In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union’s ... more In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union’s (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European External Action Service; and, second, as a bone of contention in EU internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, who advocated for ‘Christian religious freedom’ as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods (discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations) we trace the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings suggest that no cross-cutting ‘politics of religious freedom’ is likely to appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU and on the latter’s quest of legitimation.
Religious Communities and Civil Society in Europe, Volume I
Article 3 of the Greek Constitution of 1975 asserts the “prevailing” position of the Christian Or... more Article 3 of the Greek Constitution of 1975 asserts the “prevailing” position of the Christian Orthodox Church of Christ, denoting both the historical role of the Orthodox Church as part of the state’s national tradition and its predominance as the main religion of the country’s population. Taken in conjunction with other constitutional provisions and national legislation, this article further establishes the position of dominance of the Orthodox Church as civil religion as well as its organizational and economic role in the country’s affairs. In Greece, where civil society and volunteerism are relatively weak, the influence of the Orthodox Church extends also to the arena of civil society, as the Church is considered by law (590/1977) an official and de jure partner of the state in social protection. This is seen most clearly through the Church’s philanthropic role that dates back to the Byzantine era and the establishment of the Modern Greek state in the 19th century. As portrayed through the media and through public discourse, this interaction between the Church and the state appears to have maintained a monopoly in the field of welfare and civil society in Greece. In spite of the seemingly exclusive social action of the Orthodox Church, other religious communities and associations – such as Caritas Hellas, St. Paul’s Anglican Church, the Greek Evangelical Church or the Muslim Association of Greece – are also active in the social field and provide a range of social services. Indeed, two recent developments appear to question the established position of the Orthodox Church as civil society actor in Greece: the first relates to the financial crisis and the subsequent economic challenges the majority Church is, itself, facing, and the second concerns the significant changes in the population as a result of the increasing influx of immigrants and refugees in the country over the last ten years. While the former brings back to the fore the timely question of the financial dependence of the Church on the Greek state, the presence of foreigners and non-Orthodox people in need in the country raises questions over the Orthodox Church’s willingness and ability to help and to share its welfare resources with “others” (religious and ethnic minorities), who are often perceived as a threat to Greek national and religious identity. Taking into consideration such recent developments, this study examines the legal, social and political aspects that either facilitate or impede the status of religious communities as civil society organizations in Greece. It seeks to explore the changing dynamics that have defined the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Greek state as well as between the state and other religious communities. As a crucial factor that influences the legal standing of religious communities and their capacity to act in the field of civil society, the study further looks into the relationships between majority (Orthodox Church) and minority religious communities in the country. It considers these shifting dynamics in the light of the changes in the population, the economic crisis and the simultaneous changes of governments to comprehend the factors that determine and shape the role and place of religions in the civil arena of Greece. The findings draw on extensive fieldwork and interviews with members, pastors or leaders and legal advisors of religious communities present in the country, including government representatives at the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Justice. The objective is to cover the spectrum of “known” religions, as recognised by the Greek Constitution, but to moreover go beyond these limitations, seeking to include religious communities and groups of individuals that do not benefit from such forms of recognition but are nonetheless active in the field of civil society and philanthropy.
ABSTRACT The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual rel... more ABSTRACT The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance of European institutions to tackle value-loaded issues. This article examines whether this new policy alters EU policy-making and especially its approach to religion. It illuminates, first, the triggers of such a CR strategy (traumatic events, popular expectations and international influences). It then shows how the shift of CR from foreign to domestic EU affairs leads to the acknowledgement of religion as a multi-dimensional phenomenon and to the involvement of a greater number of political, bureaucratic and civil society actors. Still, usual patterns of EU public action apply to reduce the controversial potential of CR: circumscription to a legal and bureaucratic logic, institutional burden-sharing, delegation to member states and civil society, hollowing of the normative content of religion. In conclusion, CR has sparked a new EU policy field but has not radically shaken the routine of European politics.
