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Research Interests:
Jorg Hackmann uber: Henningsen, Bern; Kliemann-Geisinger, Hendriette; Troebst, Stefan (Hrsg.): Transnationale Erinnerungsorte. Nord- und sudeuropaische Perspektiven. Berlin 2009.
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Based on the discussion about the role of ethnic history(Volksgeschichte) as a methodically innovative approach in German historical research after 1918, this article examines the relationship of ethnically and regionally oriented... more
Based on the discussion about the role of ethnic history(Volksgeschichte) as a methodically innovative approach in German historical research after 1918, this article examines the relationship of ethnically and regionally oriented approaches in the historiography of ...
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of genocide. The [Czech] government will exhume the mass graves [in Lety u Písku] and we will see how many people are here.” The film pays attention to the peculiar context of the Roma Holocaust remembrance: the continued persecution of... more
of genocide. The [Czech] government will exhume the mass graves [in Lety u Písku] and we will see how many people are here.” The film pays attention to the peculiar context of the Roma Holocaust remembrance: the continued persecution of the Roma throughout Europe that is still present today. The film features Raymond Gurême, who was born in a Traveler family in France, and who survived imprisonment in different camps during World War II. The 89-year-old man claims that in September 2014 he was assaulted in his caravan by a French police officer with a baton. As Mr. Gurême concludes: “The French gendarmerie treated us very badly during the war. I think it’s almost the same today.”
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... 2. Mai 2007 Editor: L. Cárdenas ... (S. 51) Das Gegenteil ist der Fall: Clemen glaubte an eine Kontinuität der Deutungen, an ewige Gehalte, an eine „unüber-sehbare Reihe von Bildwerken, [..] die ihre Deu-tung von selbst... more
... 2. Mai 2007 Editor: L. Cárdenas ... (S. 51) Das Gegenteil ist der Fall: Clemen glaubte an eine Kontinuität der Deutungen, an ewige Gehalte, an eine „unüber-sehbare Reihe von Bildwerken, [..] die ihre Deu-tung von selbst darbieten." [5] Der bei Alois Rie-gl vorbildlich formulierte ...
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In National his contribution Socialism in to 1969, the Frantisek German Graus discussion noted on that Historians historians may and National Socialism in 1969, Fr ntisek Graus noted that historians may have fallen short of the ideal even... more
In National his contribution Socialism in to 1969, the Frantisek German Graus discussion noted on that Historians historians may and National Socialism in 1969, Fr ntisek Graus noted that historians may have fallen short of the ideal even though they followed the accepted rules of historical research (Graus 94-95). The history of historiography must not restrict itself, therefore, to accounts of the steady accumulation of historical knowledge: it has to pay attention to the social and political context of historians' work. In recent years there have been lively debates amongst German historians, and among the public in general, on the involvement of German historians in Nazi Germany's policy towards the East-Central and Eastern European nations.1 The discussions centre mainly on two points. The first is the political involvement of historians who played an important role in post-war West-German historiography (Aly, 1997 and 1999). The second is the question of modernization: Ostforschung, and in a wider context since the 1920s the concept of Volksgeschichte (ethnic history), appear to be to some extent precursors of modern West-German social history, which seems to run counter to their exponents' reactionary political intentions (Oberkrome, Klesmann). It would be reasonable to inquire whether discussion of these two points seeks to explain the contribution of the historians concerned to the genesis of Hitler's eastern policy, or if such discussions aim primarily at the deconstruction or legitimization of authorities for reasons that may be found within the discipline. This article, however, tries to avoid such present-day problems and concentrates on the role of German Ostforschung within the scholarly discipline of history and on the reconstruction of the place of Baltic history within Ostforschung itself.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION .s One DG2E-GYD-G70J ... Civil Society in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by NORBERT GOTZ and JORG HACKMANN ASHGATE ... © Norbert Gotz and Jorg Hackmann 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this... more
CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION .s One DG2E-GYD-G70J ... Civil Society in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by NORBERT GOTZ and JORG HACKMANN ASHGATE ... © Norbert Gotz and Jorg Hackmann 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be ...
