Papers
Australian Journal of Political Science, 2020
Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments used by pr... more Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments used by prime ministers to share, shape, and reproduce their understanding of what and whom is representative of a unique Australian identity and nationalism. This paper uses qualitative and quantitative methods with content analysis to evaluate and compare prime ministerial and party rhetoric in their Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches between 1990 and 2017 regarding class and economic relations, gender and sexuality, and race and national identity. We ask: How have prime ministers as reflexive actors used their speeches on Australia Day and Anzac Day to represent what it means to be Australian? The study reveals that despite prime ministers sometimes using intentionally inclusive discourses, they simultaneously reproduce a classless, hetero-masculine, and Anglocentric Australianness as a normative representation of national identity in Australian society.
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Clinical Cancer Research, 2020
COVID-19 has fundamentally disrupted the practice of oncology, shifting care onto virtual platfor... more COVID-19 has fundamentally disrupted the practice of oncology, shifting care onto virtual platforms, rearranging the logistics and economics of running a successful clinical practice and research, and in some contexts, redefining what treatments cancer patients should and can receive. Since the start of the pandemic in early 2020, there has been the considerable emphasis placed on the implications for cancer patients in terms of their vulnerability to the virus and potential exposure in healthcare settings. But little emphasis has been placed on the significant and potentially enduring, consequences of COVID-19 for how cancer care is delivered. In this article we outline the importance of a focus on the effects of COVID-19 for oncology practice during and potentially after the pandemic, focusing on key shifts that are already evident, including the pivot to online consultations; shifts in access to clinical trials, and definitions of 'essential care'; the changing economics of practice; and, the potential legacy effects of rapidly implemented changes in cancer care. COVID-19 is re-shaping oncology practice, clinical trials, and delivery of cancer care broadly, and these changes might endure well beyond the short- to mid-term of the active pandemic. Therefore, shifts in practice brought about by the pandemic must be accompanied by improved training and awareness, enhanced infrastructure, and evidence-based support if they are to harness the positives and offset the potential negative consequences of the impacts of COVID-19 on cancer care.
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Indigenous Rights, Recognition, and the State in the Neoliberal Age, 2018
Since the introduction of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy (IAS) in 2014 the operation and imp... more Since the introduction of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy (IAS) in 2014 the operation and importance of the Indigenous Sector has been dramatically reassessed by the Commonwealth government of Australia. Indigenous community-run organisations delivering services and advocating for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples experienced mass-upheaval in Budget 2014-15. The state-sector relationship was in disarray as organisations fought to maintain essential services. Many key service and program delivery organisations across the country faced closure and reductions in frontline services due to budget cuts and new funding requirements. A vocal resistance and rejection of these changes swiftly followed from Indigenous populations, policy analysts, political leaders, and organisations, with protests leading to policy reversals for some funding cuts. The majority of the IAS framework though remains intact. This continuing instability has meant increased mistrust between the sector and Australian government. Complete reformation of Commonwealth policy is not new for Indigenous community-run organisations in Australia. This most recent iteration of racialised micromanagement is a continuation of the settler colonial neoliberal frameworks the sector has experienced since the mid-2000s. Organisations continue to negotiate within this governance environment which largely ignores Indigenous voices through neo-paternalistic decision making processes. The Indigenous Sector sits in a unique and tenuous position between third sector advocacy for marginalised populations and governmental regulation and control. Many though, require essential government funding to operate for their constituencies. The introduction of the IAS reveals how organisations exist within a realm of power inequity and a continued racialisation process that disregards efforts of self-determination by Indigenous populations. This 'Advancement era' continues down this path with minimal accountability of, and an increased control by, the Commonwealth government which damages the sector's fragile position, and its important role and achievements as an expression of Indigenous self-determination.
