Phenyo Thebe

Archaeo-metallurgical research in the Tswapong Hills of southeastern Botswana has yielded evidence for two smelting traditions. Forced draft furnaces were made by Happy Rest and Diamant communities (Kalundu TradiTion), while Zhizo communities (Nkope Branch of urewe) used natural draft furnaces. The ores were similar, so the difference was most likely cultural. During smelting operations, the people stayed in temporary villages, such as Makodu, constructed for that purpose.

Contract archaeology (CA) is a relatively new concept in world archaeology. It first became prominent in the United States five decades ago and in southern Africa four decades ago. Many archaeologists in the region are employed as contract archaeologists. CA has contributed significantly to the development of archaeological methods and techniques and, to a lesser extent, theory. The development of CA in southern Africa experienced an important transition five decades ago. Despite the progression of CA in the region, the quality and standards of reports are major problems. CA structures have to be developed in order to protect cultural heritage from destructive projects. The elaboration of a relevant and active CA program that engages stakeholders is also vital. The future of CA depends on several factors, including strong legislative frameworks and policies that make pre-development studies mandatory, funding of projects, public consultations, and protection of cultural resources. In addition to implementing several cultural heritage structures, the “polluter pays” principle should be reinforced to safeguard southern African cultural heritage. It is important to develop CA statutes that move beyond archaeological studies, pay attention to heritage, and stress intangible heritage.

Contract archaeology (CA) is a relatively new concept in world archaeology. It first became prominent in the United States five decades ago and in southern Africa four decades ago. Many archaeologists in the region are employed as contract archaeologists. CA has contributed significantly to the development of archaeological methods and techniques and, to a lesser extent, theory. The development of CA in southern Africa experienced an important transition five decades ago. Despite the progression of CA in the region, the quality and standards of reports are major problems. CA structures have to be developed in order to protect cultural heritage from destructive projects. The elaboration of a relevant and active CA program that engages stakeholders is also vital. The future of CA depends on several factors, including strong legislative frameworks and policies that make pre-development studies mandatory, funding of projects, public consultations, and protection of cultural resources. I...

Current potters in Manaledi village in the Tswapong Hills of Botswana aver that they and their ancestors for five generations have made pottery exclusively with clay from nearby sources. We begin with an examination of Manaledi and its clay mine to uncover current dialectics between village, landscape, clay, potters, and ancestors. Archaeological sherds found around the village and clay sources document occupation by makers of Early Iron Age (ca. AD 500-750), Middle Iron Age (ca. AD 750-1050), Late Iron Age (ca. AD 1420-1800), and 18th-20th century wares related to current Manaledi pottery. The proximity of archaeological deposits, clay sources, and village made it possible to conduct simultaneously what might otherwise be considered three separate projects. As a consequence, we are able to document that Manaledi clays have been used to make pottery for some 1500 years and to consider long-standing constraints on potting this implies.

In this paper, we investigate the factors that influence a potter's choice of clay and temper. We use an ethno-archaeological approach and examine the role of geographic location, potters' linguistic and ethnic affiliation, and membership of learning networks in each potter's decision to use a particular clay source. Our study included 41 contemporary potters in southeastern Botswana. We analyzed the chemical elements in clay and potsherds using a portable XRF instrument. The results indicate that the selection of potting clay here is principally dictated by distance to the source; all else being equal, potters get their clay from the nearest source. Their cultural, political and linguistic affiliations or membership of particular learning networks played, at best, a secondary role in the choice of raw materials for pottery.

