasizing that it was vital for a Roman orator to familiarize himself with the principles of the law, Crassus stated that he rated the succinct text of the Twelve Tables far more useful than the extensive libraries of Greek schools of philosophy.
Crassus’ contemporary M. Antonius recommended studying Greek language and rhetoric in secret, as an orator displaying knowledge of Greek culture in public speech would risk losing his auctoritas.
Contrary to Gruen’s view, these ambivalent attitudes cannot be explained by a single “discernible pattern”, namely a Roman feeling of superiority and the ensuing desire to utilize Greek culture to serve Roman interests. Instead, this paper proposes to take a wider range of aspects into account, among them different ways to weigh arguments in political debates and different notions of citizenship in Greece and Rome.
This chapter investigates the strong feelings associated with memories of Sulla’s acts of violence and their persuasive power in ancient sources from the late Roman Republic to the first century AD. It elaborates on Klaus R. Scherer’s psychological ‘process model of emotion’ and Jeffrey C. Alexander’s sociological concept of ‘cultural trauma’ to gain a better understanding of the relation between memories of past events and emotions. Drawing on the conceptual ideas of both scholars, this chapter will utilize a variety of Latin texts from different genres to demonstrate why hatred was the predominant emotional response when Romans remembered the ‘cultural trauma’ of Sulla’s violent deeds.
This paper explores the traumatic nature of Sulla‘s proscriptions as the first legalized massacre in Roman history directed at the members of the Roman elite and the pro- found repercussions the proscriptions of 82/81 B.C.E. produced in antiquity. I will first focus on theoretical aspects by introducing Jeffrey C. Alexander’s sociological concept of cultural trauma and relating it to the theory of cultural memory developed by Aleida and Jan Assmann. The second part of my paper will discuss the memory of Sulla’s proscriptions in the context of cultural trauma and elaborate on how incorpo- rating the proscriptions into Roman cultural memory was governed by ‘the principle of normative inversion’ (Jan Assmann). I will conclude by examining the way Chris- tian authors utilized the cruelty of Sulla’s proscriptions to prove the superiority of a clement Christian society.
Journal of Romans Studies 11 December 2020 online preview;
Journal of Roman Studies 111 (2021), pp. 314-315 (print)
https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-roman-studies/article/abs/christopher-degelmann-squalor-symbolisches-trauern-in-der-politischen-kommunikation-der-romischen-republik-und-fruhen-kaiserzeit-stuttgart-franz-steiner-verlag-2018-pp-361-isbn-9783515117845-62006000/64C28488CCACF37F8013786B1096DE60#article
Greek Oligarchy(-ies): political thought, ideology, and practices (6 th -1 st c. BC), 1-3 June 2023, Paris-Nanterre
23 June 2021
Alexandra Eckert, Das perikleische Bürgerrechtsgesetz und die Gefallenenrede des Perikles bei Thukydides. Überlegungen zum Charakter der Athener Polisgemeinschaft
"Die Gefallenenrede des Perikles. Überlegungen zum Charakter der Athener Polisgemeinschaft."
(Alexandra Eckert, University of Oldenburg)
After defeat in the Peloponnesian War (431–404 BC), democratic Athens experienced a devastating oligarchic coup. The oligarchs restricted access to the political life of the community to propertied citizens only; Athens saw numerous acts of arbitrary killings. Five percent of the Athenian population fell victim to the atrocities of 404/3 BC. Only after both conflict parties had ratified a reconciliatory agreement, bloodshed ceased and democracy was restored. The terms negotiated in 403 BC were perceived as a successful model for ending civic strife in antiquity and continue to inspire current debates on conflict resolution.
This paper will assess Athenian responses to the oligarchic coup of 404/3 BC. It will demonstrate the profound significance of the ideas of ‘concord’ (homónoia) and ‘public good’ (to koinê symphéron) in Athenian public discourse. Both ideas played a pivotal role in the aftermath of 404/403 BC. This paper will argue that Aristotle’s (384–322 BC) philosophical works were influenced by Athenian experiences during the oligarchic episode of 404/3 BC. In his Nicomachean Ethics and his Politics Aristotle argues that man as a ‘political animal’ has a natural tendency to form political communities. A community aiming at avoiding civic strife and achieving justice has to foster concord and the public good. Without agreement on these essential points conflict resolution cannot be successful and a political community will destroy itself.