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Page, A., & Petray, T. (2016). Agency and Structural Constraints: Indigenous Peoples and the Settler-State in North Queensland. Settler Colonial Studies, 5 (2)., 2016
In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have long been subjected to attempts ... more In Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples have long been subjected to attempts at extermination, exclusion, and assimilation but continually resist these efforts. This history is woven through the social fabric of Australia. This paper is a single case study which looks at contemporary race relations in Townsville, Queensland, and describes current settler colonial settings in terms of structure and agency. We focus primarily on agency as a strengths-based approach but recognise the structural constraints Indigenous people face. Based on in-depth interviews and extensive fieldwork, we explore Indigenous perceptions of agency and constraints. Indigenous people have many ways to exercise agency, and our focus is on those who identify as activists and advocates. Participants expressed their capacity to undertake social action as high and varied in method, articulating agency as activism or advocacy. These agents view the state as both an enabler and a constraint, largely exclusionary of Indigeneity. The Settler-State only increases the capability for social action when it chooses to do so and has been and continues to be largely exclusionary of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples. Significant to agents is the local context of Townsville as a racist city distant from political decision-making. Participants describe experiences of continuing covert or implicit racism and ‘active apathy’ held by the wider non-Indigenous community of Townsville. Despite these constraints, Indigenous agents creatively adapt such structures in order to exercise their agency.
Keywords: Settler-State; Structure; Agency; Activism; Social Change; Exclusion.
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Aboriginal community-run organisations challenge the economic dominance and control of the curren... more Aboriginal community-run organisations challenge the economic dominance and control of the current Commonwealth government’s ‘Advancement’ era. Indigenous service providers reflexively negotiate and resist the current regime of bipartisan support for policy regimes which do not require, nor seek to listen to their voices. The ‘Indigenous Advancement Strategy’ introduced under the Abbott Coalition Government’s Budget of 2014-15 overhauled service delivery policy frameworks and dramatically reducing funding for the Indigenous Sector, quietly continuing under the Turnbull Government. Such drastic reworking of funding processes further pushes the ongoing implementation of New Public Management and ‘normalisation’ processes the Indigenous Sector has experienced since 2004-05. While the possible implications of these changes have initially been discussed through news media, this approach has neglected specific place-based Indigenous-state relationships through its Canberra-centric focus. Drawing on the voices of those working in Aboriginal community-run organisations in an urban environment this paper asks a different question: How does this policy environment impact the ability of Indigenous sector organisations to carry out their day-to-day tasks and manage these vital government relationships in Western Sydney? My results highlight organisations’ relationships with the Australian state that are negotiated within an ongoing settler-colonial, neo-liberal policy framework, continuing to undermine self-governance and autonomy. Western Sydney provides a unique snapshot of the Indigenous sector resisting, negotiating and rejecting this ‘Advancement’ era on the margins of Australia’s largest urban sprawl.
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Page, A. (2015). The Indigenous Sector: Social Capital on the Margins of Power. Proceedings of The Australian Sociological Association Conference, November, 2015, James Cook University: Cairns, North Queensland.
The potential benefits of social capital theory have been under-utilised in attempts to understan... more The potential benefits of social capital theory have been under-utilised in attempts to understand Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander community-run organisations. This paper explains how social capital theory can be useful to understand the uniquely positioned Indigenous Sector in contemporary Australian settler colonialism. These organisations constitute a position of inter-cultural broker between two authorising environments of community and government, with bonding capital a source of strength for many Indigenous populations. However, they must also negotiate within deeply unequal political structures of the settler-colonial governance environment; a situation which leads to exclusion on the basis of racism. This makes the possibility of maintaining essential bridging and linking social capital with government problematic - continuing following the announcement of the Abbott Coalition Government’s ‘Indigenous Advancement Strategy’. Social capital theory can put the power of networks and relationships for Indigenous community organisations in the analytical spotlight. It provides a way to explore inclusionary and exclusionary power which sees the Sector having to deal with deep power asymmetries while making ‘bridges’ while simultaneously positioning themselves as meso-level, intercultural brokers.
Keywords: Indigenous Sector, organisation, social capital, agency, settler colonial.
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Australian Political Studies Association Conference, Sep 2015
The Indigenous Sector – thousands of community organisations providing both service delivery and ... more The Indigenous Sector – thousands of community organisations providing both service delivery and political advocacy functions for many Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples across Australia – occupies a distinct position in the national polity. Indigenous community organisations are largely government funded and incorporated under Commonwealth and state legislation; yet they are a key way for Indigenous populations to speak back to the state through making political, economic, social, and cultural claims which have largely been ignored. While the settler colonial governance environment ensures both highly-governed inclusion and the continued exclusion of Indigenous peoples today, Indigenous populations negotiate this environment using their agency to establish and maintain these unique community organisations. Therefore, the Indigenous Sector should be positioned within this settler colonial environment with both its structural constraints and enabling devices, along with an investigation of the political capacity of people in the day-to-day in future analysis. This paper presents such a theoretical schema. Beginning with a discussion of political sociology and serious games, this paper establishes a theoretical discussion of the Australian settler state as an all-embracing, top-down, settler colonial structure; highlights the reflexive agency of Indigenous Australian populations and explains the power relations between these structures and community organisations; and critically explores how the Indigenous Sector negotiates the settler state governance environment of contemporary Australia.
