cigdem ustun
Çiğdem Üstün graduated with honors from the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at Bilkent University and completed her master's degree in European Studies and International Relations at the University of East Anglia in the United Kingdom. Her doctoral thesis on the comparison of EU and Turkish security cultures was published by I.B. Tauris in 2010, based on her research at the University of Limerick in Ireland.
She holds an associate professorship in European Studies. Her areas of interest include European integration, enlargement, EU-Turkey relations, Turkish foreign policy, and EU Neighborhood Policies. Currently serving as a faculty member in the Department of International Relations at Istanbul Nişantaşı University, Üstün has also been a visiting researcher at the University of Limerick, University of Catania, and University of Cambridge.
She is a member of the Turkey International Relations Council (UİK), Development, Migration and Social Policies Association (DEMIS), and E-TEAM. In 2019, she joined the editorial board of the International Relations (SSCI) journal as an associate editor. She has published numerous articles, books, book chapters, and opinion pieces in her areas of expertise, which have appeared on platforms like GMF US On Turkey Series, Australian Institute of International Affairs, and E-ir. In 2024, she undertook the editorship of a special issue on the "Future of Europe: Reflections from Turkey" in the Ankara Journal of European Studies.
She has worked on a series of projects supported by programs such as the Civil Society Dialogue between the EU and Turkey, the 7th Framework Program, H2020, the Pre-Accession Financial Assistance Information and Communication Program, and the Civil Think Program.
She holds an associate professorship in European Studies. Her areas of interest include European integration, enlargement, EU-Turkey relations, Turkish foreign policy, and EU Neighborhood Policies. Currently serving as a faculty member in the Department of International Relations at Istanbul Nişantaşı University, Üstün has also been a visiting researcher at the University of Limerick, University of Catania, and University of Cambridge.
She is a member of the Turkey International Relations Council (UİK), Development, Migration and Social Policies Association (DEMIS), and E-TEAM. In 2019, she joined the editorial board of the International Relations (SSCI) journal as an associate editor. She has published numerous articles, books, book chapters, and opinion pieces in her areas of expertise, which have appeared on platforms like GMF US On Turkey Series, Australian Institute of International Affairs, and E-ir. In 2024, she undertook the editorship of a special issue on the "Future of Europe: Reflections from Turkey" in the Ankara Journal of European Studies.
She has worked on a series of projects supported by programs such as the Civil Society Dialogue between the EU and Turkey, the 7th Framework Program, H2020, the Pre-Accession Financial Assistance Information and Communication Program, and the Civil Think Program.
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https://ircong.nisantasi.edu.tr/call-for-papers/
Europe. It was said that “EU governments only seem able to agree on outsourcing responsibility and insourcing misery” in relation to migration policies just before the Summit of June 2018 (Human Rights Watch, 2018). Due to the Syrian War, there are 6.6 million internally displaced persons and over 5.5 million people have fled the country since 2011, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2018). In 2016, there were almost 750,000 asylum seekers in Germany and, in 2017, this number went down to almost 300,000 (Eurostat, 2017). Other EU countries accepted a far smaller number of applicants in the same years. Along with these, the EU has been putting a lot of effort into externalisation and
securitisation as part of its external immigration policies, casting a cloud on its valuedriven normative actorness.
On the domestic front, the lack of consistency in integration policies among the Member States thickened this cloud. The EU’s distinct ability to be a normative actor in its neighbourhood and in global politics has been debated widely in the literature. Starting from this premise, this paper aims to answer the question of whether the EU can be defined as a normative actor when it comes to its immigration policies. The paper will assess the normative actorness of the EU in the light of migration and
asylum policies in the last two decades and the effects of its reaction to the large scale arrival of migrants and asylum seekers from 2015 on. The first part of the paper starts by asking about the meaning of being a normative actor and provides some debate on the normative actorness of the EU. In the second part, the paper dwells upon the policies that the EU adopted both at the domestic and external levels. This part discusses externalisation, securitisation, consistency and credibility, followed by
answers to the question of whether the non-EU countries see the EU as an
international actor with a high impact factor, promoting norms and values or not. The paper concludes by providing three concrete policy suggestions to be followed if the EU should be perceived as a normative value-driven actor.
yıllarda siyasi arenada gerginliklere sahne olmuş, söylemler sertleşmiş,
seçimler, referandumlar gibi iç siyasetin çok hararetli olduğu
dönemlerde bu ülkeler ile ilişkiler Türkiye’de, Türkiye de bu ülkelerde
konu olmuştur. Özellikle Almanya ve Hollanda’da yaşayan Türk asıllı
vatandaşlar bu gerginliklerden etkilenmişlerdir. Diğer yandan, bu
ülkeler Türkiye’nin AB içerisinde önemli ticaret ortaklarıdır ve
2017’de Türkiye’nin en çok ticaret yaptığı ilk 20 ülke arasındadır
(TÜİK, Yıllara göre dış ticaret, 1923-2017, 2017). İhracat
rakamlarında birinci sırada Almanya 15.118.909,842 (Bin ABD $),
ikinci sırada İngiltere 9.603.188,772 (Bin ABD $), yedinci sırada
Fransa 6.584.199,173 (Bin ABD $) ve dokuzuncu sırada Hollanda
3.864.485,686 (Bin ABD $) yer almaktadır (TÜİK, Ülkelere göre yıllık
ihracat (en çok ihracat yapılan 20 ülke), 2017). Hem siyasi
gerginliklerin çok olması hem de ticari ilişkilerin önemine istinaden,
bu çalışmada bu dört ülke ile Türkiye arasındaki ticari ilişkiler 2014-
2017 yılları arasında TÜİK’in yayınlamış olduğu ülkelere göre ihracat
ve ithalat verilerine dayanılarak incelenmektedir. Bu çalışma, bu
incelemenin yanı sıra AB ile ilişkilerin daha iyi bir seviyeye
çekilebilmesi için ticari ve ekonomik ilişkilerin baz alınarak, Gümrük
Birliği’nin güncellenmesi tartışmalarına değinmektedir.
