Ibnu Nadzir
University College London, Anthropology, Graduate Student
- Social and Cultural Anthropology, Urban Anthropology, Political Anthropology, History, Culture, Social Media, and 13 moreVisual Culture, Visual Anthropology, Digital Culture, Anthropology Of Art, Indonesian Studies, Multiculturalism, Anthropology, Cultural Anthropology, Cultural Studies, Media Studies, Popular Culture, Anthropology of Religion, and Martial Arts (Anthropology)edit
Scholarly inquiry into Islamic populism in Indonesia has distinctly bifurcated into two primary domains. The first is a comprehensive examination of political issues that explores various perspectives, including political... more
Scholarly inquiry into Islamic populism in Indonesia has distinctly bifurcated into two primary domains. The first is a comprehensive examination of political issues that explores various perspectives, including political identity, agency, and the influence of political figures. The second domain focuses on the impact of digital platforms, particularly how the proliferation of hoaxes and disinformation plays a critical role in shaping political identities during elections. Unlike previous studies, this article employs Gerbaudo’s concept of elective affinity to elucidate the interconnection between populism in political science and the dynamic realm of social media. These forces generate the political sentiments that shape Islamic populism in Indonesia. Specifically, this article conducts a nuanced analysis, utilizing the presidential elections of 2014 and 2019, as well as the 2017 Jakarta gubernatorial elections, as comprehensive case studies.
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The Tau Taa Vana people live in the Bulang Highlands, Tojo Una-Una, in Central Sulawesi Province. The region's development has shaped the marginalization of forest-dwelling and forest-adjacent communities. From the 1980s to the 1990s,... more
The Tau Taa Vana people live in the Bulang Highlands, Tojo Una-Una, in Central Sulawesi Province. The region's development has shaped the marginalization of forest-dwelling and forest-adjacent communities. From the 1980s to the 1990s, illegal logging networks served as the power holders, backed by Indonesia’s authoritarian regime of that time. Illegal logging destroyed a large part of the Tau Taa Vana's sacred forest (pengale kapali). As part of the massive logging agenda, the government launched many legal programs that further isolated the Tau Taa Vana people from their land. The first program was transmigration in 1995-1998, which converted sacred forests into plantation areas and worker camps. Meanwhile, the Tau Taa Vana people were forced to relocate from their forest livelihoods (pengale lipu). In 2014, development shifted towards government-supported gold and nickel extraction identified in the Tau Taa Vana people's traditional regions. The government's planned material extraction of the region has forced the Tau Taa Vana people to adapt traditional environmental management systems. In the past, the forest had three main functions, as the source of food, medicine, and livelihoods. Nowadays, those functions are reduced drastically and the sacred forest with the Kaju Marangka'a region as the center has lost its cultural importance. Tau Taa Vana people today use the remaining forests as the center of their resistance movements and consider it as their last bastion for cultural preservation. In this regard, the role of traditional healers (tau valia) has become even more critical amidst the lack of traditional elders.
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To study conservative groups, or community whose identity marker is defined by a strong sense of rejection toward other groups, whether based on ethnicity, religion, or any other identity markers, has always been a delicate matter for an... more
To study conservative groups, or community whose identity marker is defined by a strong sense of rejection toward other groups, whether based on ethnicity, religion, or any other identity markers, has always been a delicate matter for an anthropologist. Departing from the premise of cultural relativism, anthropologists are trained to empathize with their research subjects. However, similar empathy could not easily be exercised to research subjects whose conservative views contradict cultural relativism. The dilemma might explain why research on hate, racist groups, is relatively rare in anthropology or social sciences in general. Even if anthropologists are able to sympathize with the point of view of such groups, the research presentation poses another problem: how should their present their point of view without justifying their subjects' actions? Moreover, since conservative groups are often stigmatized socially or politically, how should anthropologists position themselves and their research when discussing the issue particularly to non-academic public? Despite the conundrums, some scholars dare to take the risk of studying the 'uncomfortable subjects.' Drawing from several studies and my own research on FPI in South Sulawesi, this article examines the limitations and the contributions of anthropological framework in studying conservative movements.
