Summary In this article, I examine relative uses of Polish że, which is normally regarded as a ‘t... more Summary In this article, I examine relative uses of Polish że, which is normally regarded as a ‘that’-type complementizer. As is shown with corpus data, że is in some contexts used as a non-canonical relativizer in colloquial spoken language, a use which may be seen as a relic function reflecting the historical origin of the subordinator. Crucially, I argue that contemporary relative uses of że are restricted to a specific functional variety, i. e. the presentational relative construction, as developed by, among others, Lambrecht (1988a, 1988b), Duffield et al. (2010), and Murelli (2011). Additional issues that will be addressed are the varying degrees of clausal integration and the rather fluid continuum of the very functions performed by że: its relative uses, general subordinator uses, że marking elaboration/reformulation, as well as the relativization/complementation contrast.
This article presents a corpus-based overview of strategies of direct quotation that employ two s... more This article presents a corpus-based overview of strategies of direct quotation that employ two similative demonstratives, tak ‘so’ and taki ‘such/like this’, in colloquial spoken Polish. It will be shown that the ways in which Polish tak and taki encode, respectively, manner and quality in exophoric, endophoric, and cataphoric uses are also reflected in their quotative uses. Further, special emphasis is placed on two verbless quotative strategies: (Conj) NP tak and (Conj) NP taki, to offer two grammaticalization-related accounts: one for tak and another for taki. As will be argued, (Conj) NP tak is a reduced clause (originally NP VERB tak), while (Conj) NP taki is a stacking of two independent quotative strategies: (Conj) NP on the one hand, and taki on the other. The study thus contributes to our understanding of how manner/quality expressions are recruited in clause-combining tasks involving the integration of direct quotes into speakers’ utterances.
Discourse Phenomena in Typological Perspective (edited by Alessandra Barotto and Simone Mattiola; Studies in Language Companion Series 227; John Benjamins), 2023
This chapter discusses a colloquial spoken use of the Polish subordinating conjunction że (lit. ‘... more This chapter discusses a colloquial spoken use of the Polish subordinating conjunction że (lit. ‘that’) as an elaboration marker. Mainly, we argue that że has a core meaning of elaboration spanning a continuum of context-dependent discourse slots. One extreme end of it sees the canonical complementizer tasks, the other one sees the elaboration marker uses operating on the plane of discourse and spoken dialogic interaction. Much of the chapter demonstrates the contrasts between the two types. Additionally, the Polish pattern is reviewed against a cross-linguistic background of elaboration markers in discourse/text as well as a more fine-grained overview of forms signalling both elaboration (in discourse) and complementation (in clause-combining syntax).
This paper discusses a colloquial variety of Polish relative clauses introduced by the uninflecte... more This paper discusses a colloquial variety of Polish relative clauses introduced by the uninflected relative marker co. Unlike previous accounts, the analysis concentrates on authentic spoken utterances marked by structural unintegration—a common feature of spontaneous spoken language. As is shown, co clauses in unplanned speech depart from the traditional perception of what function they perform and how they do it. The advantage of using corpus data is that they offer insight into a wider range of functions of co than previously reported. These functions include a weakly subordinating conjunction, a general discourse connective, and time-and place-reference conjunctions similar to English when and where. Additionally, some cases are ambiguous as to which of these functions co serves. The basic relativizing use of co is also revised and its description is enriched by an analysis of co clauses in spontaneous speech, in which several unintegration features were observed. They are in general related to the loose syntactic relationship of the head NP to the co clause. Specific features of unintegration include (i) co clauses as complete clauses with no gaps, (ii) idiosyncrasy and context-dependency of interpretation, (iii) nonmatching case forms and lack of required resumptive pronouns, (iv) preposition ellipsis, (v) long-distance relationship between the head and co clause, (vi) ambiguity in the semantic contribution of co clauses and of the marker co itself, and (vii) lack of a clearly specified nominal head.
From "Canonical and non-canonical structures in Polish (2018) Edited by Wojciech Guz and Bogdan Szymanek. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, pp. 71-96., 2018
abstract: The paper discusses the quotative dimension of the Polish complemen-tizer że. The focus... more abstract: The paper discusses the quotative dimension of the Polish complemen-tizer że. The focus is on direct speech reporting, where the quotative function of że may be dissociated from its complementizer use, thus pointing to a purely quotative reading. As is argued, że has roles to play in both direct and indirect speech reports, also appearing in a mixed type that may be conceived of as the middle ground between the two. The point of this study is to present this poly functionality. Specifically, apart from its canonical function of indirect speech quotative complementizer, że is shown to serve the functions of a quotative proper and direct speech quotative complementizer (an amalgam of the other two). Additionally, the quotative uses of że may overlap with its non-quotative clause linking tasks, i.e. of marking complementation, elaboration, and relativization. This functional overlap means also that że is capable of cumulative encoding of more than one of these functions. This additional dimension of the polyfunction-ality of że is also investigated.
