Mateusz Sokulski
Assistant Professor, Historian and Slavist. I hold my PhD degree on the base of the dissertation "Yugoslav-Polish Relations in the years 1970-1980" defended at the University of Wrocław, Institute of History in June 2017 under supervision of prof. Paweł Jaworski.
Fields of interest: Modern History of Central and Eastern Europe, History of Yugoslavia, Dissident Movement in Central and Eastern Europe, National Question in Yugoslavia and Caucasus, Soviet Policy towards Central Europe 1944/45-1989/1991
Languages: Polish (native), Serbo-Croatian (Fluent), English (very good), Russian (Good), German (basic)
Fields of interest: Modern History of Central and Eastern Europe, History of Yugoslavia, Dissident Movement in Central and Eastern Europe, National Question in Yugoslavia and Caucasus, Soviet Policy towards Central Europe 1944/45-1989/1991
Languages: Polish (native), Serbo-Croatian (Fluent), English (very good), Russian (Good), German (basic)
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Papers by Mateusz Sokulski
His observations show an awareness of the Communist Party’s mechanisms for violating the freedom and fairness of elections. United Kingdom Ambassador to Warsaw Victor Cavendish-Bentinck described Kirby’s report as noteworthy and sent an official letter to British Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin as an attachment to the ambassador’s report on the conduct of elections in Poland.
The number of victims was manipulated. Moreover, a message about the “awakening of the Ustasha spirits” was developed in relation to C roatian national activities. Anti-Croatian rhetoric intensified with the introduction of
the multi-party system in Yugoslavia (1989) and strengthening of secessionist aspirations in Croatia. T he discussions concerning Jasenovac were developed in the context of the political crisis of the federation at the time and the aspirations of Serbian elites towards national unification of Serbs around martyrdom messages.
intellectuals, social attitudes of the republic’s citizens, and general decay among the communist leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, widely considered to be the most dogmatic in comparison to the other Yugoslav republics.
The beginning of 1980’s was marked in Yugoslavia by Tito’s death, economic crisis and start of rivalry between republics and their representatives. This portened further extraordinary changes in Yugoslavia. The rivalry of interests between republics was reflected also amongst communist elite. Nevertheless their approach to the new challanges they was to maintain status quo in the inner and foreign policy. They were reluctant towards any major changes in the international policy and because of that they presented restrained attitude towards „Solidarity”.
On the other hand, on the realm of the social and cultural life some significant while not numerous signs of sympathy towards upheaval in Poland at the beginning of 1980’s were visible. It was predominantly cultural life where Polish culture was highly appreciated and Branimir „Johnny” Štulić, frontmen the most significant rock band Azra wrote a song Poland in my heart. Both Azra and famous Slovenian rock group Laibach reacted also to the imposing of the Martial Law on 13 December 1981. While in Johnny Štulić text activity of Polish authoirities was condemned, Slovenian band recognized measures undertaken by Jaruzelski as the proper one.
It was a small group of Yugoslav dissents from Belgrade, dominated by marxists with a minor but still significant role of liberal civil right activists, that highly appreciated Polish contestation towards communist authorities. Assumption of the marxist group represented by Dragomir Olujić and Pavluško Imširović was that „Solidarity” was the „true movement of the working class” fighting for human dignity, freedoms of consciousness, speech, gathering etc. This human right context was crucial for liberal, human rights activists in their sympathy towards „Solidarity”. Lazar Stojanović- film director, anticommunist was the most influential person in the second group. Support for „Solidarity” coincided with their actions like petitions, demands directed to the Yugoslav authorities against curtailment of the social freedom. They were fascinated by resolute stance of the „Solidarity” leaders and observing events in Poland with delightment as they were not able to apply „Polish solutions” on the realm of Yugoslavia.
Yugoslav left-wing gorup led by Olujić and Pavluško Imširović carried out few actions directed to express their solidarity with „Solidarity”. After imposing of Martrial Law they prepared petition directed to Wojciech Jaruzelski and gathered 5 thousand signatures to show their condemnation of Polish authorities. Despite disapproval of the authorities in Belgrade they organised demonstartion in front of the Polish embassy to show compassion with victims of Martial Law in Poland. The most significant action was expansion of the flags with inscription „Solidarity” on July 1982 during huge public meeting organized by the authorities with purpose of „Solidarity with the Palestinian nation”. Due to their activity 8 people were detained and jailed while their collegues who supported them and demanded their liberation were also imprisoned two weeks later.
