Thesis by Rafał Rutkowski
The dissertation is focused on theNorwegian chronicle by Theodoricus Monachus, known as Historia ... more The dissertation is focused on theNorwegian chronicle by Theodoricus Monachus, known as Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium. This brief account was written in Latin between 1177 and 1188. Little is known about its author. He was Norwegian by birth, probably Benedictine monk in Nidarholm, or (according to some scholars) Augustinian canon in Paris. The Chronicle recounts deeds of Norwegian kings starting from mid-ninth century until the first half of the twelfth century; it also contains a dozen digressions about universal history. This is a very important text for medieval Old Norse culture, because it belongs to the oldest Norwegian narrative sources. TheodoricusMonachus’ work remained almost unknown in the Middle Ages. Discovered and published in the seventeenth century, it has become of interest to scholars of medieval Scandinavian history. There are already four editions of the Chronicle, but none of them used all existing manuscripts. Over the years, the Chronicle has not enjoyed a good reputation among historians, its cognitive and literary values have been underestimated. It was not until a quarter of a centuryago that Historia was appreciated by SverreBagge, who placed it in the broader context of the the Twelfth-Century Renaissance. Since then, we have noticed a growing interest in Theodoricus’ work, also among non-Scandinavian scholars, and since the mid-1990s a new edition of the Chronicle has been prepared.
Scholars (e.g. S. Bagge, P. Foote) have recently stressed that Theodoricus’ goal was to present Norwegian history on a broader basis by pointing out various analogies of the domestic history to universal history. I am interested –on the contrary– in how Theodoricus defended theown specific values of Norwegian history in the context of Christianity and European history. The author undertakes many efforts, by comparing his own Norwegian heroes with those famous from universal history (e.g. St Olaf with Constantine the Great), and underlines elsewhere the values of the „northern”, barbarian civilization. The goals of my dissertation are as follows. First I present the Chronicle from the codicological and textological point of view. However, it is much more important for me to look at Theodoricus’ text as a source of insight into medieval Norwegian historical culture; in other words, I try to treat his message as a kind of cultural phenomenon that enables me to state something about the chronicler’s world.
In the next chapter, I discuss issues related to Theodoricus’ identity, his monastic affiliation and place of education, date of his work, etc. However, I do that keeping in mind my main concern, i.e. the composition and meaning of Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium.
Chapter Three deals with the construction of the work, the methods of describing the successive monarchs, the way of developing the narrative, etc. This is done in a comparative context, especially the Icelandic-Norwegian one (Ágrip and Historia Norwegie).
In Chapter Four, I deal with Theodoricus’ statements on the historical tradition and his way to reveal the facts of the earliest Norwegian history. The chronicler refers twice to the Icelandic „ancient songs”, what is understood by the scholars as a reference to Skaldic poetry. I propose another interpretation in this regard. I establish the fact that the author, referring to the knowledge of the distant past, covered with silence by the written sources, inclines to the concept laid out by Plato in his Timaeus. According to Plato, there exists a kind of memory transmitted orally that lasts even for many centuries and lets the modern know the most ancient history of his country. The Icelandic songs were in accordance with the Platonic concept and are considered by Theodoricus as such a medium. On the occasion, I noticed Theodoricus’ dependence on William of Conches’ commentary to Calcidius.
Chapter Five concerns Theodoricus’ account on the circumstances of St Olaf’s baptism. This is one of the most important events in his historical perspective, because this conversion introduces Norway into Christian civilization and sacred history. Not much was known about that baptism, as well as the respective information was very contradictory, so the author tries to show that the ambiguities of the past the countries of fresh Latin culture share with even the most venerable members and actors of sacred history. Referring to the authority of Jerome, Theodoricus shows the troubles of the Roman Empire intellectuals with an exact pointing out of Constantine’s baptism date. So he declares the Norwegians do not have to be ashamed of some dark places of their history.
In the last chapter, Chapter Six, I analyse Theodoricus’ and other contemporary writers’ (e.g. Aelnoth, Helmold, Peter the Venerable, PassioOlavi) statements concerning the idea of barbarian and evil „North”. I’m aware of Old Testament roots of theabove mentioned concept, very often developed by medieval authors, but I am going to describe it as a part of cultural heritage of twelfth-century Norwegians.
