Temitayo Odeyemi

Conflict is inevitable in any human relationship. The situation is the same in the university system where several groups with diverse interests exist. While scholarly attention has focused on conflict and conflict resolution in the larger human society, less attention has been directed towards conflict and its resolution between and among various groups within a university. This article empirically examines the relations between the Students’ Union (the body representing the students) and the management of Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), and the conflict resolution mechanisms available to the groups. The article adopts secondary and primary data sourced from semi-structured interviews, and analyses the data using descriptive and content analysis methods. Findings show that the relations between the Students’ Union and the management of OAU are mixed, largely depending on the strategies adopted by the union leaders and the university administrators; that conflicts are mostly triggered by issues bordering on students’ welfare; and that mechanisms such as mediation, negotiation, and consultation are some of the conflict resolution mechanisms between OAU students and management. The article concludes that the central issue between the Students’ Union and management of OAU is student welfare, and that to avert future conflicts, student welfare must be management’s
priority at all times.

The police are expected to perform functions critical to relations between the government and citizens in democratic societies. However, in Nigeria, the reality is that the police organisation suffers limitations that undermine effective and democratic policing. Although the Nigeria Police Force has a long and chequered history, its services are dogged by challenges including adversarial police–citizen relations and mutual suspicion and police misconduct. To address these problems and enhance policing, the Nigeria Police Force has deployed digital technologies through a Complaint Response Unit [later renamed the Public Complaint Rapid Response Unit (PCRRU)]. The PCRRU allows the public to connect with the police through dedicated phone numbers for calls and SMS, and a round-the-clock presence on Twitter, Facebook,
WhatsApp, Blackberry Messenger and a mobile application. Although this initiative often draws attention and commendation, it also raises doubts about sustenance and utility value. Drawing on David Easton’s input–output nexus as a theoretical underpinning on the one hand, and data sourced through expert opinion interviews and web measurement
on the other hand, this article investigates how these digital policing technologies, through the PCRRU, enhance efforts at mutually rewarding police–citizen relations and police accountability, as requisites of democratic policing, in Nigeria. The findings expand discussion on the dimensions of Nigeria’s police–citizen relations and the potentials of technology in promoting positive outcomes. The findings also suggest means through which police managers can optimise technology in ways that aid strategic efforts at improving public security.

Election, as the central component and the minimum necessary requirement for representative democracy, remains the only legitimate instrument for leadership turnover. It is a core aspect that requires the active involvement of citizens. However, beyond elections, the flowering of democratic practice depends largely on the active participation of the people through different forms of political activities such as in the electoral process. One of the areas in which this active participation of the people has been enhanced, world over, is in the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) platforms. Being an instrument of political socialisation and means of political education, ICTs have galvanised massive citizen awareness and enhanced liberal values of individualism. In Nigeria, however, ICTs use have met with mixed successes. With focus on the 2015 general elections, the paper empirically appraises the use of ICTs platforms by the Independent National Electoral Commission, political parties, the media and accredited election observers as major stakeholders in the
electoral process. It determines and compares the utility of the ICTs platforms, especially the social media and web pages, as used by these stakeholders in carrying out their duties, and the impact of such platforms on performance, credibility and the overall conduct of the elections. The paper also explores
prospects ahead of future elections.

In every multi-ethnic society (Nigeria inclusive) fear of domination, marginalization, subjugation and denial of rights, particularly those of the minorities has often led to agitations against obnoxious powers of the majority groups among others, have its commonplace, but pervasive in the case of Nigeria’s federalism. Successive Nigerian Governments have tried to practice federalism that will promote equity and minorities’ rights, but they have failed to practice this doctrine as stipulated in the constitution, thereby raising the question of minority marginalization in Nigeria. However, marginalization of the minority groups has been the cause of agitations through violent militancy in recent time; and that unless the government practice federalism as enshrined in the constitution and properly engages the contending issues of resource control, power sharing, equal rights and accountability, the country will face minority agitations of increasing and dangerous proportions. The paper therefore examines federalism, its challenges and minority agitations for equity and development in Nigeria and proffers suggestions that can enhance protection of minorities’ rights and the practice of true federalism in Nigeria.

Keywords: Agitations, Federalism, Marginalisation Question, Minority and South-South

Political participation is a voluntary act which encompasses wide range of political activities, including voting at election, contesting for political and party offices, attending political rallies, joining political parties and many more. Although, these political activities are considered to be "free zone" to all qualified citizens, especially in liberal democracies irrespective of disparities in wealth, education and gender, experiences in African countries generally and Nigeria in particular show that certain cultural values have systematically over the years impeded female gender from participating in politics, at least to a certain degree which to some extent tend to re-define the tenets of participatory democracy. With convincing data, the paper unveils the extent these cultural values have impeded the female folks from participating in politics in Nigeria and proposes alternative suggestions. 