The paper discusses challenges associated with managing cultural landscapes at Mogonye, Southern District, Botswana. In this area, different stakeholders attach diverse values to the same locale. This has become challenging in the face of heritage tourism since some stakeholders are perceived as detrimental to the resources that are otherwise valuable to other stakeholders. These so-called 'destroyers' are therefore considered as 'outsiders' –the 'other'. However, the perceived 'other' do not see themselves as being environmentally unfriendly but recognise themselves as having the right to the resources too. In discussing heritage tourism and values attached to the cultural landscape, the scientifi c, tourism, and spiritual values among others of the MmaMotshwane waterfalls are underscored. This paper further discusses gorges within theoretical frameworks developed by heritage practitioners and geographers in the fi eld of recreation and tourism. To the local community of Mogonye, MmaMotshwane Gorge is a sacred site; a spiritual haven to traditional doctors and churches while to tourists and other stakeholders, the gorge remains a scientifi c, recreational and economic resource. Examples are drawn from various parts of the world including Jamaica, South Africa and Botswana.

The presumed link between pottery style and linguistic identity has
played a key role in the archaeological interpretation of the
peopling of southern Africa. To re-assess this link, we study
ceramic vessel decorations used by 41 contemporary potters in
southeastern Botswana, who are from two separate language
groups, come from six different ethnic groups, learned their craft
in one of five different ‘schools’ of pottery and live scattered in
ten different villages. Our observations of ceramic style are on a
small sample of pots available at the time of fieldwork. We isolate
24 attributes under three major categories of decoration motif,
technique of plastic decoration and surface treatment. Our study
shows that in contemporary southeastern Botswana pottery style
does not help to distinguish the pots made by potters from
different language groups. However, to varying degrees it can
reveal differences in the products of potters from different
locations, ethnic groups and schools of learning.

In southern African archaeology, the equation of pottery styles with archaeological 'cultures' and their attribution to the antecedents of contemporary ethnic groups has been a common practice for a long time. Ethnoarchaeological studies from other parts of Africa and beyond have shown that the matter is complex and that stylistic and technological boundaries in ceramic distributions can reflect different kinds of social boundaries under different circumstances. To expand on these findings and make them locally relevant, a large-scale ethnoarchaeological study of 41 potters in southeastern Botswana aims for a better understanding of ceramic technological style and boundary relations. Here, we present and explain only the results concerning the boundaries in the forming and shaping stage of ceramic vessel manufacture. We conclude that learning networks explain the visible boundaries in the technological style of forming and shaping pots in southeastern Botswana today; language and ethnic affiliation do not. Boundaries in the other stages in the operational sequence of pottery manufacture, such as clay sourcing and preparation , vessel surface treatment and decoration, firing and finishing, will be presented in a series of further publications.

This study integrates various multidisciplinary approaches on ceramics that provide coherent answers to the past, present and possibly the future of the subject. Special focus is on the four main stages of pottery production in southeastern Botswana: raw material acquisition and processing, forming and shaping , decoration and surface treatment, and fi ring and fi nishing of pots. The purpose is to demonstrate the changing pottery traditions in Botswana over the last 50 years. This period is marked by confl icting land uses affecting pottery raw materials due to the expansion of villages, cities and industries following the post-Independence economic boom. Global warning has also taken its toll on potters as there is a shortage of resources –especially clay, temper, oxides, fuel and water. In recent years, potters who have adopted modern technology by spinning their pottery on the wheel and using modern kilns that require power, but these have been affected by power shortages. In addition, traditional potters face water shortages due to recent drought and fuel for making pots as a result of deforestation. Despite these challenges, potters in southeastern Botswana still fi nd potting to be a source of livelihood beyond subsistence farming, which also is drastically affected by global warming.

The lack of a strict and disciplined adherence to keeping time or punctuality has been an issue of major concern to many authorities in the African public and private sectors. Botswana is no exception, as this article will demonstrate.
So pervasive is lack of punctuality among Africans in sub-Saharan Africa that a stereotypical notion of “African time” gained currency a long time ago and is still prevalent to this day. Undoubtedly, this attitude towards time negatively affects the productivity and economic performance of numerous African countries, such as Botswana, in their seemingly futile endeavour to become competitive globally and attract the much sought after foreign direct investment (FDI). In this article we try to make sense of African time from the scholarship on the African traditional socio-economic and environmental
factors relating to time, as well as the popular stereotypical views of African time. This article shows that African time among the Batswana is something that frustrated the Victorian missionaries in the late nineteenth century. We also discuss how African time has translated into expression of political power
by tribal and national political leaders. The problem of African time continues to be prevalent in the twenty-first century Botswana where a poor work ethic is also believed to be a major impediment to doing business in the country.

