Papers by Daphne Halikiopoulou
Jobbik is one of the most successful radical right wing political organizations in the European U... more Jobbik is one of the most successful radical right wing political organizations in the European Union. Since its foundation in 2003, the party has grown to become an influential player in Hungary’s political scene as well as a role model for other radical movements on the continent.
Jobbik’s growth to alarming proportions occurred relatively quickly and sent shockwaves through the European intelligentsia, especially because Jobbik is not the type of extremist party that Western Europe is used to. This essay will examine the key distinguishing features of Jobbik and analyse the major differences between Jobbik and the far right in Western Europe.
This paper is concerned with the robustness of democracy within the European context during the c... more This paper is concerned with the robustness of democracy within the European context during the current economic crisis. Under what circumstances is economic crisis likely to be associated with the rise of the extreme right? Greece and Spain are both experiencing severe economic crisis. They also share many similarities often cited as prohibiting factors to the rise of extremism including a legacy of authoritarianism. However, while in Greece the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn (GD) has recently entered Parliament, in Spain there is no comparable support for extremism. Employing the most similar systems research design, we argue the impact of the current economic crisis on the political system explains why there is support for right-wing extremism in Greece but not in Spain. In Greece the crisis has resulted in the complete break-up of the party system. This has provided a structure of political opportunity for parties such as GD, absent in Spain. Greek voters have opted for GD because and not...
Nations and nationalism, Jan 1, 2012
This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values and, more specifica... more This article examines the relationship between nationalism and liberal values and, more specifically, the redefinition of boundaries between national communities and others in the rhetoric of radical right parties in Europe. The aim is to examine the tension between radical right party discourse and the increasing need to shape this discourse in liberal terms. We argue that the radical right parties that successfully operate within the democratic system tend to be those best able to tailor their discourse to the liberal and civic characteristics of national identity so as to present themselves and their ideologies as the true authentic defenders of the nation's unique reputation for democracy, diversity and tolerance. Comparing the success of a number of European radical right parties ranging from the most electorally successful Swiss People's Party, the Dutch Pim Fortuyn List and Party for Freedom to the more mixed French Front National, British National Party and National Democratic Party of Germany we show that the parties that effectively deploy the symbolic resources of national identity through a predominantly voluntaristic prism tend to be the ones that fare better within their respective political systems. In doing so, we challenge the conventional view in the study of nationalism that expects civic values to shield countries from radicalism and extremism.
Πώς εξηγείται η δραματική άνοδος της εξτρεμιστικής, υπερεθνικιστικής Χρυσής Αυγής σε μια χώρα η ο... more Πώς εξηγείται η δραματική άνοδος της εξτρεμιστικής, υπερεθνικιστικής Χρυσής Αυγής σε μια χώρα η οποία βίωσε τη ναζιστική εισβολή και μια στρατιωτική δικτατορία; Αυτό το βιβλίο θέτει τη Χρυσή Αυγή στο πλαίσιο της κρίσης της Ευρωζώνης, και υποστηρίζει ότι η άνοδός της δεν είναι απλώς προϊόν της οικονομικής δυσφορίας. Αντίθετα, η επιτυχία της Χρυσής Αυγής εξαρτάται από τον βαθμό στον οποίο κατάφερε να διατυπώσει ευλογοφανείς λύσεις στις τρεις μορφές κρίσης -οικονομική, πολιτική και ιδεολογική- που κορυφώθηκαν σε μια γενική κρίση της δημοκρατίας στην Ελλάδα. Οι συγγραφείς υποστηρίζουν ότι μεγάλο μέρος της επιτυχίας του κόμματος μπορεί να αποδοθεί στην στρατηγική του επιλογή να εκμεταλλευτεί την ευρεία απογοήτευση του ελληνικού λαού προσφέροντάς του μια "εθνικιστική λύση": μια ρητορική που δίνει έμφαση στους δίδυμους φασιστικούς μύθους της κοινωνικής παρακμής και της εθνικής αναγέννησης.