ABSTRACT This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisa... more ABSTRACT This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisation strategy (EUCRS) and its treatment of religion. It focuses on two EU institutional frameworks that entail processes of politicisation and depoliticisation through rationalisation: the European Parliament, as the EU’s political arena par excellence where value-loaded issues are debated, and the Radicalisation Awareness Network, as a technocratic body that gathers experts and circulates best practices. We examine both policy configurations to determine whether, to what extent and how the religious dimension of the EUCRS leads to the development of new patterns to organise or contain conflict; and whether new actors, divisions, loyalties, repertoires of action and policy practices emerge. We demonstrate that religion is institutionalised as an EU policy issue in usual ways that serve to promote transnational regulation while preserving party, cultural, denominational and national differences without altering the structural logic of European politics and their standard approach to religion.
This paper examines the impact of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) decisions on the field o... more This paper examines the impact of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) decisions on the field of religion and education in Greece around the issues of the content and objectives of religious education, the exemption thereof, and religious symbols in school. The findings indicate that despite the relevance of ECtHR case law with the specific field in Greece, the Court's role in influencing such national debates is minimal. Drawing on empirical research and discourse analysis, the paper argues that this is due to the doctrine of the margin of appreciation, apparently linked to strategic references to and varying interpretations of the Court's judgments; the unwillingness of actors to litigate in a potentially sensitive, lengthy, and costly procedure; and to a shared belief in the perceived primacy of constitutional provisions on religion and education that precludes the formation of structured mobilizations.
This chapter discusses the fragile organisation of welfare in southern Europe, with Italy and Gre... more This chapter discusses the fragile organisation of welfare in southern Europe, with Italy and Greece as examples. In the Mediterranean countries, it is the idea of ‘familism’ that best captures a system where the family—more especially women—is the basic unit of care for dependent family members, migrants, and refugees. Although a state welfare system does exist, it is essentially a stopgap when the family is no longer able to cope with the demands of a particular situation. The religious majorities, in this case the Catholic Church in Italy and the Greek Orthodox Church in Greece, have different approaches to social care. In both cases, church organisations participate locally in order to reduce poverty and exclusion. The Greek tradition has, however, resulted in a much weaker civil society in terms of ‘voice’. In Italy, Caritas is involved both in local activities and in social advocacy work, alongside other social movements in support of migrants.
In 2005, in Folgero v. Norway, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) set precedence highly r... more In 2005, in Folgero v. Norway, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) set precedence highly relevant to the Greek context of religious education (RE): ‘it does not appear that the respondent State [Norway] took sufficient care that information and knowledge included in the curriculum be conveyed in an objective, critical and pluralistic manner …’. Judged by this standard, RE in Greece certainly fails the ‘Folgero test’; in fact, it would do so even if the current government proceeded to implement the controversial reforms of the class.
A European consensus on the centrality of education for the guarantee and promotion of religious ... more A European consensus on the centrality of education for the guarantee and promotion of religious freedoms has emerged over the last two decades. Initially articulated in the human rights discourse of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and subsequently elaborated through the Council of Europe’s Recommendations, Declarations, Research Projects and Reference Books, this frame of reference forms a normative and legislative basis for states in Europe. Long national traditions of particular approaches to the ‘protected spaces’ of religion and education, however, render the development of common policies and practices amongst states problematic. This thesis examines the impact of the European framework of freedoms of religion and education on states’ education systems. An important contribution to the scholarship of social constructivism and interpretivist studies, the thesis contextualizes the research question within the conceptual framework of Europeanizati...
Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and... more Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and Religion. Burlington: Ashgate, 2014. viii + 197 pp
Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and... more Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and Religion. Burlington: Ashgate, 2014. viii + 197 pp
In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union's ... more In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union's (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European External Action Service (EEAS); and, second, as a bone of contention in EU internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, who advocated for "Christian religious freedom" as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods (discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations,) we trace the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings suggest that no cross-cutting "politics of religious freedom" is likely to appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU and on the latter's quest of legitimation.
Fundamental right or political value? The evolution of ‘freedom of religion or belief’ in the European Union’s legitimation and public action, 2021
In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of
the European Union’s ... more In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union’s (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European External Action Service; and, second, as a bone of contention in EU internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, who advocated for ‘Christian religious freedom’ as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods (discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations) we trace the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings suggest that no cross-cutting ‘politics of religious freedom’ is likely to appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU and on the latter’s quest of legitimation.