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Papers by Rafał Rutkowski
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Obelgi i zniewagi w kulturze wczesnego średniowiecza (na przykładzie biskupa Fryderyka, pierwszego misjonarza na Islandii)
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The article deals with the story of the skirmish at Saudungssund (c. 1015), recorded
in Theodori... more The article deals with the story of the skirmish at Saudungssund (c. 1015), recorded
in Theodoricus Monachus’ Chronicle (end of the twelfth century) and in the Kings
Sagas (end of the twelfth century— first half of the thirteenth century). Saint Olaf
then ambushed Earl Hákon Eriksson and forced him to relinquish his power over
part of Norway. The comparative analysis emphasises three aspects of the short
narrative: fi rst, the use of deception to defeat an opponent bloodlessly. Secondly,
the technical side of the ambush (stopping Hákon’s vessel with a rope stretched
across the strait). Thirdly and fi nally, the fact that Hákon’s allowed himself to be
caught because Olaf’s men were pretending to be merchants. It has been shown
that this kind of deception is a common motif in ancient and medieval literature,
and the text can contribute to ideas about the social divisions of the time (specifically,
the duties of the merchant and warrior estates)
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The article discusses the reception of the Platonic concept of memory of ancient deeds in twelfth... more The article discusses the reception of the Platonic concept of memory of ancient deeds in twelfth-century historical writing in the 'younger Europe'. It focuses on the myth of Atlantis, as described in the translation of Timaeus by Calcidius, illustrating the manner in which two twelfth-century chroniclers – Master Vincentius Kadłubek and Theodoricus Monachus – used the said myth as a structural basis for their accounts of the past of Poland and Norway, respectively. Both chroniclers invoke Plato's idea of a memory of ancient past that survives through centuries without recourse to scripture and is the province not of the people whose history it concerns, but rather of one that is closely related, or, at times – of an older generation.
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Book Reviews by Rafał Rutkowski
History, archaeology and ethnography as disciplines unsuitable for the study of Slavic beliefs ac... more History, archaeology and ethnography as disciplines unsuitable for the study of Slavic beliefs according to Dariusz Andrzej Sikorski in his „Religions of the ancient Slavs”
For the author of the book presented below, the topic of Slavic beliefs is only a pretext for formulating writing technique-related postulates. A discussion with D.A. Sikorski should not take place in the field of methodology, or the field of the substance, and even less in the field
of extra-academic research motivations. A historian should give voice to the source accounts (which does not necessarily mean considering them historically reliable), and this is made possible by appropriate methods. D.A. Sikorski, on the other hand, believes that the method
is secondary, as long as it leads to results that are consistent with the ‘state of the facts’, which in practice have nothing to do with the sources. His proposal, however, is unacceptable for it is characterised by unreliability, one-sidedness, undermining of source testimony and replacing it with one’s own fantasies in accordance with a preconceived thesis that „it is not known how it actually was, but it is known that the Slavs did not have their own beliefs”. The result is a methodological trap: positivism has been taken to its ultimate consequences and turned
upside down, becoming voluntarism within which you can undermine whatever you see fit.
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Thesis by Rafał Rutkowski
Scholars (e.g. S. Bagge, P. Foote) have recently stressed that Theodoricus’ goal was to present Norwegian history on a broader basis by pointing out various analogies of the domestic history to universal history. I am interested –on the contrary– in how Theodoricus defended theown specific values of Norwegian history in the context of Christianity and European history. The author undertakes many efforts, by comparing his own Norwegian heroes with those famous from universal history (e.g. St Olaf with Constantine the Great), and underlines elsewhere the values of the „northern”, barbarian civilization. The goals of my dissertation are as follows. First I present the Chronicle from the codicological and textological point of view. However, it is much more important for me to look at Theodoricus’ text as a source of insight into medieval Norwegian historical culture; in other words, I try to treat his message as a kind of cultural phenomenon that enables me to state something about the chronicler’s world.
In the next chapter, I discuss issues related to Theodoricus’ identity, his monastic affiliation and place of education, date of his work, etc. However, I do that keeping in mind my main concern, i.e. the composition and meaning of Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium.
Chapter Three deals with the construction of the work, the methods of describing the successive monarchs, the way of developing the narrative, etc. This is done in a comparative context, especially the Icelandic-Norwegian one (Ágrip and Historia Norwegie).
In Chapter Four, I deal with Theodoricus’ statements on the historical tradition and his way to reveal the facts of the earliest Norwegian history. The chronicler refers twice to the Icelandic „ancient songs”, what is understood by the scholars as a reference to Skaldic poetry. I propose another interpretation in this regard. I establish the fact that the author, referring to the knowledge of the distant past, covered with silence by the written sources, inclines to the concept laid out by Plato in his Timaeus. According to Plato, there exists a kind of memory transmitted orally that lasts even for many centuries and lets the modern know the most ancient history of his country. The Icelandic songs were in accordance with the Platonic concept and are considered by Theodoricus as such a medium. On the occasion, I noticed Theodoricus’ dependence on William of Conches’ commentary to Calcidius.