Keywords: Indigenous sector, structure, agency, settler colonial, state.
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Page, A. (2014). Taking on the Australian Settler-State: Sociology for Social Justice and a Critical Indigenous Research Paradigm. Proceedings of The Australian Sociological Association Conference, November, 2014, University of South Australia: Adelaide.
The positioning of sociology as a critical response to the continued unfolding of colonisation in... more The positioning of sociology as a critical response to the continued unfolding of colonisation in Australia could not be more vital. The current climate of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander politics demands that we take on the modern Settler-State and enduring structures of marginalisation with Indigenous peoples. This paper seeks to provide the reader with some theoretical foundations of a sociology for social justice. Using structures of the Australian Settler-State as the focus of the critique, this paper outlines a paradigm of a critical Indigenous research methodology to challenge state practice. It calls for continued assessment within the contemporary political arena of the Abbott Coalition Government. Such a research paradigm seeks to: critique structures by talking back to power; foster hope for alternate futures by highlighting the possibilities for change through community agency; and aims for research outcomes which provide practical value for Indigenous peoples and their communities in the self-determination movement. Sociologists have the unique research tools, the passion for social justice, and the prime position to speak back to power in a continued effort to change the world for the better.
Key Words: Indigenous, Activism, Settler-State, Social Justice, Positionality, Methodology.
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Page, A., & Petray, T. (2012). The Dualism of Agency and the Australian Settler-State in the Twenty First Century: The Palm Island Riot of 2004 and the Aftermath. Proceedings of The Australian Sociological Association Conference, November, 2012.
The relationship between Indigenous Australians and the Settler-State continues to be that of a s... more The relationship between Indigenous Australians and the Settler-State continues to be that of a stark power inequity. Despite a continued push by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples for self-determination there continues to be very little recognition of Indigenous perspectives, authority, or political autonomy by the structures of the Australian state. We analyse the Palm Island Riot of 2004 and its immediate aftermath through the interactions of individual agency and the state. Following the 2004 death in custody on Palm Island, North Queensland, community members challenged state response through a community meeting followed by a protest-turned-riot. We argue that the Palm Island Riot of 2004 was a calculated expression of agency - albeit one of anger and frustration - in reaction to the perceived subversion of justice by the Queensland Government and Police Service. Both the Government and the Police Service, as representatives of the Australian Settler-State, responded to this vivid display of calculated resistance with the overt violence and coercion that is routinely associated with the Settler-State in relation to Indigenous peoples. This response can be understood as the continuation of its attempted dominance over both the residents of Palm Island and the broader Indigenous Australian population in the twenty first century.
Key Words: Indigenous, Agency, Settler-State, Australia, Riot, Police.
The Australian Sociological Association Conference Paper 2012
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Conferences and Presentations
APSA Annual Conference - Flinders University, 2019
Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments where Prim... more Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments where Prime Ministers share, mould, and reproduce their understanding of what and whom is representative of a unique Australian identity and nationalism. Prime Minister’s speeches push or ignore particular representations of gender and sexuality on these two days and police their expression in national agendas. We analyse this agenda setting process by examining all Prime Ministerial speeches on Australia Day and Anzac Day between 1990-2019 using a conceptual framework of gendered regimes and states and heteronormative masculinity. Quantitative and qualitative analysis of these speeches demonstrates the way that masculinity dominates both days in differing manners. There is also an assumed heteronormativity reinforced in association with the hegemonic construction of Australianness. Despite the presence of outliers to these patterns – highly indicative of specific events across the time period of the corpus – we find little variance in these heteronormative masculine gender regimes and rhetorical paths, regardless of party affiliation, or individual Prime Ministers ideological positioning and social location.