The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance o... more The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance of European institutions to tackle value-loaded issues. This article examines whether this new policy alters EU policy-making and especially its approach to religion. It illuminates, first, the triggers of such a CR strategy (traumatic events, popular expectations and international influences). It then shows how the shift of CR from foreign to domestic EU affairs leads to the acknowledgement of religion as a multi-dimensional phenomenon and to the involvement of a greater number of political, bureaucratic and civil society actors. Still, usual patterns of EU public action apply to reduce the controversial potential of CR: circumscription to a legal and bureaucratic logic, institutional burden-sharing, delegation to member states and civil society, hollowing of the normative content of religion. In conclusion, CR has sparked a new EU policy field but has not radically shaken the routine of European politics.
The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance o... more The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance of European institutions to tackle value-loaded issues. This article examines whether this new policy alters EU policy-making and especially its approach to religion. It illuminates, first, the triggers of such a CR strategy (traumatic events, popular expectations and international influences). It then shows how the shift of CR from foreign to domestic EU affairs leads to the acknowledgement of religion as a multi-dimensional phe- nomenon and to the involvement of a greater number of political, bureaucratic and civil society actors. Still, usual patterns of EU public action apply to reduce the controversial potential of CR: circumscription to a legal and bureaucratic logic, institutional bur- den-sharing, delegation to member states and civil society, hollow- ing of the normative content of religion. In conclusion, CR has sparked a new EU policy field but has not radically shaken the routine of European politics.
This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisation stra... more This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisation strategy (EUCRS) and its treatment of religion. It focuses on two EU institutional frameworks that entail processes of politicisation and depoliticisation through rationalisation: the European Parliament, as the EU’s political arena par excellence where value-loaded issues are debated, and the Radicalisation Awareness Network, as a technocratic body that gathers experts and circulates best practices. We examine both policy configurations to determine whether, to what extent and how the religious dimension of the EUCRS leads to the development of new patterns to organise or contain conflict; and whether new actors, divisions, loyalties, repertoires of action and policy practices emerge. We demonstrate that religion is institutionalised as an EU policy issue in usual ways that serve to promote transnational regulation while preserving party, cultural, denominational and national differences without altering the structural logic of European politics and their standard approach to religion.
In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union’s ... more In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union’s (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European External Action Service; and, second, as a bone of contention in EU internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, who advocated for ‘Christian religious freedom’ as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods (discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations) we trace the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings suggest that no cross-cutting ‘politics of religious freedom’ is likely to appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU and on the latter’s quest of legitimation.
Religious Communities and Civil Society in Europe, Volume I
Article 3 of the Greek Constitution of 1975 asserts the “prevailing” position of the Christian Or... more Article 3 of the Greek Constitution of 1975 asserts the “prevailing” position of the Christian Orthodox Church of Christ, denoting both the historical role of the Orthodox Church as part of the state’s national tradition and its predominance as the main religion of the country’s population. Taken in conjunction with other constitutional provisions and national legislation, this article further establishes the position of dominance of the Orthodox Church as civil religion as well as its organizational and economic role in the country’s affairs. In Greece, where civil society and volunteerism are relatively weak, the influence of the Orthodox Church extends also to the arena of civil society, as the Church is considered by law (590/1977) an official and de jure partner of the state in social protection. This is seen most clearly through the Church’s philanthropic role that dates back to the Byzantine era and the establishment of the Modern Greek state in the 19th century. As portrayed through the media and through public discourse, this interaction between the Church and the state appears to have maintained a monopoly in the field of welfare and civil society in Greece. In spite of the seemingly exclusive social action of the Orthodox Church, other religious communities and associations – such as Caritas Hellas, St. Paul’s Anglican Church, the Greek Evangelical Church or the Muslim Association of Greece – are also active in the social field and provide a range of social services. Indeed, two recent developments appear to question the established position of the Orthodox Church as civil society actor in Greece: the first relates to the financial crisis and the subsequent economic challenges the majority Church is, itself, facing, and the second concerns the significant changes in the population as a result of the increasing influx of immigrants and refugees in the country over the last ten years. While the former brings back to the fore the timely question of the financial dependence of the Church on the Greek state, the presence of foreigners and non-Orthodox people in need in the country raises questions over the Orthodox Church’s willingness and ability to help and to share its welfare resources with “others” (religious and ethnic minorities), who are often perceived as a threat to Greek national and religious identity. Taking into consideration such recent developments, this study examines the legal, social and political aspects that either facilitate or impede the status of religious communities as civil society organizations in Greece. It seeks to explore the changing dynamics that have defined the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Greek state as well as between the state and other religious communities. As a crucial factor that influences the legal standing of religious communities and their capacity to act in the field of civil society, the study further looks into the relationships between majority (Orthodox Church) and minority religious communities in the country. It considers these shifting dynamics in the light of the changes in the population, the economic crisis and the simultaneous changes of governments to comprehend the factors that determine and shape the role and place of religions in the civil arena of Greece. The findings draw on extensive fieldwork and interviews with members, pastors or leaders and legal advisors of religious communities present in the country, including government representatives at the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Justice. The objective is to cover the spectrum of “known” religions, as recognised by the Greek Constitution, but to moreover go beyond these limitations, seeking to include religious communities and groups of individuals that do not benefit from such forms of recognition but are nonetheless active in the field of civil society and philanthropy.
