Books by Christopher Baron

The first work of its kind, this three-volume set offers students and faculty of all levels an ea... more The first work of its kind, this three-volume set offers students and faculty of all levels an easy-to-use, up-to-date reference tool on Herodotus of Halicarnassus (the “Father of History”) and provides Herodotean scholars with a collection of important strands of recent work. Topics include the debt of Greek historical writing to epic poetry (and other genres); narratological analysis of the text; Herodotus’ position vis-à-vis his predecessors and contemporaries; his use of sources; his notion of Greekness; and the growing body of Persian and other Near Eastern evidence for sixth- and fifth century events.
Spanning three volumes, The Herodotus Encyclopedia surveys the current state of knowledge and understanding of Herodotus’ work, and discusses past, current, and emerging approaches to the text. Featuring contributions from an international team of more than 150 scholars, it offers more than 2,500 entries which cover the individuals, peoples, and places Herodotus names in his Histories; the composition and central themes in his work; and the historical, social, intellectual, and literary context of the period. Many entries also explore the text’s scholarship and reception from antiquity up to the present day.
Cassius Dio and the Late Roman Republic (Brill), 2019
Cassius Dio’s Roman History is an essential, yet still undervalued, source for modern historians ... more Cassius Dio’s Roman History is an essential, yet still undervalued, source for modern historians of the late Roman Republic. The papers in this volume show how his account can be used to gain new perspectives on such topics as the memory of the conspirator Catiline, debates over leadership in Rome, and the nature of alliance formation in civil war.
Contributors also establish Dio as fully in command of his narrative, shaping it to suit his own interests as a senator, a political theorist, and, above all, a historian. Sophisticated use of chronology, manipulation of annalistic form, and engagement with Thucydides are just some of the ways Dio engages with the rich tradition of Greco-Roman historiography to advance his own interpretations.
Timaeus of Tauromenium (350–260 BC) wrote the authoritative account of the Greeks in the Western ... more Timaeus of Tauromenium (350–260 BC) wrote the authoritative account of the Greeks in the Western Mediterranean. Like almost all the Hellenistic historians, his work survives only in fragments. Beyond an up-to-date treatment of this important author, this book shows that both the nature of the evidence and modern assumptions about historical writing in the Hellenistic period have skewed our treatment and judgement of lost historians. For Timaeus, much of our evidence is preserved in the polemical context of Polybius' Book 12. When we move outside that framework and examine the fragments of Timaeus in their proper context, we gain a greater appreciation for his method and his achievement, including his use of polemical invective and his composition of speeches. This examination of Timaeus also conveys a broader impression of the major lines of Hellenistic historiography.
Articles by Christopher Baron
American Journal of Philology, 2024
Alexander's announcement that he was discharging those soldiers whom he considered no longer fit ... more Alexander's announcement that he was discharging those soldiers whom he considered no longer fit for service led to the "mutiny at Opis" (324 BCE). According to the manuscripts of Arrian's *Anabasis*, Alexander also said that he would richly reward those soldiers who were to remain in Asia (μένουσιν, 7.8.1). However, scholars have questioned this reading, and many editions emend the text here. The issue raises significant questions about the actions of Alexander and his Macedonian troops. I aim to show that there is no need for emendation, and that the manuscript reading ("those who stay") is most likely correct. In addition, it reveals both a sophisticated intertextual allusion and a nuanced reading of the historical situation on Arrian's part.
Studies in Contemporary Historiography (Histos Supplement 15), 2023
Though the idea of ‘eyewitness history’ held a central importance from the
beginning, Greek histo... more Though the idea of ‘eyewitness history’ held a central importance from the
beginning, Greek historical writing did not typically feature the explicit citation of evidence provided by an eyewitness to an event. Rather, the Greek historians utilised a narrative style which elided any conceptual distance between the reader and the action. This narrative fiction raises the possibility of a different meaning for ‘eyewitness history’, one that shifts emphasis from the sources to the audience. In this essay, I examine three passages containing direct speech found in Herodotus and Thucydides which stand out from their surroundings in various ways. I suggest that the notion of ‘eyewitness history’ in its more reader-orientated sense may help explain the uncommon nature of these brief dialogues.
Brill's Companion to Cassius Dio, eds. Jesper Madsen and Andrew Scott, 2023
Cassius Dio the Historian: Methods and Approaches, 2021