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TASA Conference Proceedings, 2019
Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments used by Pr... more Australia Day and Anzac Day, held on January 26 and April 25 annually, are key moments used by Prime Ministers to share, mould, and reproduce their understanding of what and whom is representative of a unique Australian identity and nationalism. On these two days, Prime Ministers push and ignore particular representations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and police expression in national agendas. We use a conceptual
framework of race critical scholarship, settler-colonialism, and the sociology of practice to critically analyse Prime Ministerial speeches on Australia Day and Anzac Day between 1990-2019. Quantitative and qualitative descriptions of these representations demonstrate the ways in which whiteness, Anglo-centrism, colonialism, and conditional representations of Indigeneity are associated with hegemonic constructions of Australianness. Despite the presence of outliers to these patterns – mostly indicative of specific events across the time period of the corpus – we find little variance in these racially-dominant rhetorical paths, regardless of party affiliation or individual Prime Ministerial ideological differences.
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TASA Conference Proceedings 2018, 2018
Australia Day and ANZAC Day, held on January 26 and April 25 each year, are two key moments used ... more Australia Day and ANZAC Day, held on January 26 and April 25 each year, are two key moments used by Prime Ministers to share and shape their understanding of what and whom is considered to be representative of a unique 'Australianness'. It is on these two days that we see the explicit construction and reproduction of nationalism by Prime Ministers – as key producers of identity discourses through rhetoric – come to the forefront, often bringing politically-charged debate over what this Australianness entails along with them. This paper uses both qualitative and quantitative methods via a corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to evaluate these representations in all Prime Ministerial speeches on both days from 1990-2017. In aiming to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on Australia Day and ANZAC Day, the paper focuses on evaluating the construction of racial and/or ethnic conceptions of Australianness – especially regarding Indigenous recognition, notions of multiculturalism, and Australia's connection with the world – while also incorporating identity markers of gender and class in its explanation. This paper asks: how have Prime Ministers, as political actors, used their speeches on Australia Day and ANZAC Day to represent what it means to be Australian, explicitly or otherwise?
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TASA Conference Proceedings 2018, 2018
The introduction of Federal Budget 2018-19 sees the potential end of funding for many in the Indi... more The introduction of Federal Budget 2018-19 sees the potential end of funding for many in the Indigenous Sector via the Indigenous Advancement Strategy (IAS), now in its final year of re¬sourcing. Facing potentially dramatic restructuring or ‘refreshing’ of this funding relationship, the voices of many Aboriginal community organisations demands sociological attention. This paper highlights the importance of the service delivery, day-to-day practice, and culturally specific-nature of eight Aboriginal community organisations in Western Sydney during the period of the IAS via 32 in-depth semi-structured interviews. In discussing the action, ethos, and habitus of these workers, I argue that Indigenous Sector organisations deliver culturally-specific services for unique populations, and differentiate themselves from mainstream services through day-to-day action and their overarching political philosophy – one that challenges settler-colonial state dominance and a racialized reductionism of Indigenous capacity to make social change for their own lives. During the IAS era, these organisations and their employees articulate how they perform unique services and hold a distinct position within the current Indigenous-specific policy nexus, continuing to deliver a broader social good through culturally-specific community development approaches. It is this practice and position that makes the Indigenous Sector distinct in relation to the Commonwealth’s Indigenous policy framework as manifestations of Aboriginal agency and resistance, requiring further governmental recognition before potentially dramatic changes are introduced.
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The Commonwealth government’s introduction of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy in 2014 brought... more The Commonwealth government’s introduction of the Indigenous Advancement Strategy in 2014 brought a mass-upheaval for many Indigenous community-run organisations. The voices and perspectives of Aboriginal service providers, advocacy groups, and title holders were not consulted prior to this implementation. Despite ongoing challenges by many parties up to 2017, the Commonwealth continues to be “listening, but not hearing” (Davis, 2015) demands to alter these arrangements. This paper responds to the one-sided accountability of the Commonwealth’s ‘Advancement’ era by emphasising the responses of several Indigenous Sector organisations in Western Sydney to this change. In working in the location of the largest urban Aboriginal population in New South Wales, this research highlights specific effects of such a blanket-style regime to a particular space/time, and how organisations adapt and reflexively overcome new impediments to service delivery. I argue that listening to the voices of Indigenous service delivery professionals affected by top-down policy is vital to transforming the state-sector relationship in Australia, highlighting significant policy issues within neoliberal settler colonial states regarding Indigenous rights to self-governance in the twenty first century. Undertaking sociological research that works with several Aboriginal community organisations has the capacity to record current relations, and to speak back to top-down policy regimes of “guardianship” (Sanders, 2014) through evidence of Indigenous political capacity and agency, organisational success, and on-going self-determination, despite these governmental constraints.