ABSTRACT The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual rel... more ABSTRACT The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance of European institutions to tackle value-loaded issues. This article examines whether this new policy alters EU policy-making and especially its approach to religion. It illuminates, first, the triggers of such a CR strategy (traumatic events, popular expectations and international influences). It then shows how the shift of CR from foreign to domestic EU affairs leads to the acknowledgement of religion as a multi-dimensional phenomenon and to the involvement of a greater number of political, bureaucratic and civil society actors. Still, usual patterns of EU public action apply to reduce the controversial potential of CR: circumscription to a legal and bureaucratic logic, institutional burden-sharing, delegation to member states and civil society, hollowing of the normative content of religion. In conclusion, CR has sparked a new EU policy field but has not radically shaken the routine of European politics.
ABSTRACT This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisa... more ABSTRACT This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisation strategy (EUCRS) and its treatment of religion. It focuses on two EU institutional frameworks that entail processes of politicisation and depoliticisation through rationalisation: the European Parliament, as the EU’s political arena par excellence where value-loaded issues are debated, and the Radicalisation Awareness Network, as a technocratic body that gathers experts and circulates best practices. We examine both policy configurations to determine whether, to what extent and how the religious dimension of the EUCRS leads to the development of new patterns to organise or contain conflict; and whether new actors, divisions, loyalties, repertoires of action and policy practices emerge. We demonstrate that religion is institutionalised as an EU policy issue in usual ways that serve to promote transnational regulation while preserving party, cultural, denominational and national differences without altering the structural logic of European politics and their standard approach to religion.
This paper examines the impact of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) decisions on the field o... more This paper examines the impact of European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) decisions on the field of religion and education in Greece around the issues of the content and objectives of religious education, the exemption thereof, and religious symbols in school. The findings indicate that despite the relevance of ECtHR case law with the specific field in Greece, the Court's role in influencing such national debates is minimal. Drawing on empirical research and discourse analysis, the paper argues that this is due to the doctrine of the margin of appreciation, apparently linked to strategic references to and varying interpretations of the Court's judgments; the unwillingness of actors to litigate in a potentially sensitive, lengthy, and costly procedure; and to a shared belief in the perceived primacy of constitutional provisions on religion and education that precludes the formation of structured mobilizations.
This chapter discusses the fragile organisation of welfare in southern Europe, with Italy and Gre... more This chapter discusses the fragile organisation of welfare in southern Europe, with Italy and Greece as examples. In the Mediterranean countries, it is the idea of ‘familism’ that best captures a system where the family—more especially women—is the basic unit of care for dependent family members, migrants, and refugees. Although a state welfare system does exist, it is essentially a stopgap when the family is no longer able to cope with the demands of a particular situation. The religious majorities, in this case the Catholic Church in Italy and the Greek Orthodox Church in Greece, have different approaches to social care. In both cases, church organisations participate locally in order to reduce poverty and exclusion. The Greek tradition has, however, resulted in a much weaker civil society in terms of ‘voice’. In Italy, Caritas is involved both in local activities and in social advocacy work, alongside other social movements in support of migrants.