Societies at War (eds. Kai Ruffing, Kerstin Dross-Krüpe, Sebastian Fink, Robert Rollinger), 2020
Between late April and mid-July in the year 330 BCE, Alexander along with a small portion of his ... more Between late April and mid-July in the year 330 BCE, Alexander along with a small portion of his army covered nearly 1500 km in pursuit of the defeated Persian king Darius III. 1 The journey began in Persepolis, with the full Macedonian army marching north toward Ecbatana. But as news reached Alexander of developments in Darius' position, he quickened his pace, shedding parts of his army that would slow him down. By the time he overtook the remnants of the Persian forces somewhere in Parthia and discovered that Darius had been murdered, Alexander was accompanied by just 500 mounted soldiers. Alexander has often received praise not just for his genius as a military commander, but more specifically for his ability to solve the daunting logistical problems of supply and communication which confronted the conqueror of the Persian Empire. 2 The details of his solutions, however, are difficult to pin down. It is not quite the case that our extant literary sources ignore the problem-almost every page of Arrian's account, at least, contains references to messengers arriving or leaving, instructions being sent, or news traveling. But those superficial notices are almost always the extent of it. Despite their interest in warfare, in-depth and comprehensive analysis of military operations does not constitute a regular feature of the narratives written by the Greek historians. This is true even for a military man such as Arrian was. At the same time, the extant accounts of Alexander's campaign provide a wealth of material that allows a glimpse into the workings of the communications of an invading army. Some brief treatments of the topic
Cassius Dio and the Late Roman Republic, eds. J. Osgood and C. Baron, 2019
Sources et modèles des historiens anciens, eds. O. Devillers and B.B. Sebastiani, 2018

Polybius and His Legacy, eds. N. Miltsios and M. Tamiolaki, 2018
Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book ... more Our two major sources for the outbreak of the Second Punic War are Polybius Book 3 and Livy Book 21. Livy’s later books clearly show that he had read Polybius, and recent scholarship (especially from David Levene) has demonstrated that Livy used Polybius as a source and intertext already in Book 21. If so, the opening chapters of those books provide an excellent opportunity to illuminate and compare the two historians’ methods– their choices concerning selection of material, arrangement, commentary, tone, portrayal of character and scenes, etc. Before introducing the comparison with Livy, I focus on Polybius’ text and one of the most notorious difficulties with his account of the outbreak of the Second Punic War, the role of the Ebro River agreement. I argue that the solution to this apparent problem is to consider 3.6-33 as a narrative and argumentative arc, crafted by the historian, in which he introduces the second-century Roman claims about the causes of the war only to undermine them, gradually bringing the reader to see their weaknesses. I then turn to a comparison of this unit in Polybius with its corresponding section of Livy (21.1-19), in order to reveal some of the effects Livy produces by his selection, arrangement, and emphasis of the material. At the same time, I also demonstrate that Polybius’ account is just as consciously crafted by its author.

Diodoros of Sicily: Historiographical Theory and Practice in the 'Bibliotheke', eds. L.I. Hau, A. Meeus, B. Sheridan, 2018
Given his statements in the preface to Book XX, it is surprising that Diodoros includes a long, d... more Given his statements in the preface to Book XX, it is surprising that Diodoros includes a long, direct speech from the otherwise unknown Theodoros of Syracuse in Book XIV – especially since Theodoros fails to rouse the Syracusans to action against the tyrant Dionysios. I argue that, in addition to the moral overtones highlighted for speeches in general by Sacks and Hau, there are two reasons for its presence in Diodoros’ work: it marks a key historical juncture, and it illustrates a larger pattern of Sicilian history, recurrent domination by tyrants. Close attention to Diodoros’ selection and placement of direct speeches, the language with which he describes the aftermath of Theodoros’ oration and its relation to his comments in Book XX, and the narratological concept of ‘sideshadowing’ help elucidate his use of direct discourse as an historiographical tool.
Histos Supplement 6, 2017
This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of
the third-century BC author Dur... more This paper offers a brief investigation of what the fragments of
the third-century BC author Duris of Samos reveal about the
relationship between comedy and history. I argue that his citations of
comic poetry match his stated concern for vividness in historical
narrative. I also consider the light shed on Greek historical writing in
the fourth and third centuries by Duris’ practice of using comedy as
historical evidence. Given his interest in multiple genres and his
connection to the Peripatetics, it would not be surprising if Duris turned
to comedy more frequently than his predecessors had done.
Brill's Companion to the Reception of Herodotus in Antiquity and Beyond, eds. J. Priestley and V. Zali, Brill (2016), 59-82

Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdi... more Between 1906 and 1909 the biologist Ronald Ross and the classicist W.H.S. Jones pioneered interdisciplinary research in biology and history in advancing the claim that malaria had been crucial in the decline of golden-age Greece (fourth century BCE). The idea had originated with Ross, winner of the Nobel Prize for demonstrating the importance of mosquitoes in the spread of the disease. Jones assembled what, today, we would call an interdisciplinary network of collaborators in the sciences and humanities. But early negative reviews of Jones’s Malaria and Greek History (1909) by classicists and historians ended the project, despite a positive reception among malariologists. Today, the ‘‘Jones hypothesis’’ is often used to exemplify the naïvete of past scholarship, and few examine Jones’s evidence and reasoning. In this age of renewed interdisciplinarity, a review of what went wrong is timely. Jones and Ross knew they were opening new methodological territory and struggled with the challenges of multiple ways of knowing. Over 100 years later, malaria remains an important site of historical-biological research, yet integration is elusive. After reviewing the Jones-Ross relationship, Jones’s inter-disciplinary campaign, and the reception of the hypothesis among classicists/ancient historians and in malariology, we conclude by highlighting some of the specific challenges faced by those exploring the interface of biology and history.
Ancient World 45.1, 3-17, Jun 2014
Brill's New Jacoby, ed. I. Worthington (Brill Online), Apr 1, 2014
Oxford Bibliographies in Classics, Ed. Dee Clayman, Oct 29, 2013
Greek, Roman, and Byzantine …, Jan 1, 2011