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The Uluru Statement from the Heart (2017) calls for greater Indigenous representation in politica... more The Uluru Statement from the Heart (2017) calls for greater Indigenous representation in political decision making towards self-governance, and brings the "deep crisis" (Pearson; Huggins, 2016) of contemporary Indigenous Affairs policy to public attention. Despite the neoliberal transformation of the relationship between the Indigenous Sector and Commonwealth government precipitating this crisis, Aboriginal community organisations continue to practice a unique social good for Indigenous peoples through services, advocacy, and distinct forms of representation. Following the abolishment of ATSIC in 2004-05, the Commonwealth has introduced numerous measures to regulate Aboriginal organisations through neoliberal technologies. The "Indigenous Advancement Strategy" (2014 to present) sustains this trajectory by "rationalising" contractual arrangements, emphasising competition and marketization principles for services, and reducing Indigenous-specific funding. The transformative process has had a variety of effects upon Aboriginal community organisations. This paper draws on 32 interviews with employees of eight organisations in Western Sydney. I argue that perceptions of the enabling/constraining nature of this relationship and the re/actions of various organisations to Advancement Era governance correlate with organisational size, service delivery domain, raison d'être, and staff members' personal histories. Aboriginal community organisations in Western Sydney continue to actively negotiate this domination, paternalism, and homogenisation by unaccountable Australian governments, and therefore expose dual legitimacy crises of neoliberal governmentality and settler colonial sovereignty and authority.
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The literature on Australia Day and Anzac Day suggests that representations of Australianness on ... more The literature on Australia Day and Anzac Day suggests that representations of Australianness on these occasions is varied. Australianness on Australia Day is more plural and more ambiguously celebrated than Australianness on Anzac Day. The genocidal acts that established White Australia have been pointed to by Indigenous scholars and activists, ensuring the challenge to an unambiguously positive reading of Australian nationalism by Prime Ministers on Australia Day. This plural and ambiguous reading of Australian identity and nationalism has largely failed to penetrate Prime Ministerial commemoration of Anzac Day, Australia’s other major national day. Despite considerable scholarly attention and activism, Anzac as commemorated and celebrated by Prime Ministers remains masculine and Anglo-centric.
This paper seeks to test these hypotheses by applying corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to a corpus of Prime Ministerial Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches and media releases from 1990-2017. CADA is a mixed method approach to discourse analysis that employs both quantitative and qualitative inquiry methods. It seeks to accomplish two primary tasks: firstly, to identify and compare the political work of Prime Ministers on these national days; and secondly, to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on the two national days. In this regard, the paper will especially look at representations of class, gender, and racial/ethnic, identities in Prime Ministerial national day addresses in order to explore how contemporary Australianess is constructed and reproduced across both time and party lines. The paper will therefore make a substantial contribution to the under-studied comparative analysis of the national days of Australia.
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The literature on Australia Day and Anzac Day suggests that representations of Australianness on ... more The literature on Australia Day and Anzac Day suggests that representations of Australianness on these occasions is varied. Australianness on Australia Day is more plural and more ambiguously celebrated than Australianness on Anzac Day. The genocidal acts that established White Australia have been pointed to by Indigenous scholars and activists, ensuring the challenge to an unambiguously positive reading of Australian nationalism by Prime Ministers on Australia Day. This plural and ambiguous reading of Australian identity and nationalism has largely failed to penetrate Prime Ministerial commemoration of Anzac Day, Australia’s other major national day. Despite considerable scholarly attention and activism, Anzac as commemorated and celebrated by Prime Ministers remains masculine and Anglo-centric.
This paper seeks to test these hypotheses by applying corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to a corpus of Prime Ministerial Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches and media releases from 1990-2017. CADA is a mixed method approach to discourse analysis that employs both quantitative and qualitative inquiry methods. It seeks to accomplish two primary tasks: firstly, to identify and compare the political work of Prime Ministers on these national days; and secondly, to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on the two national days. In this regard, the paper will especially look at representations of class, gender, and racial/ethnic, identities in Prime Ministerial national day addresses in order to explore how contemporary Australianess is constructed and reproduced across both time and party lines. The paper will therefore make a substantial contribution to the under-studied comparative analysis of the national days of Australia.