From "Language Use and Linguistic Structure. Proceedings of the Olomouc Linguistics Colloquium 2016."
This study contrasts Polish który and co relative clauses in terms of the definiteness and specif... more This study contrasts Polish który and co relative clauses in terms of the definiteness and specificity of their relativized heads. As is shown with corpus data, co relatives are strongly associated with definite (especially demonstrative-headed) and specific NPs, while the majority of który relatives tend towards indefinites, half of which are also non-specific. Consequently, unlike wh-pronoun relatives, complementizer relatives exhibit restrictions such that the [-def] and/or [-spec] values (or their combinations) may be infelicitous in some contexts. Relative acceptability of sentence variants is compared by means of constructed examples, which complement the corpus material. The study also draws a parallel between nominal (in)definiteness and clausal (ir)realis mood in that prototypical co relatives involve definite specific NPs grounded in the context of actual (realis) events, rather than irrealis events.
This paper discusses the problem of resumptive pronouns in Polish object relative clauses introdu... more This paper discusses the problem of resumptive pronouns in Polish object relative clauses introduced by the relative marker co. It does so through the use of corpus data, thus contributing to previous literature, which has been largely based on introspection. In the literature, different accounts vary significantly as to the basic question of when the resumptive pronoun is expected. The present study addresses this matter by means of qualitative and quantitative analysis of conversational spoken Polish—the language variety in which co relatives typically occur. As is shown, the relatives are used in two broad configurations—unmarked (with null resumptives and inanimate referents) and marked (with overt resumptives and human referents). Both scenarios are linked to distinct strategies of case recovery. The presence of the pronoun itself is one such strategy. In contrast, the omission of the pronoun is often accompanied by case-matching effects that facilitate the omission. Another typical property of co relatives is their preference for encoding definiteness of referents, whereby który clauses tend to signal indefiniteness. This is evidenced by the frequent cooccurrence of co clauses with head-internal demonstratives. Interestingly, these head-internal demonstratives can also render resumptive pronouns unnecessary, thus constituting another factor relevant in resumption.
The paper examines syntactic features of non-canonical relativization in spoken Polish that loose... more The paper examines syntactic features of non-canonical relativization in spoken Polish that loosen the structural integration of two types of relative clauses – one introduced by the complementizer co, the other by the wh-pronoun który. The resulting unintegration holds between the head NP and the co/który clause and contrasts with the integrated structure of canonical relatives. I discuss the range of unintegration features observed for both types in corpus data and indicate the distinct quantitative extents to which the two types are un-integrated. Although the nature of spontaneous conversation is such that it imposes some loosening of structural cohesion in both types, co clauses (especially non-subject relative clauses) are far more frequently unintegrated than który clauses. Also, co clauses depart functionally from the canonical relative structure in that the complementizer co serves functions other than that of a straightforward relativizer, namely it has conjunction-like uses (temporal, spatial, and general conjunction), indicating an expansion of the categorial status of co. Th e observed unintegration of Polish conversational relatives is in line with previous analyses of the syntax of unplanned speech (e.g. Miller and Weinert 1998).
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza dwóch typów zdań względnych w mówionym ję-zyku polskim – tj. wprowadzanych przez zaimek względny któr-y oraz przez nieodmienny relator co. Głównym obszarem zainteresowania są niekanoniczne konstrukcje, w których obserwuje się rozluźnioną integrację akomodacyjną pomiędzy grupą rzeczownikową a zdaniem względnym. Dla obu wskaźników zespolenia (który i co), tekst omawia poszcze-gólne typy cech formalnych, które powodują taką niezintegrowaną strukturę. Analiza da-nych korpusowych pozwala również na ilościowe określenie stopnia dezintegracji w obu typach zdań. Mimo że spontaniczny język mówiony wymusza pewną dozę dezintegracji w obu przypadkach, zdania względne z co (zwłaszcza te w funkcji innej niż podmiot) znacznie częściej charakteryzują się taką właśnie budową. Zdania z co odbiegają od kano-2 Wojciech Guz nicznej relatywizacji jeszcze w innym sensie: oprócz funkcji relativum generale, co może pełnić inne funkcje semantyczne, takie jak spójniki podrzędne miejsca i czasu (porówny-walne z gdzie i kiedy) lub spójnik ogólnego zastosowania. Tego rodzaju użycia wskazują na ekspansję statusu kategorialnego co. Zaobserwowane zjawiska pokrywają się z doniesie-niami innych autorów badających składnię spontanicznego języka mówionego (Miller and Weinert 1998). Słowa kluczowe spontaniczny język mówiony, luźna integracja składniowa, niekanoniczne zdania względne, nieodmienny relator, zaimek względny
Weinert & Miller (1996) suggest that English wh-clefts are a heterogeneous class in that they can... more Weinert & Miller (1996) suggest that English wh-clefts are a heterogeneous class in that they can have varied degrees of structural integration. Many such constructions depart structurally from the canonical wh-cleft which consists of a wh-clause, the copula, and a focus constituent, and in which all the three elements are brought together into a fully integrated utterance. In the types of wh-clefts displaying looser structure, their lack of syntactic integration has so far been related to such linguistic features as (a) omission of the copula, (b) non-canonical copular complementation, e.g. independent main clauses instead of standard infinitival phrases appearing in the focus constituent, (c) lack of a clearly identifiable copular complement, (d) the focusing effect of the wh-clause extending over several clauses (Weinert & Miller 1996; Koops & Ross-Hagebaum 2008; Hopper & Thompson 2008; Callies 2012). Although the disintegrating effect of these features has been observed, the extent of the phenomenon in modern English has not been properly established and other non-integration features have not been investigated. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to use corpus data to identify and examine such non-integration features and to investigate the extent – expressed quantitatively – to which these features are found in wh-clefts with the verb do in the wh-clause. The paper also points out the formulaic status of those wh-clauses which become disconnected from their focus phrases.