In 2005, in Folgero v. Norway, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) set precedence highly r... more In 2005, in Folgero v. Norway, the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) set precedence highly relevant to the Greek context of religious education (RE): ‘it does not appear that the respondent State [Norway] took sufficient care that information and knowledge included in the curriculum be conveyed in an objective, critical and pluralistic manner …’. Judged by this standard, RE in Greece certainly fails the ‘Folgero test’; in fact, it would do so even if the current government proceeded to implement the controversial reforms of the class.
A European consensus on the centrality of education for the guarantee and promotion of religious ... more A European consensus on the centrality of education for the guarantee and promotion of religious freedoms has emerged over the last two decades. Initially articulated in the human rights discourse of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms and subsequently elaborated through the Council of Europe’s Recommendations, Declarations, Research Projects and Reference Books, this frame of reference forms a normative and legislative basis for states in Europe. Long national traditions of particular approaches to the ‘protected spaces’ of religion and education, however, render the development of common policies and practices amongst states problematic. This thesis examines the impact of the European framework of freedoms of religion and education on states’ education systems. An important contribution to the scholarship of social constructivism and interpretivist studies, the thesis contextualizes the research question within the conceptual framework of Europeanizati...
Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and... more Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and Religion. Burlington: Ashgate, 2014. viii + 197 pp
Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and... more Trine Stauning Willert. New Voices in Greek Orthodox Thought: Untying the Bond between Nation and Religion. Burlington: Ashgate, 2014. viii + 197 pp
In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union's ... more In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union's (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European External Action Service (EEAS); and, second, as a bone of contention in EU internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orban, who advocated for "Christian religious freedom" as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods (discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations,) we trace the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings suggest that no cross-cutting "politics of religious freedom" is likely to appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU and on the latter's quest of legitimation.
Fundamental right or political value? The evolution of ‘freedom of religion or belief’ in the European Union’s legitimation and public action, 2021
In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of
the European Union’s ... more In the last decade, freedom of religion or belief (FoRB) emerged as part of the European Union’s (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European External Action Service; and, second, as a bone of contention in EU internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, who advocated for ‘Christian religious freedom’ as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods (discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations) we trace the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings suggest that no cross-cutting ‘politics of religious freedom’ is likely to appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU and on the latter’s quest of legitimation.
The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance o... more The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance of European institutions to tackle value-loaded issues. This article examines whether this new policy alters EU policy-making and especially its approach to religion. It illuminates, first, the triggers of such a CR strategy (traumatic events, popular expectations and international influences). It then shows how the shift of CR from foreign to domestic EU affairs leads to the acknowledgement of religion as a multi-dimensional phenomenon and to the involvement of a greater number of political, bureaucratic and civil society actors. Still, usual patterns of EU public action apply to reduce the controversial potential of CR: circumscription to a legal and bureaucratic logic, institutional burden-sharing, delegation to member states and civil society, hollowing of the normative content of religion. In conclusion, CR has sparked a new EU policy field but has not radically shaken the routine of European politics.
The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance o... more The emergence of an EU counter-radicalisation (CR) strategy has challenged the usual reluctance of European institutions to tackle value-loaded issues. This article examines whether this new policy alters EU policy-making and especially its approach to religion. It illuminates, first, the triggers of such a CR strategy (traumatic events, popular expectations and international influences). It then shows how the shift of CR from foreign to domestic EU affairs leads to the acknowledgement of religion as a multi-dimensional phe- nomenon and to the involvement of a greater number of political, bureaucratic and civil society actors. Still, usual patterns of EU public action apply to reduce the controversial potential of CR: circumscription to a legal and bureaucratic logic, institutional bur- den-sharing, delegation to member states and civil society, hollow- ing of the normative content of religion. In conclusion, CR has sparked a new EU policy field but has not radically shaken the routine of European politics.