Dr. Alexandra Eckert, Alte Geschichte, Universität Oldenburg
In diesem Vortrag werden aktuelle Forschungsergebnisse zur sogenannten „Läusekrankheit“ oder auch Phtheiriasis vorgestellt. Diese Erkrankung ist in antiken Quellen vom vierten Jahrhundert vor bis zum fünften Jahrhundert nach Christus belegt. In der Antike wurde dieses potentiell tödlich verlaufende Leiden meist als göttliche Strafe für schwerwiegende Verstöße gegen fundamentale soziale Normen wahrgenommen, so auch im Fall des griechischen Philosophen Pherekydes von Syros (6. Jh. v. Chr.) und des römischen Diktators Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix (138–78 v. Chr.). Vor allem wegen ihres Strafcharakters haben Altertumswissenschaftler bisher die Läusekrankheit meist als literarischen Topos betrachtet. Diese These soll im Rahmen des Vortrags mit Erkenntnissen aus althistorischen und dermatologischen Untersuchungen überprüft werden.
Dr. Alexandra Eckert, Alte Geschichte, Universität Oldenburg
In antiken Quellen finden sich vom vierten vor- bis zum fünften nachchristlichen Jahrhundert Berichte über die sogenannte „Läusekrankheit“. Antike Autoren berichten von einem potentiell tödlich verlaufenden Leiden, das stark juckende Hautbeulen verursacht, aus denen nach Eröffnung Schwärme von Läusen hervorkrabbeln. Die Griechen nannten die Krankheit daher φθειρίασις (phtheiriasis) nach dem Wort φθείρ (phtheir), das gemeinhin die Laus bezeichnete. Die Läusekrankheit war mit der Vorstellung von einem qualvollen Tod verbunden. Dies kommt in der engen linguistischen Beziehung zwischen phtheir und dem griechischen Verb φθείρω – „zerstören“ – zum Ausdruck.
In der Antike wurde die Läusekrankheit als göttliche Rache für schwere Verletzungen grundlegender sozialer Normen betrachtet. Opfer der Läusekrankheit waren so prominente Personen wie der griechische Philosoph Pherekydes (6. Jh. v. Chr.) und der römische Diktator Sulla Felix (138–78 v. Chr). Aufgrund der Assoziation mit göttlicher Bestrafung, der relativ geringen Zahl von antiken Zeugnissen über Todesfälle durch die Läusekrankheit sowie der Tatsache, dass Lausbefall nach modernem Verständnis nicht zum Tode führen kann, haben Altertumswissenschaftler die Existenz der phtheiriasis in Frage gestellt.
Ziel des Vortrages ist es zu erläutern, warum Schilderungen antiker Autoren zum tödlichen Verlauf der Läusekrankheit nicht notwendigerweise erfunden sein müssen. So soll die große Breite von Bedeutungen des altgriechischen Wortes phtheir herausgearbeitet werden. Diese erschöpfte sich keineswegs in dem Begriff „Laus“, sondern umfasste ein aus moderner Sicht erstaunliches Spektrum von Parasiten.
Gestützt auf diese Beobachtung sowie Zeugnisse zu Sullas ungewöhnlicher Haut und zu den weiteren Umständen seines Ablebens im Jahr 78 v. Chr. wendet sich der Vortrag den bisher als widersprüchlich verstandenen Berichten zu Sullas Tod zu. Aus den antiken Quellen lässt sich nämlich durchaus ein schlüssiges Bild rekonstruieren: Demnach könnte Sulla Felix tatsächlich an der phtheiriasis gestorben sein, jedoch nicht an einem Befall mit Läusen, sondern an einem Befall mit einer aggressiven Spezies von Milben des Typs Harpyrhynchus. Diese Milbenart kann an den Federschäften unter die Haut von Vögeln eindringen, induziert dort Tumore und stellt – wie zoologische Forschungen zeigen – noch heute eine tödliche Bedrohung für die Tiere dar.