Chapter Five concerns Theodoricus’ account on the circumstances of St Olaf’s baptism. This is one of the most important events in his historical perspective, because this conversion introduces Norway into Christian civilization and sacred history. Not much was known about that baptism, as well as the respective information was very contradictory, so the author tries to show that the ambiguities of the past the countries of fresh Latin culture share with even the most venerable members and actors of sacred history. Referring to the authority of Jerome, Theodoricus shows the troubles of the Roman Empire intellectuals with an exact pointing out of Constantine’s baptism date. So he declares the Norwegians do not have to be ashamed of some dark places of their history.
In the last chapter, Chapter Six, I analyse Theodoricus’ and other contemporary writers’ (e.g. Aelnoth, Helmold, Peter the Venerable, PassioOlavi) statements concerning the idea of barbarian and evil „North”. I’m aware of Old Testament roots of theabove mentioned concept, very often developed by medieval authors, but I am going to describe it as a part of cultural heritage of twelfth-century Norwegians.
Papers by Rafał Rutkowski
in Theodoricus Monachus’ Chronicle (end of the twelfth century) and in the Kings
Sagas (end of the twelfth century— first half of the thirteenth century). Saint Olaf
then ambushed Earl Hákon Eriksson and forced him to relinquish his power over
part of Norway. The comparative analysis emphasises three aspects of the short
narrative: fi rst, the use of deception to defeat an opponent bloodlessly. Secondly,
the technical side of the ambush (stopping Hákon’s vessel with a rope stretched
across the strait). Thirdly and fi nally, the fact that Hákon’s allowed himself to be
caught because Olaf’s men were pretending to be merchants. It has been shown
that this kind of deception is a common motif in ancient and medieval literature,
and the text can contribute to ideas about the social divisions of the time (specifically,
the duties of the merchant and warrior estates)
Book Reviews by Rafał Rutkowski
For the author of the book presented below, the topic of Slavic beliefs is only a pretext for formulating writing technique-related postulates. A discussion with D.A. Sikorski should not take place in the field of methodology, or the field of the substance, and even less in the field
of extra-academic research motivations. A historian should give voice to the source accounts (which does not necessarily mean considering them historically reliable), and this is made possible by appropriate methods. D.A. Sikorski, on the other hand, believes that the method
is secondary, as long as it leads to results that are consistent with the ‘state of the facts’, which in practice have nothing to do with the sources. His proposal, however, is unacceptable for it is characterised by unreliability, one-sidedness, undermining of source testimony and replacing it with one’s own fantasies in accordance with a preconceived thesis that „it is not known how it actually was, but it is known that the Slavs did not have their own beliefs”. The result is a methodological trap: positivism has been taken to its ultimate consequences and turned
upside down, becoming voluntarism within which you can undermine whatever you see fit.
Scholars (e.g. S. Bagge, P. Foote) have recently stressed that Theodoricus’ goal was to present Norwegian history on a broader basis by pointing out various analogies of the domestic history to universal history. I am interested –on the contrary– in how Theodoricus defended theown specific values of Norwegian history in the context of Christianity and European history. The author undertakes many efforts, by comparing his own Norwegian heroes with those famous from universal history (e.g. St Olaf with Constantine the Great), and underlines elsewhere the values of the „northern”, barbarian civilization. The goals of my dissertation are as follows. First I present the Chronicle from the codicological and textological point of view. However, it is much more important for me to look at Theodoricus’ text as a source of insight into medieval Norwegian historical culture; in other words, I try to treat his message as a kind of cultural phenomenon that enables me to state something about the chronicler’s world.
In the next chapter, I discuss issues related to Theodoricus’ identity, his monastic affiliation and place of education, date of his work, etc. However, I do that keeping in mind my main concern, i.e. the composition and meaning of Historia de antiquitate regum Norwagiensium.
Chapter Three deals with the construction of the work, the methods of describing the successive monarchs, the way of developing the narrative, etc. This is done in a comparative context, especially the Icelandic-Norwegian one (Ágrip and Historia Norwegie).
In Chapter Four, I deal with Theodoricus’ statements on the historical tradition and his way to reveal the facts of the earliest Norwegian history. The chronicler refers twice to the Icelandic „ancient songs”, what is understood by the scholars as a reference to Skaldic poetry. I propose another interpretation in this regard. I establish the fact that the author, referring to the knowledge of the distant past, covered with silence by the written sources, inclines to the concept laid out by Plato in his Timaeus. According to Plato, there exists a kind of memory transmitted orally that lasts even for many centuries and lets the modern know the most ancient history of his country. The Icelandic songs were in accordance with the Platonic concept and are considered by Theodoricus as such a medium. On the occasion, I noticed Theodoricus’ dependence on William of Conches’ commentary to Calcidius.