This paper addresses an aspect of the heritage history of Botswana by providing the historical significance and current state of the National War Memorial in Gaborone. It attempts to justify the importance of this historical monument and also laments the negligence, on the part of the government regarding its maintenance. The paper also hopes to inculcate a sense of pride in Botswana history and heritage as spelt out in the national Vision 2016. We argue that the abandonment of the commemoration of the ‘Remembrance Day’ in 1975 for Batswana soldiers who died in the Second World War, and the neglect of the National War Memorial is in contrast to the traditional respect and honour Batswana give to their ancestors. This respect and honour for the dead is still part of Tswana traditional religion. We conclude by pointing out that if properly maintained and publicized the National War Memorial can contribute to the country’s tourist business which needs diversification away from game parks and reserves.

The notion that ceramic styles mark ethnic and linguistic groups is problematic. The notion perceives cultures as geographically discrete with distinct material and cultural traits. Research in the 1960s has demonstrated that social boundaries are a product of interaction
and not isolation. Ethnoarchaeological research in the 1970s and 1980s adopted information exchange and social interaction models to understand stylistic boundaries. These studies show that material culture style does not always mark ethnic or linguistic boundaries and
may not be prominent if there is no competition for resources. Depending on a number of factors, style variations in material culture may mark the style of an individual, a community of practice or social identity. Other factors are also relevant; the matter is
complex.
To investigate this complexity, an ethnoarchaeological study was launched to study the products of 41 contemporary potters affiliated with different social, political and linguistic groups in south-eastern Botswana. This study demonstrates that variations in different parts of the process of manufacturing ceramics can mark different kinds of social boundaries.Clay sourcing strategies in south-eastern Botswana today show that the choice in the selection of potting clay is principally dictated by distance to the source. In contrast, in the forming and shaping of pots, boundaries are influenced more by teacher-learner networks than ethnic group and geographic location. Decoration styles also show strong association to learning networks. Geographic location is more influential in determining techniques of firing pots. Here, ―community of practice‖ and mobility of potters present significant
stylistic and technological boundaries. The chaîne opératoire of living pottery traditions may assist in the interpretation of pottery in the Iron Age of southern Africa, however, the connection between the past and present is complex.

Pottery is the most frequently found artifact in African Iron Age Sites. This study summarizes the results of an archaeological study of pottery from Ntsweng, near Molepolole in south central Botswana. Ntsweng is the former capital of Bakwena and was occupied between 1864-1937. A review of ethnographic sources concerning other Tswana groups like Bangwaketse, Bangwato and Bakgatla tends to show that it is very difficult to distinguish Bakwena pottery from that of other Tswana groups purely on stylistic grounds. However, the presence of mica and asbestos are strong features to note about Bakwena pottery. In other words, fabric type rather than decorative motif may be the most important variable for differentiating pottery made by different Tswana groups.

The Republic of Botswana, approximately the size of Texas or France with an area of 231,803 square miles, is one of the most sparsely populated countries in Africa, with just 1.6 million inhabitants. The capital city, Gaborone (pronounced HA-bore-own), situated in the southeastern part of the country less than 20 miles from the South African border, was built from scratch at independence in 1966. 1 It is now home to 10 percent of the nation’s population, while another 50 percent live within 60 miles of the capital. An additional 30 percent of the population lives along the eastern side of the country, clustered around the towns of Mahalapye, Palapye, Serowe, Selibe-Phikwe, and Francistown.