This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisation stra... more This article explores the implementation of the European Union’s (EU) counter-radicalisation strategy (EUCRS) and its treatment of religion. It focuses on two EU institutional frameworks that entail processes of politicisation and depoliticisation through rationalisation: the European Parliament, as the EU’s political arena par excellence where value-loaded issues are debated, and the Radicalisation Awareness Network, as a technocratic body that gathers experts and circulates best practices. We examine both policy configurations to determine whether, to what extent and how the religious dimension of the EUCRS leads to the development of new patterns to organise or contain conflict; and whether new actors, divisions, loyalties, repertoires of action and policy practices emerge. We demonstrate that religion is institutionalised as an EU policy issue in usual ways that serve to promote transnational regulation while preserving party, cultural, denominational and national differences without altering the structural logic of European politics and their standard approach to religion.
Religious Communities and Civil Society in Europe - Analyses and Perspectives on a Complex Interplay,, 2019
Article 3 of the Greek Constitution of 1975 asserts the “prevailing” position of the Christian Or... more Article 3 of the Greek Constitution of 1975 asserts the “prevailing” position of the Christian Orthodox Church of Christ, denoting both the historical role of the Orthodox Church as part of the state’s national tradition and its predominance as the main religion of the country’s population. Taken in conjunction with other constitutional provisions and national legislation, this article further establishes the position of dominance of the Orthodox Church as civil religion as well as its organizational and economic role in the country’s affairs. In Greece, where civil society and volunteerism are relatively weak, the influence of the Orthodox Church extends also to the arena of civil society, as the Church is considered by law (590/1977) an official and de jure partner of the state in social protection. This is seen most clearly through the Church’s philanthropic role that dates back to the Byzantine era and the establishment of the Modern Greek state in the 19th century. As portrayed through the media and through public discourse, this interaction between the Church and the state appears to have maintained a monopoly in the field of welfare and civil society in Greece. In spite of the seemingly exclusive social action of the Orthodox Church, other religious communities and associations – such as Caritas Hellas, St. Paul’s Anglican Church, the Greek Evangelical Church or the Muslim Association of Greece – are also active in the social field and provide a range of social services. Indeed, two recent developments appear to question the established position of the Orthodox Church as civil society actor in Greece: the first relates to the financial crisis and the subsequent economic challenges the majority Church is, itself, facing, and the second concerns the significant changes in the population as a result of the increasing influx of immigrants and refugees in the country over the last ten years. While the former brings back to the fore the timely question of the financial dependence of the Church on the Greek state, the presence of foreigners and non-Orthodox people in need in the country raises questions over the Orthodox Church’s willingness and ability to help and to share its welfare resources with “others” (religious and ethnic minorities), who are often perceived as a threat to Greek national and religious identity. Taking into consideration such recent developments, this study examines the legal, social and political aspects that either facilitate or impede the status of religious communities as civil society organizations in Greece. It seeks to explore the changing dynamics that have defined the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Greek state as well as between the state and other religious communities. As a crucial factor that influences the legal standing of religious communities and their capacity to act in the field of civil society, the study further looks into the relationships between majority (Orthodox Church) and minority religious communities in the country. It considers these shifting dynamics in the light of the changes in the population, the economic crisis and the simultaneous changes of governments to comprehend the factors that determine and shape the role and place of religions in the civil arena of Greece. The findings draw on extensive fieldwork and interviews with members, pastors or leaders and legal advisors of religious communities present in the country, including government representatives at the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Justice. The objective is to cover the spectrum of “known” religions, as recognised by the Greek Constitution, but to moreover go beyond these limitations, seeking to include religious communities and groups of individuals that do not benefit from such forms of recognition but are nonetheless active in the field of civil society and philanthropy.
This chapter focuses on the intersection of state, family and church in
southern Europe, based on... more This chapter focuses on the intersection of state, family and church in southern Europe, based on the examples of Italy and Greece and the findings of the Greek and Italian case studies from the Welfare and Values in Europe: Transitions Related to Religion, Minorities and Gender (WaVE) project. Although our starting point is the WaVE case studies, we examine them in the context of the current situation to highlight recent socioeconomic and political developments since the completion of the project in 2009, notably the escalation of both the economic crisis and the refugee crisis since 2012. We draw our data from both the WaVE Greek and Italian case studies and additional materials on the responses to the economic crisis of majority churches: the Catholic Church in Italy and the Orthodox Church in Greece.