Chapter Five concerns Theodoricus’ account on the circumstances of St Olaf’s baptism. This is one of the most important events in his historical perspective, because this conversion introduces Norway into Christian civilization and sacred history. Not much was known about that baptism, as well as the respective information was very contradictory, so the author tries to show that the ambiguities of the past the countries of fresh Latin culture share with even the most venerable members and actors of sacred history. Referring to the authority of Jerome, Theodoricus shows the troubles of the Roman Empire intellectuals with an exact pointing out of Constantine’s baptism date. So he declares the Norwegians do not have to be ashamed of some dark places of their history.
In the last chapter, Chapter Six, I analyse Theodoricus’ and other contemporary writers’ (e.g. Aelnoth, Helmold, Peter the Venerable, PassioOlavi) statements concerning the idea of barbarian and evil „North”. I’m aware of Old Testament roots of theabove mentioned concept, very often developed by medieval authors, but I am going to describe it as a part of cultural heritage of twelfth-century Norwegians.
in Theodoricus Monachus’ Chronicle (end of the twelfth century) and in the Kings
Sagas (end of the twelfth century— first half of the thirteenth century). Saint Olaf
then ambushed Earl Hákon Eriksson and forced him to relinquish his power over
part of Norway. The comparative analysis emphasises three aspects of the short
narrative: fi rst, the use of deception to defeat an opponent bloodlessly. Secondly,
the technical side of the ambush (stopping Hákon’s vessel with a rope stretched
across the strait). Thirdly and fi nally, the fact that Hákon’s allowed himself to be
caught because Olaf’s men were pretending to be merchants. It has been shown
that this kind of deception is a common motif in ancient and medieval literature,
and the text can contribute to ideas about the social divisions of the time (specifically,
the duties of the merchant and warrior estates)
For the author of the book presented below, the topic of Slavic beliefs is only a pretext for formulating writing technique-related postulates. A discussion with D.A. Sikorski should not take place in the field of methodology, or the field of the substance, and even less in the field
of extra-academic research motivations. A historian should give voice to the source accounts (which does not necessarily mean considering them historically reliable), and this is made possible by appropriate methods. D.A. Sikorski, on the other hand, believes that the method
is secondary, as long as it leads to results that are consistent with the ‘state of the facts’, which in practice have nothing to do with the sources. His proposal, however, is unacceptable for it is characterised by unreliability, one-sidedness, undermining of source testimony and replacing it with one’s own fantasies in accordance with a preconceived thesis that „it is not known how it actually was, but it is known that the Slavs did not have their own beliefs”. The result is a methodological trap: positivism has been taken to its ultimate consequences and turned
upside down, becoming voluntarism within which you can undermine whatever you see fit.
W XIX w. często ta druga warstwa była pomijana i sprowadzano ja do krótkich uwag na marginesie. Ta warstwa autorskich wypowiedzi wciąż pozostaje w dużej mierze poza zainteresowaniem badaczy. Przyjrzymy się w związku z tym temu, co w tekstach „nieoryginalne”. Zagadnienia te domagają się tym większego zainteresowania, ze dokładne ich zbadanie wskazuje na potrzebę rewizji dawnych ustaleń.
Kronika Wincentego Kadłubka pozostawała podstawową wykładnią historii Polski w późnym średniowieczu i w czasach nowożytnych. Zasadnicza część wyobrażeń o przeszłości i fundamentach wspólnoty politycznej, która odegrała istotną rolę w formowaniu późnośredniowiecznej i nowożytnej wykładni dziejów Polski, wywodziła się właśnie od Wincentego Kadłubka. To, w jakim stopniu Kadłubkowe opowieści, nie tylko dotyczące „dziejów bajecznych”, wpływały na wyobrażenia o przeszłości Polski do końca wieku XVIII, wciąż stanowi ważny problem badawczy. W związku z tym organizatorzy konferencji proponują podjęcie refleksji związanej z następującymi zagadnieniami:
•
recepcja Kroniki polskiej Kadłubka w późnym średniowieczu i wczesnej nowożytności;
•
wpływ narracji o historii Polski w Kronice Kadłubka na kształtowanie wyobrażeń o państwie i wspólnocie;
•
obecność obrazów i motywów zaczerpniętych z kroniki Kadłubka w wyobraźni społecznej;
•
znajomość i funkcjonowanie kroniki Kadłubka w późnośredniowiecznym i wczesnonowożytnym dyskursie politycznym.
Organizatorzy przewidują wydanie publikacji zbierającej studia prezentowane na konferencji. Osoby zainteresowanie udziałem w konferencji prosimy o nadsyłanie zgłoszeń (tytuł i krótkie streszczenie) do 30 listopada 2024 na adres e-mail: kadlubek@ihpan.edu.pl