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In recent years, populist movements have emerge to become a significant force in Indonesian politics. The meteoric rise of these movements could not be separated from the integration of digital media into politics, particularly to... more
In recent years, populist movements have emerge to become a significant force in Indonesian politics. The meteoric rise of these movements could not be separated from the integration of digital media into politics, particularly to mobilize and propagate their political ideas. Despite the influence, the study that seek to understand the relationship between populism and digital media in Indonesia is still nascent. In this regard, the article examines the entanglement between the technology and the development of populism in Indonesia.
Drawing from the notion to understand populism as political style, the article argues that digital media is integral to the formation of Indonesian populist movements. The specificities of digital media provide an ideal platform for performative politics that serves as the foundation of populism. To elaborate the proposition, the article compares the role of digital media between the two dominant populist movements in Indonesia: the nationalistic and the Islamic movement. Both movements are able to utilize digital media in advancing their influence toward Indonesian politics. However, the influence is still contingent to the ability to control established political institutions. In this context, populism is no longer separated from formal political institutions that contributes to the deterioration of Indonesian democracy.
Drawing from the notion to understand populism as political style, the article argues that digital media is integral to the formation of Indonesian populist movements. The specificities of digital media provide an ideal platform for performative politics that serves as the foundation of populism. To elaborate the proposition, the article compares the role of digital media between the two dominant populist movements in Indonesia: the nationalistic and the Islamic movement. Both movements are able to utilize digital media in advancing their influence toward Indonesian politics. However, the influence is still contingent to the ability to control established political institutions. In this context, populism is no longer separated from formal political institutions that contributes to the deterioration of Indonesian democracy.
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Ketika Zuckerberg mengumumkan rencananya mengubah Facebook menjadi Metaverse, muncul pertanyaan dalam benak saya, "Bagaimana perubahan ini akan berpengaruh pada cara kerja ilmuwan sosial khususnya antropolog di masa yang akan datang?"
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In the early years of Reform Era, Islam in Indonesia was portrayed as the representation of moderate Islam. While some scholars argue that Islam in Indonesia has strong ties with religious commodification, Indonesia also often presented... more
In the early years of Reform Era, Islam in Indonesia was portrayed as the representation of moderate Islam. While some scholars argue that Islam in Indonesia has strong ties with religious commodification, Indonesia also often presented as the best practice where Islam could work with democracy. At that time, even Islamist groups were never really considered as a real threat to Indonesian democracy, mainly because their activities were mostly described as fragmented and sporadic. In that context, the Jakarta election brings new dynamic as part of the discussion on Islamization in Indonesia after the fall of the New Order. The blasphemy case of Ahok has become a trigger for a series of demonstration that illustrates the strength of political Islam ideology in shaping current Indonesian public sphere. To discuss these recent developments the article revisits the discourse of Islamization in Indonesia. We argue that intertwine between commodification of religious symbols, the use of ne...
Tentang babi ngepet dan keganjilan-keganjilan instrumen kekayaan di dunia modern.
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Amidst the global outbreak of COVID-19 in Indonesia, the government has been under the spotlight for not beingable to formulate a proper response. Aside from the malfunctioning bureaucracy, the low compliance among citizenstoward public... more
Amidst the global outbreak of COVID-19 in Indonesia, the government has been under the spotlight for not beingable to formulate a proper response. Aside from the malfunctioning bureaucracy, the low compliance among citizenstoward public health advice complicates the impact of COVID-19 in Indonesia. One factor that contributes to the attitude of society is the spread of false information and conspiracy theories associated to the virus itself. How do we explain the propagation of conspiracy theories under the threat of COVID-19 in Indonesia? The article argues that the spread of conspiracy theories amidst the pandemic reflects the on-going contestation of political legitimacy between the state and society in Indonesia. To elaborate this point, the article elucidates the three critical junctures that buttressed the propagation of conspiracy theories. First, conspiracy theory was utilized as a foundation of authoritarian regime of Soeharto, and later became an institutionalized tool to maintain its power. Second, the entanglement between democratic ecosystem and proliferation of social media after Reformasi, has enabled society
to appropriate conspiracy theories as a form of resistance and skepticism toward government. Third, the tension between state and society in regards to the authority manifested on the contention on COVID-19 management
in Indonesia. The government has been trying to maintain the legitimacy by being secretive on COVID-19 information. At the same time, some elements of society responded to the secretive government with propagation
conspiracy theories that also justify public disobedience toward health protocols. These combinations have further exacerbated the impact of COVID-19 in Indonesia.
to appropriate conspiracy theories as a form of resistance and skepticism toward government. Third, the tension between state and society in regards to the authority manifested on the contention on COVID-19 management
in Indonesia. The government has been trying to maintain the legitimacy by being secretive on COVID-19 information. At the same time, some elements of society responded to the secretive government with propagation
conspiracy theories that also justify public disobedience toward health protocols. These combinations have further exacerbated the impact of COVID-19 in Indonesia.