Το φαινόμενο της Χρυσής Αυγής τροφοδότησε τη δημόσια συζήτηση γύρω από τον "ελληνικό εξαιρετισμό" μέσα στα πλαίσια της ευρωπαϊκής κρίσης, και οδήγησε σε ακαδημαϊκές συζητήσεις σχετικά με τις συνθήκες στην ελληνική πολιτική κουλτούρα και κοινωνία που επέτρεψαν αυτή την εξέλιξη. Αυτό το βιβλίο της Δάφνης Χαλικιοπούλου και της Σοφίας Βασιλοπούλου αποτελεί μια επίκαιρη και διαφωτιστική ακαδημαϊκή συνεισφορά στη μελέτη μιας από τις πιο ανησυχητικές διαστάσεις της ελληνικής οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης.
Ιωάννης Ν. Γρηγοριάδης
Does the economy affect patterns of far-right party support across countries? This article reconc... more Does the economy affect patterns of far-right party support across countries? This article reconceptualizes micro-level analyses that focus on the effect of unemployment through a framework of costs, risks and the mediating role of labour market institutions. It then derives several hypotheses and tests them on the results of the previous three EP elections in all EU Member States. Findings from multiple regression analyses indicate that unemployment, real GDP growth, debt and deficits have no statistically significant effect on far-right party support at the national level. By contrast, labour market institutions influence costs and risks: where unemployment benefits and dismissal regulations are high, unemployment has no effect, but where either one of them is low, unemployment leads to higher far-right party support. This explains why unemployment has not led to far-right party support in some European countries that experienced the severity of the 2008 eurozone crisis.
Is Europe afraid of Europe? An Assessment of the result of the 2014 European Elections
This chapter examines the varied performance of far-left-wing Eurosceptic parties in the 2014 Eur... more This chapter examines the varied performance of far-left-wing Eurosceptic parties in the 2014 European Parliament elections. While the performance of the far-right during this ‘earthquake’ election has been widely discussed, little attention has been paid to the far left, which was also elected on a populist Eurosceptic platform emphasizing national sovereignty. This article examines the result comparatively and makes the following observations: (1) The rise of Eurosceptic populism is not strictly a far- right phenomenon; rather, in certain cases, it has taken the form of a left- right divide between parties which, while split on socio-economic issues, are united by nationalism; (2) The performance of far-left Eurosceptic parties in the May 2014 European Parliament elections is characterised by variation, with significant gains in some cases, but stagnation and even important losses in others; (3) Patterns of support are not clear cut, although the rise was mostly a trend in the European periphery taking the form of protest against the role of the European Union in the context of the economic crisis.
http://www.newsweek.com/no-vote-threatens-democracy-greece-351044
Volume 86, Issue 2
While the 2014 European Parliament elections were marked by the rise of far right-wing parties, t... more While the 2014 European Parliament elections were marked by the rise of far right-wing parties, the different patterns of support that we observe across Europe and across time are not directly related to the economic crisis. Indeed, economic hardship seems neither sufficient nor necessary for the rise of such parties to occur. Using the cross-national results for the 2004, 2009 and 2014 EP elections in order to capture time and country variations, we posit the economy affects the rise of far right-wing parties in more complex ways. Specifically, we compare the experience of high debt countries (the ‘debtors’) and the others (the ‘creditors’) and explore the relationship between far right-wing party success on the one hand, and unemployment, inequality, immigration, globalization and the welfare state on the other hand. Our discussion suggests there might be a trade off between budgetary stability and far right-wing party support, but the choice between Charybdis and Scylla may be avoided if policy makers carefully choose which policies should bear the brunt of the fiscal adjustment.
What explains the dramatic rise of the extreme, ultranationalist Golden Dawn in a country that ha... more What explains the dramatic rise of the extreme, ultranationalist Golden Dawn in a country that has experienced Nazi invasion and a military dictatorship? This book places the rise of the Golden Dawn in the context of the Eurozone crisis and argues that its rise is not merely the product of economic malaise. Rather, the success of the Golden Dawn is dependent on the extent to which it was able to propound plausible solutions to the three sets of crises - economic, political and ideological - that culminated in an overall crisis of democracy in Greece. The authors argue that much of the party's success can be attributed to its strategic choice to tap into the widespread disillusionment of the Greek people by offering them a 'nationalist solution': a rhetoric that emphasizes the twin fascist myths of social decadence and national rebirth.