This paper will discuss the so-called ‘lousy disease’, which is attested in ancient sources from the fourth century BC until the fifth century AD. This potentially lethal disease was characterised by strongly itching skin tumours. These would, after incision or as a result of bursting open spontaneously, release swarms of insects. In antiquity, these insects were believed to be lice. Hence, the Greeks called this disease φθειρίασις (phtheiriasis), after the Greek word for louse (φθείρ). Bodily deformation, defilement and long-lasting agony associated with this disease were also reflected in the close linguistic ties between its name φθειρίασις and the Greek verb φθείρω (to destroy). The Romans referred to the lousy disease by either the Greek loanword phthiriasis or by using the Latin term morbus pedicularis (pediculus = louse).
In antiquity, the lousy disease and its deadly consequences were perceived as divine revenge for severe violations of fundamental social norms. Its victims included prominent persons such as the philosopher Pherecydes, who ridiculed the gods, and the Roman dictator Sulla Felix. Sulla was held accountable for the enormous death toll of about 140,000 Romans killed during the civil war of 83/82 BC and his cruel acts of vengeance in 82/81 BC.
Due to the fact that there are relatively few attested cases of phtheiriasis in antiquity and because of the strong connotations of divine punishment associated with it, classicists have doubted its existence and held ancient testimonies to be propaganda denouncing supposed victims. Scholars have also pointed out that ancient depictions contradict modern knowledge on lice infestations, as lice do not live beneath the skin even when present in huge numbers. The idea that the lousy disease could, in reality, have been scabies also fails to solve the puzzle. While the itch mite does burrow beneath the epidermis, it does not appear in swarms. Finally, neither lice nor itch mites are lethal parasites.
This paper will utilise Sulla as a case study to demonstrate that ancient depictions of the potentially deadly lousy disease are not necessarily fictitious. Based on entomological and medical research, it will argue that the lousy disease was caused by a particularly aggressive species of mite called Harpirhynchus Tabescentium. Aristotle described cases of infestation of so-called ‘wild lice’. According to him, these lice posed a lethal threat not only to humans, but also to pheasants. We know that infestations of Harpirhynchus mites in birds do indeed induce skin tumours and can have lethal consequences for the animals.
In the case of Sulla, the white skin lesions on his face may indicate a predisposition to skin infections. It is quite likely that Sulla came into contact with Harpirhynchus infested birds, as he loved hunting waterfowl. Even his remarkable decision to become the first Roman nobleman to be cremated on a pyre may be understood in the context of a Harpirhynchus mite infestation, serving as a way to destroy all traces of the disease once and for all through fire. Even after Sulla’s death, his family tried to conceal that the ‘fortunate dictator’ had been smitten by divine revenge. It was only after the death of the last of Sulla’s influential descendants under Emperor Nero that Pliny the Elder was finally able to reveal that Sulla had been a victim of the lousy disease.
Select Bibliography
Bahmer, Friedrich and Eckert, Alexandra (2015), ‘Phthiriasis – die geheimnisvolle Läusekrankheit der Antike: Fakt oder Fiktion?’, Der Hautarzt 66/2 (2015): 143–8.
Bondeson, Jan (1997), A Cabinet of Medical Curiosities. New York.
Bondeson, Jan (1998), ‘Phthiriasis. The Riddle of the Lousy Disease’, Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 91 (1998): 328–34.
Eckert, Alexandra (2016), Lucius Cornelius Sulla in der antiken Erinnerung. Jener Mörder, der sich Felix nannte (Millennium Studies Vol. 60). Berlin, Boston, Munich.
Fritsch, P. and Kinzl, Konrad H. (1970), ‘Phtheiriasis’, Der Hautarzt 21/3 (1970): 127–30.
Keaveney, Arthur and Madden, John A. (1982), ‘Phthiriasis and its Victims’, Symbolae Osloenses 57 (1982): 87-99.
Nestlé, Wilhelm (1936), ‘Legenden vom Tod der Gottesverächter’, Archiv für Religionswissenschaften 33 (1936): 246–69.