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The ability to exploit social media for political charisma is essential for aspiring Indonesian politicians. Social media is even more crucial for those who compete in urban areas, where its citizens have better access on digital... more
The ability to exploit social media for political charisma is essential for aspiring Indonesian politicians. Social media is even more crucial for those who compete in urban areas, where its citizens have better access on digital technology. Nevertheless, study on the function of social media to develop political charisma is still relatively nascent. In this regards, the article explores the way politicians employ social media to get and maintain their power. How do social media affordances enable politicians to manufacture political charisma? To what extent, political charisma developed on social media enables politicians to influence their followers? To answer these problems, the article draws from the political trajectory of Ridwan Kamil, Governor of West Java, whose political persona relies heavily on his personal use of social media. Based on digital observation and several indepth interviews, the article proposes three arguments. First, social media affordances enabled politician to construct political charisma based on multiple representations within a short period of time. Second, the infrastructure of social media has reinforced the blurry lines between personal and public matters in politics. Third, the influence of charisma developed through social media is constrained by social and political contexts.
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The government's inability to provide information in relation to COVID-19 in Indonesia, has stimulated grassroots efforts from society to develop data activism. These are the kind of activism that proliferates from modern social media... more
The government's inability to provide information in relation to COVID-19 in Indonesia, has stimulated grassroots efforts from society to develop data activism. These are the kind of activism that proliferates from modern social media ecosystem and utilizes data as the core of their movement. The article proposes that there are at least three forms of activism differentiated based on the actors, their main sources of data, and characteristic. These forms of activisms are aimed to provide data and information that could help both government and society to better mitigate the impact of pandemic. While data activism provides some hope among other grim outlook of COVID-19 management in Indonesia, the questions on its impacts are still looming under the contested authorities of information in Indonesia.
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EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • A survey of nine provinces in Indonesia shows that among the cases of hoax and misinformation, public awareness was highest for three issues - the presence of millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia, resurgence of... more
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
• A survey of nine provinces in Indonesia shows that among the cases of hoax and
misinformation, public awareness was highest for three issues - the presence of
millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia, resurgence of the Indonesian Communist
Party (PKI), and criminalization of the ulama by the government.
• The frequency of access to and the content of hoax and misinformation varied in
correlation with educational background, geography, Internet access and local
context.
• The more highly educated respondents tend to have higher exposure to hoax and
misinformation cases. Similarly, respondents with Internet access are more likely to
be familiar with cases of hoax and misinformation than those without such access.
However, the data also indicates that higher education and better access to
information provide no assurance against being deceived by hoaxes and
misinformation. In fact, post-graduate respondents registered higher tendency to
believe that the government was criminalising the ulama.
• Misinformation about the presence of millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia is
the most widely believed issue, especially in the urban areas, while the resurgence
of PKI is the most widespread hoax in the rural areas.
• A survey of nine provinces in Indonesia shows that among the cases of hoax and
misinformation, public awareness was highest for three issues - the presence of
millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia, resurgence of the Indonesian Communist
Party (PKI), and criminalization of the ulama by the government.
• The frequency of access to and the content of hoax and misinformation varied in
correlation with educational background, geography, Internet access and local
context.
• The more highly educated respondents tend to have higher exposure to hoax and
misinformation cases. Similarly, respondents with Internet access are more likely to
be familiar with cases of hoax and misinformation than those without such access.
However, the data also indicates that higher education and better access to
information provide no assurance against being deceived by hoaxes and
misinformation. In fact, post-graduate respondents registered higher tendency to
believe that the government was criminalising the ulama.
• Misinformation about the presence of millions of Chinese labourers in Indonesia is
the most widely believed issue, especially in the urban areas, while the resurgence
of PKI is the most widespread hoax in the rural areas.
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Klientelisme dalam politik elektoral adalah persoalan yang tidak kalah penting namun jarang mendapat perhatian publik. Salah satu bentuk fenomena klientelisme politik yang populer di masyarakat adalah ‘politik uang’.