South European Society and Politics, 2013
"This article provides an overview and analysis of the Greek elections of June 2012. Placing the ... more "This article provides an overview and analysis of the Greek elections of June 2012. Placing the elections within the broader framework of the Greek socio-political and economic
context, it discusses the electoral campaign and results, juxtaposing them to the 6 May electoral round. The election results confirmed many of the trends of the previous round, including electoral volatility, the fragmentation of the party system and the rise of anti-establishment forces. The main difference was the entrenchment of the pro- versus anti-bailout division and the prominence of the question of Greece’s continued eurozone
membership."
Within the broader debate on the Greek crisis, the theory of ‘populist democracy’ postulates that... more Within the broader debate on the Greek crisis, the theory of ‘populist democracy’ postulates that
populism is fundamental to the sustenance of the Greek political system and is at the heart of
Greece’s endemic domestic weaknesses. This article tests this assumption empirically through the
use of a sophisticated framing analysis of speeches delivered by the leaders of the five parties in the
Greek parliament in the period 2009–11. The findings confirm that populism: (a) is expressed
through the narratives of political actors; (b) is observed across the party system; (c) is expressed
in the forms of blame-shifting and exclusivity; and (d) differs depending on position in the party
system. The article contributes to the debate by testing and building on the theory of democratic
populism, providing a novel way of measuring and operationalizing populism and identifying a
new typology that distinguishes between mainstream and fringe populism.
Within the broader debate on the Greek crisis, the theory of 'populist democracy' postulates that... more Within the broader debate on the Greek crisis, the theory of 'populist democracy' postulates that populism is fundamental to the sustenance of the Greek political system and is at the heart of Greece's endemic domestic weaknesses. This article tests this assumption empirically through the use of a sophisticated framing analysis of speeches delivered by the leaders of the five parties in the Greek parliament in the period 2009-11. The findings confirm that populism: (a) is expressed through the narratives of political actors; (b) is observed across the party system; (c) is expressed in the forms of blame-shifting and exclusivity; and (d) differs depending on position in the party system. The article contributes to the debate by testing and building on the theory of democratic populism, providing a novel way of measuring and operationalizing populism and identifying a new typology that distinguishes between mainstream and fringe populism.
British Politics and Policy at LSE, Jan 1, 2011
British Politics and Policy at …, Jan 1, 2012
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Papers by Daphne Halikiopoulou
Jobbik’s growth to alarming proportions occurred relatively quickly and sent shockwaves through the European intelligentsia, especially because Jobbik is not the type of extremist party that Western Europe is used to. This essay will examine the key distinguishing features of Jobbik and analyse the major differences between Jobbik and the far right in Western Europe.
Το φαινόμενο της Χρυσής Αυγής τροφοδότησε τη δημόσια συζήτηση γύρω από τον "ελληνικό εξαιρετισμό" μέσα στα πλαίσια της ευρωπαϊκής κρίσης, και οδήγησε σε ακαδημαϊκές συζητήσεις σχετικά με τις συνθήκες στην ελληνική πολιτική κουλτούρα και κοινωνία που επέτρεψαν αυτή την εξέλιξη. Αυτό το βιβλίο της Δάφνης Χαλικιοπούλου και της Σοφίας Βασιλοπούλου αποτελεί μια επίκαιρη και διαφωτιστική ακαδημαϊκή συνεισφορά στη μελέτη μιας από τις πιο ανησυχητικές διαστάσεις της ελληνικής οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης.