English adverbs are often classified according to the range of positions that are available to th... more English adverbs are often classified according to the range of positions that are available to them. One such group includes items which allegedly can only occupy the VP-final position. These are typically non-ly adverbs such as hard, well and fast. However, although counterexamples to this claim can be found in corpora, few attempts have been made to reconsider the distributional characteristics of these adverbs. This article therefore offers a corpus-based analysis of the adverb fast, whose preverbal occurrence has so far been largely ignored. The analysis seeks to establish the extent – expressed quantitatively – to which fast is found in this position. We also explore the typical contexts of preverbal fast and investigate factors which may be responsible for the variation between preverbal and postverbal positions. We show that the nature of these factors may be genre-related (section 3), lexico-grammatical (sections 4 and 5), syntactic (section 6), semantic (section 7) or pragmatic (section 8), and that adverb position may be determined by a combination of these factors.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 45(4), 461-485
This paper is a study of register variation as observed in the distribution and productivity of E... more This paper is a study of register variation as observed in the distribution and productivity of Eng-lish nominalizing suffixes. Little if anything is known from previous research about whether or not morphological structure beyond the nature of the rightmost affix is a conditioning factor in register variation. As a consequence, nominalizations ending in a particular affix, or virtually all nominalizations tend to be somewhat superficially treated as collectively more characteristic of one register than another. This study fills this research gap by showing that the suffixes exhibit preferences as to their occurrence in particular registers and that, in the case of the most common suffixes (-ness,-ity,-ion), the internal morphological make-up of their base forms may also significantly bear on their quantitative distributions. As regards morphological productivity, the suffixes will uncontroversially exhibit varied degrees of productivity. More interestingly, however, our analysis shows that the morphological constitution of the base form may still influence the probability of a new word coming into existence, and this probability will further be conditioned by register preferences.
Summary In this article, I examine relative uses of Polish że, which is normally regarded as a ‘t... more Summary In this article, I examine relative uses of Polish że, which is normally regarded as a ‘that’-type complementizer. As is shown with corpus data, że is in some contexts used as a non-canonical relativizer in colloquial spoken language, a use which may be seen as a relic function reflecting the historical origin of the subordinator. Crucially, I argue that contemporary relative uses of że are restricted to a specific functional variety, i. e. the presentational relative construction, as developed by, among others, Lambrecht (1988a, 1988b), Duffield et al. (2010), and Murelli (2011). Additional issues that will be addressed are the varying degrees of clausal integration and the rather fluid continuum of the very functions performed by że: its relative uses, general subordinator uses, że marking elaboration/reformulation, as well as the relativization/complementation contrast.
This article presents a corpus-based overview of strategies of direct quotation that employ two s... more This article presents a corpus-based overview of strategies of direct quotation that employ two similative demonstratives, tak ‘so’ and taki ‘such/like this’, in colloquial spoken Polish. It will be shown that the ways in which Polish tak and taki encode, respectively, manner and quality in exophoric, endophoric, and cataphoric uses are also reflected in their quotative uses. Further, special emphasis is placed on two verbless quotative strategies: (Conj) NP tak and (Conj) NP taki, to offer two grammaticalization-related accounts: one for tak and another for taki. As will be argued, (Conj) NP tak is a reduced clause (originally NP VERB tak), while (Conj) NP taki is a stacking of two independent quotative strategies: (Conj) NP on the one hand, and taki on the other. The study thus contributes to our understanding of how manner/quality expressions are recruited in clause-combining tasks involving the integration of direct quotes into speakers’ utterances.