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This article explores online-offline engagements of Indonesian exiles in Netherlands. By looking into their internet practices, this article affirms the notion that it is essential for Internet research to comprehend social and cultural... more
This article explores online-offline engagements of Indonesian exiles in Netherlands. By looking into their
internet practices, this article affirms the notion that it is essential for Internet research to comprehend social and
cultural practices engaged in both space as an entanglement. To elaborate the argument, this article analyzed two
important cases where the online-offline engagements are performed by Indonesian exiles, which are IPT 1965
events and Diskusi Forum (forum discussion). Since the social and cultural practices were performed online and
offline, this research is also conducted in both spaces simultaneously. The research itself was initiated from two
main questions, first, how do Indonesian exiles employed online-offline engagement to mobilize their cause? Second,
how do their online-offline engagement affect their existence as a displaced community? The article then argues
that the engagement enacted by Indonesian exiles is performed fluidly in online-offline spaces. In consequence,
events and practices in both arenas are influential to one another. Moreover, borrowing the framework of Jackson
(2013) on storytelling, this article shows that the online-offline engagements has enabled Indonesian exiles to
reclaim the sense of being Indonesian.
Keywords: online, offline, Indonesian-ness, exiles, Internet
internet practices, this article affirms the notion that it is essential for Internet research to comprehend social and
cultural practices engaged in both space as an entanglement. To elaborate the argument, this article analyzed two
important cases where the online-offline engagements are performed by Indonesian exiles, which are IPT 1965
events and Diskusi Forum (forum discussion). Since the social and cultural practices were performed online and
offline, this research is also conducted in both spaces simultaneously. The research itself was initiated from two
main questions, first, how do Indonesian exiles employed online-offline engagement to mobilize their cause? Second,
how do their online-offline engagement affect their existence as a displaced community? The article then argues
that the engagement enacted by Indonesian exiles is performed fluidly in online-offline spaces. In consequence,
events and practices in both arenas are influential to one another. Moreover, borrowing the framework of Jackson
(2013) on storytelling, this article shows that the online-offline engagements has enabled Indonesian exiles to
reclaim the sense of being Indonesian.
Keywords: online, offline, Indonesian-ness, exiles, Internet
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Would high political office discipline Ma’ruf Amin’s conservatism, or would his conservatism influence government policy?
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How the appointment of Ma'ruf Amin for Jokowi's vice president might pave the way further religious authority expansion into Indonesian democracy
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On the Perppu issued by Jokowi and its possibilities to be exploited as an ideal tool for authoritarianism
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On the possibilities of authoritarian leader in the future Indonesia
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Tanggapan untuk Record Store Day, Jokowi dan Hipster Wannabe; Mencari ‘Kenyataan’ Di Balik Rilisan Fisik (jakartabeat.net)
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Versi lebih pendek ulasan terhadap buku Kekerasan Budaya Pasca 1965 (Wijaya Herlambang)
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Situs jejaring sosial merupakan salah satu bentuk baru media komunikasi yang memiliki dampak pada perubahan mode interaksi manusia. Salah satu dampak yang diperdebatkan dari penggunaan media sosial adalah pengaruhnya terhadap... more
Situs jejaring sosial merupakan salah satu bentuk baru media komunikasi yang memiliki dampak pada perubahan mode interaksi manusia. Salah satu dampak yang diperdebatkan dari penggunaan media sosial adalah pengaruhnya terhadap gerakan-gerakan sosial di dunia nyata. Salah satu gerakan sosial berbasis situs jejaring sosial di Indonesia adalah #IndonesiaUnite. Gerakan ini bermula sebagai usaha pengguna Twitter untuk menun-jukkan representasi Indonesia yang positif pasca-peristiwa pengeboman. Dalam perkembangannya, gerakan ini memunculkan wacana kolektif tentang nasionalisme. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk memahami proses konstruksi wacana nasionalisme yang muncul dari gerakan #IndonesiaUnite. Selain itu, penelitian ini juga berusaha me-mahami peran situs jejaring sosial dalam penyebaran wacana tersebut. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut, penelitian ini menggunakan metode discourse analysis. Tulisan ini menemukan bahwa situs jejaring sosial memengaruhi pada tersebarnya wacana dengan cepat. Hal ini dimungkinkan oleh fitur dalam situs jejaring sosial yang membuat proses konstruksi wacana dapat terlihat dengan nyata. PENDAHULUAN Kemunculan beberapa situs jejaring sosial (SJS) seperti Friendster, MySpace, Facebook, maupun Twitter membuka ranah yang relatif baru bagi ilmuwan sosial. Pola interaksi antar-penggunanya, hubungan antara dunia nyata dan dunia maya, hingga pengaruhnya pada gerakan sosial meru-pakan beberapa di antara sekian banyak tema yang menjadi bahan perdebatan.