Keywords: Participation, politics, election, gender and political parties

The paper draws an interlocking relationship between political leadership and development and concludes that,
while leadership had played tremendous role in the socio-political and economic development of most nations of
the world, the reverse is the case in Nigeria. Apart from identifying other social vices that accounted for the
protracted state of Nigeria’s underdevelopment, the paper also singles out corruption as the major impediment to
Nigeria’s quest for development since independence. Drawing from the World Bank, Transparency International
and highly knowledgeable scholars in this field, the paper demonstrates the process through which Nigerian
political leadership became ‘neck-deep’ in corruption with several cases of monumental diversion of public
funds meant for the economic development of the country into individual pockets. The multi-dimensional
consequences of corrupt practices on a nation’s socio-political and economic development cannot be
overemphasised, as virtually all sectors of the country, including education, health, agriculture, politics,
technology, e.t.c, are negatively affected, with the resultant outcome like extreme poverty, high level of illiteracy,
economic dependency, technological backwardness, political instability, e.t.c, as the order of the day. Nigeria’s
situation typifies the above as shown in the paper.

Keywords: political leadership, corruption, poverty, development, politics

The local councils can hardly be developmental, just as they are practically tied to the apron strings of the state
by the constitution. They are in fact political structures that have increasingly become sad and forceful reminders
of the systematic disempowerment that has become the lot of the grassroots in Nigeria. This paper examined the
utility of the local government autonomy as a vehicle for redressing the overbearing powers of the state
governments over local governments’ affairs in Nigeria. The paper contended that the growing demand for an
autonomous local government system holds great promise in this direction in that, it will help to strengthen the
powers of local governments and make them focus on grassroots politics than being a stooge to the state; a
situation which was driven by long period of state governments tricks to ensure that the third tier government
remains under their apron strings. The paper further argued that, in spite of the useful potentials of local
government autonomy, the need to check against the inordinate usurpation of powers of local governments by
state governments demands a multi-faceted approach in its implementation as it affects both tiers of governments
in Nigeria. To this end, the paper suggested additional ways of facilitating the achievement of this objective.

This study appraised the effect of Nigeria’s ethnic, religious and cultural cleavages on prevailing level of insecurity and examined the dispute between levels/units of government over control of the police as well as its possible influence on the level of insecurity in Nigeria. It also ascertained the effectiveness of a centralised system of policing in Nigeria’s federal structure and determined the prospects of a noncentralised policing system within the prevalent nature of the Nigerian society. These were with a view to providing information on areas of reforms within the police that would enhance law and order maintenance and crime fighting in Nigeria.

The study used primary and secondary sources of data collection. The Nigerian federal structure was stratified along six geo-political zones, but following military operations against insurgency in the North East, the zone was excluded. From the remaining five, South West, South South and North Central zones were selected using simple random sampling technique; Oyo, Rivers and Plateau States were respectively selected also using simple random sampling technique. The state capitals were selected for the study. Primary data were generated through conduct of in-depth interview of 20 respondents selected from the three states. The locations were chosen on the basis of geo-political spread; availability of centres and departments with a pool of scholars in the area of federalism and policing, as well as senior security personnel. The respondents included three senior academics each from the Peace and Conflict Studies programme of the University of Ibadan, Department of Political Science and Administrative Studies of the University of Port Harcourt, and the National Institute for Policy and Strategic Studies, Kuru, Jos. Five serving or retired senior security officials and six relevant past and present political office holders across levels of government were purposively selected from the nation’s pool of security personnel and political actors for interview. Tape recorder device was used with note-taking as back-up during the interview. Secondary data were sourced from books, journals, newspapers, periodicals, seminar and conference papers as well as published and unpublished theses. Data
collected were analysed using content analysis.

The results showed that the politicisation of Nigeria’s ethnic, religious and cultural cleavages contributed to the level of insecurity. The results also revealed that disputes between levels/units of government over the control of the police were caused by personalisation of offices by political office holders, resulting in controversies that heated up the polity, thereby exacerbating insecurity in Nigeria. The results further showed that a centralised system of policing had not been effective in Nigeria due mainly to factors internal and external to the police and less on ownership. Finally, the results affirmed that a noncentralised policing system would be unsuitable within the prevalent nature of the Nigerian society because of political, economic, operational, psycho-social and societal factors.

The study concluded that adherence to policing ethics and depoliticisation of police operations would enhance law and order maintenance and crime fighting in Nigeria.

Political parties play pivotal role in democracy. Indeed, political parties provide the platform for the elites to present themselves for political position in the governing of the polity. The essence of the government is to implement policies aimed at promoting the interest and the welfare of the people. Thus, political parties design programmes and policies purposively intended for the realisation of the desires of the people. Inputs from political parties as agents of political mobilization in the political process provide windows of opportunities for the political system to function in shaping the direction of the policies of the government. In other words, political parties are institution necessary for the promotion of good governance. To what extent has the Nigerian polity benefitted from the activities of political parties? In what ways have political parties shape the direction of government policies toward good governance? Do political parties in Nigeria possess the characters of institutions positioned capable of influencing government policies? Data gather through case study method shows that Nigerian political parties, because of their composition, origin and the environment they operate lack the capacity to institutionalize the culture of accountability in governance. Using disunified elite theory, this paper argues that political elites use political parties as the platforms for the realisation of their personal interests at the expense of the state. Divisive politics and the culture of impunity have stifled the strengths of the political parties to emerge as institutions of good governance. The paper suggests a reorientation of political practice in the Nigerian presidential system.