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Over the past two years the role, function, and importance of the Indigenous Sector in Australia ... more Over the past two years the role, function, and importance of the Indigenous Sector in Australia has been dramatically reassessed by the Commonwealth government. Community-run organisations practicing service delivery and political advocacy for Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples who continue to face marginalisation and an active apathy in the policy landscape, experienced mass-upheaval at the announcement of the 'Indigenous Advancement Strategy' (IAS) in Budget 2014-15. The state-sector relationship was transformed as organisations fought to maintain essential services under severe budget cuts. Many key service and program delivery organisations across the country faced closure and further reductions in frontline services. Continued instability as a result of the IAS caused continuing and increased mistrust between the sector and Australian government. A vocal resistance and rejection of these changes swiftly followed, including visceral political protests leading to policy reversals for some funding cuts. Regardless of this public backlash, the majority of the framework has been left intact. A sense of powerlessness to have an effective voice in policy creation only led to further mistrust and deterioration of this vital state-sector relationship. However, complete reformation of Commonwealth policy is not new for Indigenous community-run organisations in Australia. This most recent iteration is merely a continuation of the neo-liberal policy frameworks of 'normalisation', managerialism, and increased control-through-funding the sector has experienced since the mid-1990s. Where state services and appropriate representation in policy and governance has lacked, Indigenous organisations have acted, many very effectively. These projects intended to 'fill the gaps' in the top-down administration by the Australian settler-state are the manifestation and embodiment of continuing reflexivity and agency by Indigenous peoples. Many organisations though require essential government funding to operate for their constituencies. This puts the Indigenous Sector in a unique and tenuous position between third sector-style advocacy and governmental regulation and control within a broader settler-colonial, neo-liberal governance environment. They are within a realm of power inequity and continuing racialization processes that disregards efforts of self-determination through this 'Indigenous form of Australian government'. Critical analysis of Indigenous community organisations within this surrounding policy framework is vital in Australia as the 'Advancement' era continues down this path with minimal governmental accountability, reproducing the sector's fragile position and a policy framework some have defined as 'the new paternalism'.
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Teaching Documents
Teaching@Sydney, 2018
With over 500 students, lecturing shared among 5 co-coordinators, and 24 tutorials run by 10 tuto... more With over 500 students, lecturing shared among 5 co-coordinators, and 24 tutorials run by 10 tutors, reaching out to particular students in a first-year course like Introduction to Sociology (SCLG1001) can be quite an administrative headache. Many students can easily slip through the cracks unless there is diligence in keeping in touch. The Student Relationship Engagement System (SRES) though – through quick collection, analysis, and use of current student data – can help to ensure continuing contact with particular student cohorts.
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Teaching@Sydney, 2017
Over the past fortnight, the FASS Teaching and Technology Innovation Team ran two feedback worksh... more Over the past fortnight, the FASS Teaching and Technology Innovation Team ran two feedback workshops with a dozen students testing new Canvas sites for publication in 2018. As with the previous round of focus discussions (http://sydney.edu.au/education-portfolio/ei/teaching@sydney/students-top-tips-friendly-canvas-courses/), we wanted to see how students interacted with our sites, what appealed to them, and more importantly, what we could improve upon and polish prior to the new year. Students took notes while navigating the sites, completed surveys after testing, and participated in a detailed focus group discussion about their experiences. Here are a few more tips for student-friendly sites in Canvas in the hope readers may save some time and energy learning from successes and areas in need of improvement. All quotes are directly from students.
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Papers
Keywords: Settler-State; Structure; Agency; Activism; Social Change; Exclusion.
Keywords: Indigenous Sector, organisation, social capital, agency, settler colonial.
Keywords: Indigenous sector, structure, agency, settler colonial, state.
Key Words: Indigenous, Activism, Settler-State, Social Justice, Positionality, Methodology.
Key Words: Indigenous, Agency, Settler-State, Australia, Riot, Police.