Ιωάννης Ν. Γρηγοριάδης
context, it discusses the electoral campaign and results, juxtaposing them to the 6 May electoral round. The election results confirmed many of the trends of the previous round, including electoral volatility, the fragmentation of the party system and the rise of anti-establishment forces. The main difference was the entrenchment of the pro- versus anti-bailout division and the prominence of the question of Greece’s continued eurozone
membership."
populism is fundamental to the sustenance of the Greek political system and is at the heart of
Greece’s endemic domestic weaknesses. This article tests this assumption empirically through the
use of a sophisticated framing analysis of speeches delivered by the leaders of the five parties in the
Greek parliament in the period 2009–11. The findings confirm that populism: (a) is expressed
through the narratives of political actors; (b) is observed across the party system; (c) is expressed
in the forms of blame-shifting and exclusivity; and (d) differs depending on position in the party
system. The article contributes to the debate by testing and building on the theory of democratic
populism, providing a novel way of measuring and operationalizing populism and identifying a
new typology that distinguishes between mainstream and fringe populism.
Jobbik’s growth to alarming proportions occurred relatively quickly and sent shockwaves through the European intelligentsia, especially because Jobbik is not the type of extremist party that Western Europe is used to. This essay will examine the key distinguishing features of Jobbik and analyse the major differences between Jobbik and the far right in Western Europe.
Το φαινόμενο της Χρυσής Αυγής τροφοδότησε τη δημόσια συζήτηση γύρω από τον "ελληνικό εξαιρετισμό" μέσα στα πλαίσια της ευρωπαϊκής κρίσης, και οδήγησε σε ακαδημαϊκές συζητήσεις σχετικά με τις συνθήκες στην ελληνική πολιτική κουλτούρα και κοινωνία που επέτρεψαν αυτή την εξέλιξη. Αυτό το βιβλίο της Δάφνης Χαλικιοπούλου και της Σοφίας Βασιλοπούλου αποτελεί μια επίκαιρη και διαφωτιστική ακαδημαϊκή συνεισφορά στη μελέτη μιας από τις πιο ανησυχητικές διαστάσεις της ελληνικής οικονομικής και πολιτικής κρίσης.
Ιωάννης Ν. Γρηγοριάδης
context, it discusses the electoral campaign and results, juxtaposing them to the 6 May electoral round. The election results confirmed many of the trends of the previous round, including electoral volatility, the fragmentation of the party system and the rise of anti-establishment forces. The main difference was the entrenchment of the pro- versus anti-bailout division and the prominence of the question of Greece’s continued eurozone
membership."
populism is fundamental to the sustenance of the Greek political system and is at the heart of
Greece’s endemic domestic weaknesses. This article tests this assumption empirically through the
use of a sophisticated framing analysis of speeches delivered by the leaders of the five parties in the
Greek parliament in the period 2009–11. The findings confirm that populism: (a) is expressed
through the narratives of political actors; (b) is observed across the party system; (c) is expressed
in the forms of blame-shifting and exclusivity; and (d) differs depending on position in the party
system. The article contributes to the debate by testing and building on the theory of democratic
populism, providing a novel way of measuring and operationalizing populism and identifying a
new typology that distinguishes between mainstream and fringe populism.
right parties and movements, and if some of them face these
phenomena for decades, each national context is specific. Some
countries only know radical, Neo-Nazi, and violent movements
at the margins, some face well organized political parties at the
gateway of the power, and others have known them at local or
national government for years.
In some countries, political parties are clearly labeled at the
extreme right with discourses blending nationalism, racism and
social Darwinism. In others, political parties mobilize a populist
rhetoric opposing a glorious people against corrupted elite
with, sometimes, a rejection of others. Often, the fear of Islam,
Afrophobia, and the rejection of the consolidated Europe are
central topics.
Within this galaxy, concepts are multiple and any of them fit
with all the national contexts in a comparative perspective. At
the same time, these groups and political parties change their
rhetoric, their programme or their behavior to access power or
to influence public opinion.
The International Experts Workshop seeks to offer a country-by-country
tour of Europe of extreme right parties and movements,
and negative effects on human rights and fundamental
freedoms, and explore responses to these phenomenons. It is
organised by the O ffice of the United Nations High Commissioner
for Human Rights (OHCHR) and the « Centre d’Etudes
Démocratie » (Faculté de Droit de Science politique et de Criminologie
de l’Université de Liège). The working languages are
French and English.