His observations show an awareness of the Communist Party’s mechanisms for violating the freedom and fairness of elections. United Kingdom Ambassador to Warsaw Victor Cavendish-Bentinck described Kirby’s report as noteworthy and sent an official letter to British Foreign Minister Ernest Bevin as an attachment to the ambassador’s report on the conduct of elections in Poland.
The number of victims was manipulated. Moreover, a message about the “awakening of the Ustasha spirits” was developed in relation to C roatian national activities. Anti-Croatian rhetoric intensified with the introduction of
the multi-party system in Yugoslavia (1989) and strengthening of secessionist aspirations in Croatia. T he discussions concerning Jasenovac were developed in the context of the political crisis of the federation at the time and the aspirations of Serbian elites towards national unification of Serbs around martyrdom messages.
intellectuals, social attitudes of the republic’s citizens, and general decay among the communist leaders of Bosnia and Herzegovina, widely considered to be the most dogmatic in comparison to the other Yugoslav republics.
The beginning of 1980’s was marked in Yugoslavia by Tito’s death, economic crisis and start of rivalry between republics and their representatives. This portened further extraordinary changes in Yugoslavia. The rivalry of interests between republics was reflected also amongst communist elite. Nevertheless their approach to the new challanges they was to maintain status quo in the inner and foreign policy. They were reluctant towards any major changes in the international policy and because of that they presented restrained attitude towards „Solidarity”.
On the other hand, on the realm of the social and cultural life some significant while not numerous signs of sympathy towards upheaval in Poland at the beginning of 1980’s were visible. It was predominantly cultural life where Polish culture was highly appreciated and Branimir „Johnny” Štulić, frontmen the most significant rock band Azra wrote a song Poland in my heart. Both Azra and famous Slovenian rock group Laibach reacted also to the imposing of the Martial Law on 13 December 1981. While in Johnny Štulić text activity of Polish authoirities was condemned, Slovenian band recognized measures undertaken by Jaruzelski as the proper one.
It was a small group of Yugoslav dissents from Belgrade, dominated by marxists with a minor but still significant role of liberal civil right activists, that highly appreciated Polish contestation towards communist authorities. Assumption of the marxist group represented by Dragomir Olujić and Pavluško Imširović was that „Solidarity” was the „true movement of the working class” fighting for human dignity, freedoms of consciousness, speech, gathering etc. This human right context was crucial for liberal, human rights activists in their sympathy towards „Solidarity”. Lazar Stojanović- film director, anticommunist was the most influential person in the second group. Support for „Solidarity” coincided with their actions like petitions, demands directed to the Yugoslav authorities against curtailment of the social freedom. They were fascinated by resolute stance of the „Solidarity” leaders and observing events in Poland with delightment as they were not able to apply „Polish solutions” on the realm of Yugoslavia.
Yugoslav left-wing gorup led by Olujić and Pavluško Imširović carried out few actions directed to express their solidarity with „Solidarity”. After imposing of Martrial Law they prepared petition directed to Wojciech Jaruzelski and gathered 5 thousand signatures to show their condemnation of Polish authorities. Despite disapproval of the authorities in Belgrade they organised demonstartion in front of the Polish embassy to show compassion with victims of Martial Law in Poland. The most significant action was expansion of the flags with inscription „Solidarity” on July 1982 during huge public meeting organized by the authorities with purpose of „Solidarity with the Palestinian nation”. Due to their activity 8 people were detained and jailed while their collegues who supported them and demanded their liberation were also imprisoned two weeks later.
repression against supporters of Stalinism in this country during the era of
conflict with the Soviet Union in the late 1940s and the first half of the 1950s.
The author used security service materials, party documentation, and also interviewed those imprisoned in “Tito’s Gulag”. Previšić has successfully portrayed the activities of the repressive apparatus and party leadership circles, and has also attempted to present a collective portrait of the opponents of Tito’s policies in Yugoslavia. On the plus side, there is also a rich description of the daily life of those imprisoned as well as a meticulously drawn up calculation of the number of victims of repression.