in the wider Black Sea area and the Middle East region, brought back the question of rivalry between the two states. Arab uprisings, the Ukrainian crisis, changing governments
in the southern Mediterranean countries, civil war in Syria, a growing number of migrants from the region heading to the EU countries, and the downing of a Russian warplane,
made it possible for the ghosts of the past to reappear - not only in the relations between Turkey and Russia, but in the whole region.
https://ircong.nisantasi.edu.tr/call-for-papers/
Europe. It was said that “EU governments only seem able to agree on outsourcing responsibility and insourcing misery” in relation to migration policies just before the Summit of June 2018 (Human Rights Watch, 2018). Due to the Syrian War, there are 6.6 million internally displaced persons and over 5.5 million people have fled the country since 2011, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR, 2018). In 2016, there were almost 750,000 asylum seekers in Germany and, in 2017, this number went down to almost 300,000 (Eurostat, 2017). Other EU countries accepted a far smaller number of applicants in the same years. Along with these, the EU has been putting a lot of effort into externalisation and
securitisation as part of its external immigration policies, casting a cloud on its valuedriven normative actorness.
On the domestic front, the lack of consistency in integration policies among the Member States thickened this cloud. The EU’s distinct ability to be a normative actor in its neighbourhood and in global politics has been debated widely in the literature. Starting from this premise, this paper aims to answer the question of whether the EU can be defined as a normative actor when it comes to its immigration policies. The paper will assess the normative actorness of the EU in the light of migration and
asylum policies in the last two decades and the effects of its reaction to the large scale arrival of migrants and asylum seekers from 2015 on. The first part of the paper starts by asking about the meaning of being a normative actor and provides some debate on the normative actorness of the EU. In the second part, the paper dwells upon the policies that the EU adopted both at the domestic and external levels. This part discusses externalisation, securitisation, consistency and credibility, followed by
answers to the question of whether the non-EU countries see the EU as an
international actor with a high impact factor, promoting norms and values or not. The paper concludes by providing three concrete policy suggestions to be followed if the EU should be perceived as a normative value-driven actor.
yıllarda siyasi arenada gerginliklere sahne olmuş, söylemler sertleşmiş,
seçimler, referandumlar gibi iç siyasetin çok hararetli olduğu
dönemlerde bu ülkeler ile ilişkiler Türkiye’de, Türkiye de bu ülkelerde
konu olmuştur. Özellikle Almanya ve Hollanda’da yaşayan Türk asıllı
vatandaşlar bu gerginliklerden etkilenmişlerdir. Diğer yandan, bu
ülkeler Türkiye’nin AB içerisinde önemli ticaret ortaklarıdır ve
2017’de Türkiye’nin en çok ticaret yaptığı ilk 20 ülke arasındadır
(TÜİK, Yıllara göre dış ticaret, 1923-2017, 2017). İhracat
rakamlarında birinci sırada Almanya 15.118.909,842 (Bin ABD $),
ikinci sırada İngiltere 9.603.188,772 (Bin ABD $), yedinci sırada
Fransa 6.584.199,173 (Bin ABD $) ve dokuzuncu sırada Hollanda
3.864.485,686 (Bin ABD $) yer almaktadır (TÜİK, Ülkelere göre yıllık
ihracat (en çok ihracat yapılan 20 ülke), 2017). Hem siyasi
gerginliklerin çok olması hem de ticari ilişkilerin önemine istinaden,
bu çalışmada bu dört ülke ile Türkiye arasındaki ticari ilişkiler 2014-
2017 yılları arasında TÜİK’in yayınlamış olduğu ülkelere göre ihracat
ve ithalat verilerine dayanılarak incelenmektedir. Bu çalışma, bu
incelemenin yanı sıra AB ile ilişkilerin daha iyi bir seviyeye
çekilebilmesi için ticari ve ekonomik ilişkilerin baz alınarak, Gümrük
Birliği’nin güncellenmesi tartışmalarına değinmektedir.
in the wider Black Sea area and the Middle East region, brought back the question of rivalry between the two states. Arab uprisings, the Ukrainian crisis, changing governments
in the southern Mediterranean countries, civil war in Syria, a growing number of migrants from the region heading to the EU countries, and the downing of a Russian warplane,
made it possible for the ghosts of the past to reappear - not only in the relations between Turkey and Russia, but in the whole region.