Research Interests:
of genocide. The [Czech] government will exhume the mass graves [in Lety u Písku] and we will see how many people are here.” The film pays attention to the peculiar context of the Roma Holocaust remembrance: the continued persecution of... more
of genocide. The [Czech] government will exhume the mass graves [in Lety u Písku] and we will see how many people are here.” The film pays attention to the peculiar context of the Roma Holocaust remembrance: the continued persecution of the Roma throughout Europe that is still present today. The film features Raymond Gurême, who was born in a Traveler family in France, and who survived imprisonment in different camps during World War II. The 89-year-old man claims that in September 2014 he was assaulted in his caravan by a French police officer with a baton. As Mr. Gurême concludes: “The French gendarmerie treated us very badly during the war. I think it’s almost the same today.”
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Research Interests:
This article analyzes the impact of small nations on the constitution of a historical region in North Eastern Europe. It is shown that the small nations' drive for emancipation, self-determination, and independence from the... more
This article analyzes the impact of small nations on the constitution of a historical region in North Eastern Europe. It is shown that the small nations' drive for emancipation, self-determination, and independence from the surrounding large states formed the backbone of regional discourses in the Baltic Sea region since the beginning twentieth century. Similar features may be noticed already in the older discourse on “Norden”. After the realization of a Baltic League failed in the 1920s, and as the East Baltic states remained outside the “Nordic” unity, the “Baltic” issue consequently shrunk to the three Baltic states. For they continued to keep the notion of a Baltic Sea region in cultural and historical terms alive, North Eastern Europe may be identified as the centre of historical discourses on Baltic sea region-building, which is based on similar social values as in the Nordic nations.
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Politics of History (Geschichtspolitik) has become a major catchword in the Polish public discourse since 2000, when the debate on the wartime murder of the Jews from the town of Jedwabne began. Since then a politicized culture of... more
Politics of History (Geschichtspolitik) has become a major catchword in the Polish public discourse since 2000, when the debate on the wartime murder of the Jews from the town of Jedwabne began. Since then a politicized culture of remembrance has developed in Poland, which is most visible in various new and internationally proclaimed historical museums.
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CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION .s One DG2E-GYD-G70J ... Civil Society in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by NORBERT GOTZ and JORG HACKMANN ASHGATE ... © Norbert Gotz and Jorg Hackmann 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this... more
CIVIL SOCIETY IN THE BALTIC SEA REGION .s One DG2E-GYD-G70J ... Civil Society in the Baltic Sea Region Edited by NORBERT GOTZ and JORG HACKMANN ASHGATE ... © Norbert Gotz and Jorg Hackmann 2003 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be ...
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Research Interests:
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
... memory. We should not aspire to judge, but instead try to understand what is going on, because this conflict over memory is important not just for Estonia and the other Baltic states, but for the whole of Europe. To understand ...
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Research Interests:
... political union proposed in October 1917 by Gustav Suits, a member of the Estonian Social Revolutionaries and leader of Noor Eesti (Young ... This becomes particularly evident in the Nordic example: Finland and Norway, as Matti Klinge... more
... political union proposed in October 1917 by Gustav Suits, a member of the Estonian Social Revolutionaries and leader of Noor Eesti (Young ... This becomes particularly evident in the Nordic example: Finland and Norway, as Matti Klinge argued (260-1), turned the deficit of ...
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... Although the Baltic Sea studies of Johansen and Zernack, and more recently of David Kirby andMatti Klinge, do not meet Braudel in volume, one might find in them reflections that resemble Braudel's thoughts on civilizations and... more
... Although the Baltic Sea studies of Johansen and Zernack, and more recently of David Kirby andMatti Klinge, do not meet Braudel in volume, one might find in them reflections that resemble Braudel's thoughts on civilizations and supra-national regions, on the contacts between ...
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Research Interests:
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The public appearance of national movements in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania is closely connected to Gorbachev's attempt to reform the Soviet Union through the politics of perestroika and glasnost. The evident similarities of these mass... more
The public appearance of national movements in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania is closely connected to Gorbachev's attempt to reform the Soviet Union through the politics of perestroika and glasnost. The evident similarities of these mass movements in their agendas and trajectories result from the parallel political history of the Baltic nations with the Soviet annexation in 1940 and the renewal of their independence in August 1991. Apart from this general framework the single movements show path dependencies, which are based on different social and cultural developments and shaped by the diverging scale of Russian-speaking immigrants during the Soviet period. In fact, after August 1991, the term 'Baltic' may serve only as a regional term for analytical purpose, as it does not mark an essentialist coherence within these movements. This paper focusses on the origins and trajectories of the Baltic national movements between 1986 and 1992, when they ceased to exist as social movements after their success in restoring political independence. The origins of the 'popular fronts' (Rahvarinne in Estonia, Tautas fronte in Latvia) or 'movement' (Sąjūdis in Lithuania) are connected first with the support of perestroika, second with public historical debates about the Molotov-Ribbentrop-Pact and Stalinist repressions, and third with the restoration of national symbols of the prewar republics. Music performances and festivals, and in particular the 'Baltic chain' on 23 August 1989 mobilized large parts of the population of the three then Soviet republics and shaped the image of the peaceful 'singing revolution'. Since spring 1990 divisions appeared within the independence movements between the rather reform-oriented popular movements and more radical nationalist groups striving for immediate full independence and the restoration of the prewar nation states. These cleavages deepened after the restoration of national independence in August 1991, first of all on issues of legal restoration, language laws and de-Sovietization and largely shaped political debates in the three Baltic states in the following decades.