Ancient Society, Jan 1, 2009
Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ sco... more Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ scorn. Scholars have occasionally studied his specific attacks on Timaios but have tended to concern themselves with the question of whether the critique is justified. But since Timaios survives largely through the lens of Polybios, and Polybios uses Timaios for a very specific purpose—to show how not to do history—an important matter for investigation is the methodological one of how we should go about using this evidence. An analysis of Polybius’ treatment of Timaios in Book XII, when compared to his statements elsewhere in the Histories, highlights the distorting effect of Polybius’ polemic on the evidence for Timaios’ historiography. It also reveals that, despite his lengthy complaints, Polybius himself provides evidence that Timaios was a respected and successful historian as well as a careful and diligent researcher. My findings help bring out the methodological dangers inherent in the study of the fragmentary historians.
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Books by Christopher Baron
Spanning three volumes, The Herodotus Encyclopedia surveys the current state of knowledge and understanding of Herodotus’ work, and discusses past, current, and emerging approaches to the text. Featuring contributions from an international team of more than 150 scholars, it offers more than 2,500 entries which cover the individuals, peoples, and places Herodotus names in his Histories; the composition and central themes in his work; and the historical, social, intellectual, and literary context of the period. Many entries also explore the text’s scholarship and reception from antiquity up to the present day.
Contributors also establish Dio as fully in command of his narrative, shaping it to suit his own interests as a senator, a political theorist, and, above all, a historian. Sophisticated use of chronology, manipulation of annalistic form, and engagement with Thucydides are just some of the ways Dio engages with the rich tradition of Greco-Roman historiography to advance his own interpretations.
Articles by Christopher Baron
beginning, Greek historical writing did not typically feature the explicit citation of evidence provided by an eyewitness to an event. Rather, the Greek historians utilised a narrative style which elided any conceptual distance between the reader and the action. This narrative fiction raises the possibility of a different meaning for ‘eyewitness history’, one that shifts emphasis from the sources to the audience. In this essay, I examine three passages containing direct speech found in Herodotus and Thucydides which stand out from their surroundings in various ways. I suggest that the notion of ‘eyewitness history’ in its more reader-orientated sense may help explain the uncommon nature of these brief dialogues.
the third-century BC author Duris of Samos reveal about the
relationship between comedy and history. I argue that his citations of
comic poetry match his stated concern for vividness in historical
narrative. I also consider the light shed on Greek historical writing in
the fourth and third centuries by Duris’ practice of using comedy as
historical evidence. Given his interest in multiple genres and his
connection to the Peripatetics, it would not be surprising if Duris turned
to comedy more frequently than his predecessors had done.
Spanning three volumes, The Herodotus Encyclopedia surveys the current state of knowledge and understanding of Herodotus’ work, and discusses past, current, and emerging approaches to the text. Featuring contributions from an international team of more than 150 scholars, it offers more than 2,500 entries which cover the individuals, peoples, and places Herodotus names in his Histories; the composition and central themes in his work; and the historical, social, intellectual, and literary context of the period. Many entries also explore the text’s scholarship and reception from antiquity up to the present day.
Contributors also establish Dio as fully in command of his narrative, shaping it to suit his own interests as a senator, a political theorist, and, above all, a historian. Sophisticated use of chronology, manipulation of annalistic form, and engagement with Thucydides are just some of the ways Dio engages with the rich tradition of Greco-Roman historiography to advance his own interpretations.
beginning, Greek historical writing did not typically feature the explicit citation of evidence provided by an eyewitness to an event. Rather, the Greek historians utilised a narrative style which elided any conceptual distance between the reader and the action. This narrative fiction raises the possibility of a different meaning for ‘eyewitness history’, one that shifts emphasis from the sources to the audience. In this essay, I examine three passages containing direct speech found in Herodotus and Thucydides which stand out from their surroundings in various ways. I suggest that the notion of ‘eyewitness history’ in its more reader-orientated sense may help explain the uncommon nature of these brief dialogues.
the third-century BC author Duris of Samos reveal about the
relationship between comedy and history. I argue that his citations of
comic poetry match his stated concern for vividness in historical
narrative. I also consider the light shed on Greek historical writing in
the fourth and third centuries by Duris’ practice of using comedy as
historical evidence. Given his interest in multiple genres and his
connection to the Peripatetics, it would not be surprising if Duris turned
to comedy more frequently than his predecessors had done.
Fisciano-Salerno, 10–12 dicembre 2008, 2 vols. (La Parola del Passato vol. 1 (LXVIII): fasc. 388–93, and vol. 2 (LXIX): fasc. 394–9).