The Australian Sociological Association Conference Paper 2012
Conferences and Presentations
framework of race critical scholarship, settler-colonialism, and the sociology of practice to critically analyse Prime Ministerial speeches on Australia Day and Anzac Day between 1990-2019. Quantitative and qualitative descriptions of these representations demonstrate the ways in which whiteness, Anglo-centrism, colonialism, and conditional representations of Indigeneity are associated with hegemonic constructions of Australianness. Despite the presence of outliers to these patterns – mostly indicative of specific events across the time period of the corpus – we find little variance in these racially-dominant rhetorical paths, regardless of party affiliation or individual Prime Ministerial ideological differences.
This paper seeks to test these hypotheses by applying corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to a corpus of Prime Ministerial Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches and media releases from 1990-2017. CADA is a mixed method approach to discourse analysis that employs both quantitative and qualitative inquiry methods. It seeks to accomplish two primary tasks: firstly, to identify and compare the political work of Prime Ministers on these national days; and secondly, to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on the two national days. In this regard, the paper will especially look at representations of class, gender, and racial/ethnic, identities in Prime Ministerial national day addresses in order to explore how contemporary Australianess is constructed and reproduced across both time and party lines. The paper will therefore make a substantial contribution to the under-studied comparative analysis of the national days of Australia.
This paper seeks to test these hypotheses by applying corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to a corpus of Prime Ministerial Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches and media releases from 1990-2017. CADA is a mixed method approach to discourse analysis that employs both quantitative and qualitative inquiry methods. It seeks to accomplish two primary tasks: firstly, to identify and compare the political work of Prime Ministers on these national days; and secondly, to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on the two national days. In this regard, the paper will especially look at representations of class, gender, and racial/ethnic, identities in Prime Ministerial national day addresses in order to explore how contemporary Australianess is constructed and reproduced across both time and party lines. The paper will therefore make a substantial contribution to the under-studied comparative analysis of the national days of Australia.
Teaching Documents
Keywords: Settler-State; Structure; Agency; Activism; Social Change; Exclusion.
Keywords: Indigenous Sector, organisation, social capital, agency, settler colonial.
Keywords: Indigenous sector, structure, agency, settler colonial, state.
Key Words: Indigenous, Activism, Settler-State, Social Justice, Positionality, Methodology.
Key Words: Indigenous, Agency, Settler-State, Australia, Riot, Police.
The Australian Sociological Association Conference Paper 2012
framework of race critical scholarship, settler-colonialism, and the sociology of practice to critically analyse Prime Ministerial speeches on Australia Day and Anzac Day between 1990-2019. Quantitative and qualitative descriptions of these representations demonstrate the ways in which whiteness, Anglo-centrism, colonialism, and conditional representations of Indigeneity are associated with hegemonic constructions of Australianness. Despite the presence of outliers to these patterns – mostly indicative of specific events across the time period of the corpus – we find little variance in these racially-dominant rhetorical paths, regardless of party affiliation or individual Prime Ministerial ideological differences.
This paper seeks to test these hypotheses by applying corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to a corpus of Prime Ministerial Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches and media releases from 1990-2017. CADA is a mixed method approach to discourse analysis that employs both quantitative and qualitative inquiry methods. It seeks to accomplish two primary tasks: firstly, to identify and compare the political work of Prime Ministers on these national days; and secondly, to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on the two national days. In this regard, the paper will especially look at representations of class, gender, and racial/ethnic, identities in Prime Ministerial national day addresses in order to explore how contemporary Australianess is constructed and reproduced across both time and party lines. The paper will therefore make a substantial contribution to the under-studied comparative analysis of the national days of Australia.
This paper seeks to test these hypotheses by applying corpus assisted discourse analysis (CADA) to a corpus of Prime Ministerial Australia Day and Anzac Day speeches and media releases from 1990-2017. CADA is a mixed method approach to discourse analysis that employs both quantitative and qualitative inquiry methods. It seeks to accomplish two primary tasks: firstly, to identify and compare the political work of Prime Ministers on these national days; and secondly, to identify and compare the diversity of Australian identities represented on the two national days. In this regard, the paper will especially look at representations of class, gender, and racial/ethnic, identities in Prime Ministerial national day addresses in order to explore how contemporary Australianess is constructed and reproduced across both time and party lines. The paper will therefore make a substantial contribution to the under-studied comparative analysis of the national days of Australia.
Keywords: prime ministers; nationalism; identity; gender; race; class.