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This article examines the social protest movement against the socialist regime in the Baltic port cities of Szczecin and Gdańsk, in particular between 1970 and 1981. It intends to discuss the impact of these strikes on the formation of a... more
This article examines the social protest movement against the socialist regime in the Baltic port cities of Szczecin and Gdańsk, in particular between 1970 and 1981. It intends to discuss the impact of these strikes on the formation of a regional and national political culture, which is widely connected to the concept of civil society, in a longer perspective. While Szczecin, after the bloody clashes with the regime’s law enforcement in mid-December 1970, saw a longer-lasting period of strikes, which led
to an intervention by First Secretary Edward Gierek, these protests remained limited to the community of workers and did not yet challenge the rule of the Polish United Workers’ Party. They contributed, however, to the formation of a local Polish identity from below. However, in Gdańsk and, in a broader perspective, in the entire Polish Tricity (consisting of Gdańsk, Gdynia and Sopot) a close cooperation between workers and intellectuals emerged during the 1970s, which proved to be decisive during the
strike of August 1980. In Szczecin, the similarly strong strike movement of summer 1980 lacked the national (and international) resonance of the protests in Gdańsk. In addition, the political impact and the collective commemoration (as well as the scholarly research) of the workers’ protests in the case of Szczecin remained mostly a local issue even after the fall of the socialist regime. Which stands, once again, in sharp contrast to the situation of Gdańsk.
to an intervention by First Secretary Edward Gierek, these protests remained limited to the community of workers and did not yet challenge the rule of the Polish United Workers’ Party. They contributed, however, to the formation of a local Polish identity from below. However, in Gdańsk and, in a broader perspective, in the entire Polish Tricity (consisting of Gdańsk, Gdynia and Sopot) a close cooperation between workers and intellectuals emerged during the 1970s, which proved to be decisive during the
strike of August 1980. In Szczecin, the similarly strong strike movement of summer 1980 lacked the national (and international) resonance of the protests in Gdańsk. In addition, the political impact and the collective commemoration (as well as the scholarly research) of the workers’ protests in the case of Szczecin remained mostly a local issue even after the fall of the socialist regime. Which stands, once again, in sharp contrast to the situation of Gdańsk.
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Research Interests:
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Voluntary associations are a major topic of historical research on nation building and civil society in Europe. This paper focuses on the associational sphere in the Baltic provinces of Tsarist Russia and tries to outline the impact of... more
Voluntary associations are a major topic of historical research on nation building and civil society in Europe. This paper focuses on the associational sphere in the Baltic provinces of Tsarist Russia and tries to outline the impact of associations on modern societies in this region. The first section addresses the legal and social frameworks of voluntary associations, followed by a sketch of developmental trends in the nine- teenth and early twentieth centuries. The next sections discuss the role of voluntary associations within the concepts of civil society and cultural nation building. Slightly different from conventional functionalist na- tional discourses, it is argued here that, in the perspective of cultural history, voluntary associations con- tributed considerably to the emergence of the region of North Eastern Europe, a region shaped by close cul- tural contacts and inter-ethnic relations within the Baltic Sea region as well as by the strivings of the small nations to inte...
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This paper analyzes, how Polish identity politics after World War II in the former German East (the so-called Polish “Regained Territories”) are reflected in the reconstruction and town planning of two major cites at the Baltic: Gdańsk /... more
This paper analyzes, how Polish identity politics after World War II in the former German East (the so-called Polish “Regained Territories”) are reflected in the reconstruction and town planning of two major cites at the Baltic: Gdańsk / Danzig and Szczecin / Stettin.