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the European Union’s (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of
its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European
External Action Service; and, second, as a bone of contention in EU
internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such
as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, who advocated for ‘Christian
religious freedom’ as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research
question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to
a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments
around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected
to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods
(discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection
of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations) we trace
the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings
suggest that no cross-cutting ‘politics of religious freedom’ is likely to
appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to
the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU
and on the latter’s quest of legitimation.
the European Union’s (EU) agenda in two ways: first, through attempts of
its institutionalisation as a full-fledged diplomatic issue by the European
External Action Service; and, second, as a bone of contention in EU
internal affairs through its instrumentalization by national leaders, such
as Hungarian Prime Minister, Viktor Orbán, who advocated for ‘Christian
religious freedom’ as a rallying cry for identity politics. Our research
question is twofold: whether FoRB has turned from a legal principle to
a value likely to shape political conflicts; and to what extent the developments
around FoRB in the realms of law and external affairs are connected
to its uses in domestic EU politics. Using various qualitative methods
(discourse analysis; interviews, media analysis) and drawing on a selection
of relevant data (case-law, policy reports and recommendations) we trace
the manifestations of FoRB across different policy sectors. Our findings
suggest that no cross-cutting ‘politics of religious freedom’ is likely to
appear in the EU. Looking at the broader picture, this article contributes to
the scholarship on the interactions between politics and religion in the EU
and on the latter’s quest of legitimation.
In Greece, where civil society and volunteerism are relatively weak, the influence of the Orthodox Church extends also to the arena of civil society, as the Church is considered by law (590/1977) an official and de jure partner of the state in social protection. This is seen most clearly through the Church’s philanthropic role that dates back to the Byzantine era and the establishment of the Modern Greek state in the 19th century. As portrayed through the media and through public discourse, this interaction between the Church and the state appears to have maintained a monopoly in the field of welfare and civil society in Greece.
In spite of the seemingly exclusive social action of the Orthodox Church, other religious communities and associations – such as Caritas Hellas, St. Paul’s Anglican Church, the Greek Evangelical Church or the Muslim Association of Greece – are also active in the social field and provide a range of social services. Indeed, two recent developments appear to question the established position of the Orthodox Church as civil society actor in Greece: the first relates to the financial crisis and the subsequent economic challenges the majority Church is, itself, facing, and the second concerns the significant changes in the population as a result of the increasing influx of immigrants and refugees in the country over the last ten years. While the former brings back to the fore the timely question of the financial dependence of the Church on the Greek state, the presence of foreigners and non-Orthodox people in need in the country raises questions over the Orthodox Church’s willingness and ability to help and to share its welfare resources with “others” (religious and ethnic minorities), who are often perceived as a threat to Greek national and religious identity.
Taking into consideration such recent developments, this study examines the legal, social and political aspects that either facilitate or impede the status of religious communities as civil society organizations in Greece. It seeks to explore the changing dynamics that have defined the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the Greek state as well as between the state and other religious communities. As a crucial factor that influences the legal standing of religious communities and their capacity to act in the field of civil society, the study further looks into the relationships between majority (Orthodox Church) and minority religious communities in the country. It considers these shifting dynamics in the light of the changes in the population, the economic crisis and the simultaneous changes of governments to comprehend the factors that determine and shape the role and place of religions in the civil arena of Greece.
The findings draw on extensive fieldwork and interviews with members, pastors or leaders and legal advisors of religious communities present in the country, including government representatives at the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs and the Ministry of Justice. The objective is to cover the spectrum of “known” religions, as recognised by the Greek Constitution, but to moreover go beyond these limitations, seeking to include religious communities and groups of individuals that do not benefit from such forms of recognition but are nonetheless active in the field of civil society and philanthropy.
southern Europe, based on the examples of Italy and Greece and the
findings of the Greek and Italian case studies from the Welfare and
Values in Europe: Transitions Related to Religion, Minorities and
Gender (WaVE) project. Although our starting point is the WaVE
case studies, we examine them in the context of the current situation
to highlight recent socioeconomic and political developments since
the completion of the project in 2009, notably the escalation of both
the economic crisis and the refugee crisis since 2012. We draw our
data from both the WaVE Greek and Italian case studies and additional
materials on the responses to the economic crisis of majority churches:
the Catholic Church in Italy and the Orthodox Church in Greece.