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Mengenai ekspresi komik Indonesia yang mengadaptasi Manga dalam konteks lokal
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On the attack of Ahmadiyya community in Cikeusik and how it might implicate Indonesian notion of tolerance society
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Abstract Numerous acts of violence against Indonesian minorities group in recent years, implying the failure of this nation to manage its diversity. It is ironic because since its establishment, Indonesian founding fathers developed... more
Abstract
Numerous acts of violence against Indonesian minorities group in recent years, implying the failure of this nation to manage its diversity. It is ironic because since its establishment, Indonesian founding fathers developed the ideas that Indonesia will be grow as a nation that upholds cultural diversity. This mere fact sparks debates among Indonesian scholar to propose the concept of multiculturalism as an ideal concept that able to solve problems in Indonesia. Despite the debates, there aren’t many writing that focuses on the implementation of multiculturalism on a real cases.
This paper shows that the implementation of multiculturalism in Netherlands is not as ideal concept as we might think before. Policies of multiculturalism in Netherlands has been facing a lot of negative challenges that practically unpredictable before. To explain the issue, this paper is trying to describe the discourse dynamics of tolerance and multiculturalism in the Netherlands. How is the development of the ideas? What kind of challenge that their values have to face? In addition this paper will also describe the relevance of Netherlands case to the issue of diversity in Indonesia today.
Keywords : tolerance, multiculturalism, pluralism, diversity
Numerous acts of violence against Indonesian minorities group in recent years, implying the failure of this nation to manage its diversity. It is ironic because since its establishment, Indonesian founding fathers developed the ideas that Indonesia will be grow as a nation that upholds cultural diversity. This mere fact sparks debates among Indonesian scholar to propose the concept of multiculturalism as an ideal concept that able to solve problems in Indonesia. Despite the debates, there aren’t many writing that focuses on the implementation of multiculturalism on a real cases.
This paper shows that the implementation of multiculturalism in Netherlands is not as ideal concept as we might think before. Policies of multiculturalism in Netherlands has been facing a lot of negative challenges that practically unpredictable before. To explain the issue, this paper is trying to describe the discourse dynamics of tolerance and multiculturalism in the Netherlands. How is the development of the ideas? What kind of challenge that their values have to face? In addition this paper will also describe the relevance of Netherlands case to the issue of diversity in Indonesia today.
Keywords : tolerance, multiculturalism, pluralism, diversity
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The Jokowi administration deems Indonesia under a state of emergency due to widespread Islamist conservatism and radicalism, which according to the Constitution permits the president "to stipulate governmental regulation in lieu of the... more
The Jokowi administration deems Indonesia under a state of emergency due to widespread Islamist conservatism and radicalism, which according to the Constitution permits the president "to stipulate governmental regulation in lieu of the law." On 19 July 2017, the government issued such a regulation in lieu of law (Perppu) No. 2/2017 and revoked the legal status of HTI (Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia), a conservative Islamist group deemed to threaten Pancasila, the state ideology. This regulation could therefore help President Jokowi win the battle against conservative Islamist groups and domesticate them. Moderate Islam can win this contest of beliefs with the help of the government. The rise of religiosity can be retarded and curbed with government intervention rather than open competition between various religious groups. Although this policy was supported by mainstream Muslim organizations, the regulation's doing away with court approval and administrative sanctions before disbanding offending organizations harks back to the authoritarian policies of the New Order. The broadly phrased regulation can be abused to ban any organization, such as religious minorities, deemed threatening to the values of Pancasila. This chapter therefore intends to discuss the impact of the regulation on democracy and the future of Islam and religiosity in Indonesia. Besides that, this chapter also aims to examine the movements of former HTI members after the banning; whether they join mainstream Islamic groups or switch their strategy from peace to violence.
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Pemetaan awal terhadap kajian sosial-budaya mengenai penggunaan telepon selular
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Ulasan buku Anthropology & Climate Change