Both city centers were nearly completely destroyed in 1945, and their former German population was replaced by new Polish inhabitants. Despite the similar starting points, the reconstruction followed different rules, which shall be presented in this paper as two different types: In Szczecin, the Old Town was replaced by modernist tenement houses, whereas the historical center of Gdańsk (the so-called “Main Town”) was carefully reconstructed, first of all with regard to the street facades. Behind the facades, however, new apartments for workers were erected.
The differences in dealing with the historical town structures shall be explained by a similar approach to identity politics: In both cases, the reconstruction was closely connected with the intention to legitimize the Polish character of the cities. In Szczecin and Gdańsk, history as well as modern social politics were used in this regard, but with different functions. In Szczecin, historical reference was constructed first of all to the Slavic dukes and settlements, whilst in Gdańsk the “Golden Age” of the Noblemen’s Republic (16th - 17th century) was stressed.
In addition, the reconstruction in both cities was based on the rejection of the Prussian and bourgeois fin-de-siècle architecture. Thus, despite the obvious contrasts in the reconstruction policies, both cities can be compared with regard to the cultural Polonization politics of the post-war era. This becomes even more obvious by the fact that the post-war development followed in some aspects the town planning and monuments’ protection of former German plans of the pre-1945 period.
However, the situation changed significantly during the 1980s, when the ideological schemes were replaced by locally shaped identity discourses competing with the nationalist discourses of the post-war era.
Both city centers were nearly completely destroyed in 1945, and their former German population was replaced by new Polish inhabitants. Despite the similar starting points, the reconstruction followed different rules, which shall be presented in this paper as two different types: In Szczecin, the Old Town was replaced by modernist tenement houses, whereas the historical center of Gdańsk (the so-called “Main Town”) was carefully reconstructed, first of all with regard to the street facades. Behind the facades, however, new apartments for workers were erected.
The differences in dealing with the historical town structures shall be explained by a similar approach to identity politics: In both cases, the reconstruction was closely connected with the intention to legitimize the Polish character of the cities. In Szczecin and Gdańsk, history as well as modern social politics were used in this regard, but with different functions. In Szczecin, historical reference was constructed first of all to the Slavic dukes and settlements, whilst in Gdańsk the “Golden Age” of the Noblemen’s Republic (16th - 17th century) was stressed.
In addition, the reconstruction in both cities was based on the rejection of the Prussian and bourgeois fin-de-siècle architecture. Thus, despite the obvious contrasts in the reconstruction policies, both cities can be compared with regard to the cultural Polonization politics of the post-war era. This becomes even more obvious by the fact that the post-war development followed in some aspects the town planning and monuments’ protection of former German plans of the pre-1945 period.
However, the situation changed significantly during the 1980s, when the ideological schemes were replaced by locally shaped identity discourses competing with the nationalist discourses of the post-war era.
Research Interests:
Politics of History (Geschichtspolitik) has become a major catchword in the Polish public discourse since 2000, when the debate on the wartime murder of the Jews from the town of Jedwabne began. Since then a politicized culture of... more
Politics of History (Geschichtspolitik) has become a major catchword in the Polish public discourse since 2000, when the debate on the wartime murder of the Jews from the town of Jedwabne began. Since then a politicized culture of remembrance has developed in Poland, which is most visible in various new and internationally proclaimed historical museums.
Research Interests:
Public commemoration of World War II resembles the giant Tur Tur from Michael Ende's novel " Jim Button " : The farther it is, the bigger it appears. In the first years after 1989, the re-emergence of national identity discourses in East... more
Public commemoration of World War II resembles the giant Tur Tur from Michael Ende's novel " Jim Button " : The farther it is, the bigger it appears. In the first years after 1989, the re-emergence of national identity discourses in East Central Europe and the striving for integration into western political structures were both based on a departure from Soviet narratives of World War II and thus parallel running. Discussions about lessons from the past, however, did not end with NATO and EU enlargement. Instead of an end of history one sees on the contrary that rather diverging political strategies are built upon contested collective memories in East Central Europe during the last years. Besides legal arguments derived from World War II are still alive as well. This presentation will focus on those discourses related to World War II, first of all in Poland and the Baltic states that have an impact on recent political strategies. Here, debates on the Holo-caust, on national victimhood and collaboration are addressed as major points. The paper concludes with a discussion whether such discourses tend to prolong older lines of conflicts, whether they reflect functionalist strategies of acquiring an " entry ticket " to Western political structures, or whether they contribute to new, transnational forms of commemoration and cooperation.