Oudemans, Anthonie C. (1940), ‘Über die Läusesucht und über ihren Erzeuger, Harpyrynchus Tabescentium (Berthold 1845)’, Zeitschrift für Parasitenkunde 11 (1940): 145–98.
Schamp, Jacques (1991), ‘La Mort en Fleurs. Considérations sur la maladie pédiculaire de Sylla’, L’Antiquité Classique 60 (1991): 139–70.
Steinacher, Roland (2003), ‘Von Würmern bei lebendigem Leib zerfressen ... und die Läusesucht Phtheiriasis. Ein antikes Strafmotiv’, Tyche 18 (2003): 145–66.
Cf: http://www.afterthecrisis.nl/?page_id=18
https://sites.google.com/site/romanculturalmemory/home/2016-session
Sulla dictator rei publicae constituendae
Alexandra Eckert, University of Oldenburg
In De re publica Cicero refers to the authority of Cato the Elder, who called the Roman Republic the best of all governments because many persons over many generations had reshaped and strengthened its constitution continually, a phenomenon the Romans described as rem publicam constituere. The mythical kings of early Rome, the consuls, the tribunes of the plebs and the dictators had contributed to Rome’s superior capability to adapt and evolve. As the “art” of rem publicam constituere distinguished the Romans from other nations, it played a vital role in their cultural memory.
In late 82 BC, Sulla had himself appointed dictator legibus scribundis et rei publicae constituendae (dictator to enact laws and to constitute the Republic) and tried to employ this notion for his purposes. However, the Romans soon perceived Sulla’s dictatorship as a means to legalise his civil war, his mass killings and expropriations of Roman citizens without trial. The Valerian law, which had formed the legal basis of Sulla’s empowerment as dictator, was widely detested for having established Sulla as the tyrant of the Republic.
This paper will argue that Sulla’s extreme transgression of Roman values as dictator irrevocably eroded the legitimacy of the dictatorship — a process that can also be explained by a phenomenon Aleida Assmann has called “delegitimising memory” (delegitimierende Erinnerung). When Caesar arbitrarily extended his term as dictator – first to ten years and then for life – the erosion of the office accelerated. Shortly after Caesar’s assassination at the Ides of March in 44 BC, Antony proposed a bill to abolish the dictatorship. Although the dictatorship had lost legitimacy, the idea of rem publicam constituere prevailed. Augustus, a former triumvir rei publicae constituendae, established a new form of sole reign: the Principate.
MLU Halle-Wittenberg, Lehrstuhl für Alte Geschichte
11.11.2016-12.11.2016, Halle an der Saale, MLU Halle-Wittenberg, HS des
Robertinums, Universitätsplatz 12, 06108 Halle/Saale
Keineswegs nur als Gruppe sind Frauen in der antiken Überlieferung
präsent. In nicht unbeträchtlicher Zahl finden sich vielmehr auch
weibliche Individuen genannt. Obschon die Informationen so gut wie nie
ausreichen, um Handlungsmotive und Persönlichkeitsmerkmale zu
erschließen, also einen im strikten Sinn biographischen Zugang zu
ermöglichen, scheint es doch lohnend, die Frage aufzuwerfen, was über
den Lebensweg und die Aktivität einzelner Griechinnen und Römerinnen
herauszufinden ist, was das Personenspezifische ihres Tuns darstellt
und, nicht zuletzt, auf welche Weise sich Wissen darüber gewinnen und
authentisches Material von männlichen Angst- oder Wunschträumen sondern
läßt. Interesse an dieser individuellen Dimension der antiken
Frauengeschichte, die man aufgrund der Interaktionen der
Protagonistinnen mit Männern zudem als Facette der
Geschlechtergeschichte lesen kann, soll uns ebenso durch unseren
workshop begleiten wie die Suche nach den für ein derartiges Thema
ertragreichen methodischen Ansätzen.
https://sites.google.com/site/celticclassics2016/panels
https://www.mommsen-gesellschaft.de/content-page/item/2632-14-der-oligarchische-schatten-der-demokratie-zum-spannungsfeld-zwischen-demokratie-und-oligarchie-im-athen-des-5-jh-s-v-chr