Discourse Phenomena in Typological Perspective (edited by Alessandra Barotto and Simone Mattiola; Studies in Language Companion Series 227; John Benjamins), 2023
This chapter discusses a colloquial spoken use of the Polish subordinating conjunction że (lit. ‘... more This chapter discusses a colloquial spoken use of the Polish subordinating conjunction że (lit. ‘that’) as an elaboration marker. Mainly, we argue that że has a core meaning of elaboration spanning a continuum of context-dependent discourse slots. One extreme end of it sees the canonical complementizer tasks, the other one sees the elaboration marker uses operating on the plane of discourse and spoken dialogic interaction. Much of the chapter demonstrates the contrasts between the two types. Additionally, the Polish pattern is reviewed against a cross-linguistic background of elaboration markers in discourse/text as well as a more fine-grained overview of forms signalling both elaboration (in discourse) and complementation (in clause-combining syntax).
This paper discusses a colloquial variety of Polish relative clauses introduced by the uninflecte... more This paper discusses a colloquial variety of Polish relative clauses introduced by the uninflected relative marker co. Unlike previous accounts, the analysis concentrates on authentic spoken utterances marked by structural unintegration—a common feature of spontaneous spoken language. As is shown, co clauses in unplanned speech depart from the traditional perception of what function they perform and how they do it. The advantage of using corpus data is that they offer insight into a wider range of functions of co than previously reported. These functions include a weakly subordinating conjunction, a general discourse connective, and time-and place-reference conjunctions similar to English when and where. Additionally, some cases are ambiguous as to which of these functions co serves. The basic relativizing use of co is also revised and its description is enriched by an analysis of co clauses in spontaneous speech, in which several unintegration features were observed. They are in general related to the loose syntactic relationship of the head NP to the co clause. Specific features of unintegration include (i) co clauses as complete clauses with no gaps, (ii) idiosyncrasy and context-dependency of interpretation, (iii) nonmatching case forms and lack of required resumptive pronouns, (iv) preposition ellipsis, (v) long-distance relationship between the head and co clause, (vi) ambiguity in the semantic contribution of co clauses and of the marker co itself, and (vii) lack of a clearly specified nominal head.
From "Canonical and non-canonical structures in Polish (2018) Edited by Wojciech Guz and Bogdan Szymanek. Lublin: Wydawnictwo KUL, pp. 71-96., 2018
abstract: The paper discusses the quotative dimension of the Polish complemen-tizer że. The focus... more abstract: The paper discusses the quotative dimension of the Polish complemen-tizer że. The focus is on direct speech reporting, where the quotative function of że may be dissociated from its complementizer use, thus pointing to a purely quotative reading. As is argued, że has roles to play in both direct and indirect speech reports, also appearing in a mixed type that may be conceived of as the middle ground between the two. The point of this study is to present this poly functionality. Specifically, apart from its canonical function of indirect speech quotative complementizer, że is shown to serve the functions of a quotative proper and direct speech quotative complementizer (an amalgam of the other two). Additionally, the quotative uses of że may overlap with its non-quotative clause linking tasks, i.e. of marking complementation, elaboration, and relativization. This functional overlap means also that że is capable of cumulative encoding of more than one of these functions. This additional dimension of the polyfunction-ality of że is also investigated.
From "Language Use and Linguistic Structure. Proceedings of the Olomouc Linguistics Colloquium 2016."
This study contrasts Polish który and co relative clauses in terms of the definiteness and specif... more This study contrasts Polish który and co relative clauses in terms of the definiteness and specificity of their relativized heads. As is shown with corpus data, co relatives are strongly associated with definite (especially demonstrative-headed) and specific NPs, while the majority of który relatives tend towards indefinites, half of which are also non-specific. Consequently, unlike wh-pronoun relatives, complementizer relatives exhibit restrictions such that the [-def] and/or [-spec] values (or their combinations) may be infelicitous in some contexts. Relative acceptability of sentence variants is compared by means of constructed examples, which complement the corpus material. The study also draws a parallel between nominal (in)definiteness and clausal (ir)realis mood in that prototypical co relatives involve definite specific NPs grounded in the context of actual (realis) events, rather than irrealis events.
This paper discusses the problem of resumptive pronouns in Polish object relative clauses introdu... more This paper discusses the problem of resumptive pronouns in Polish object relative clauses introduced by the relative marker co. It does so through the use of corpus data, thus contributing to previous literature, which has been largely based on introspection. In the literature, different accounts vary significantly as to the basic question of when the resumptive pronoun is expected. The present study addresses this matter by means of qualitative and quantitative analysis of conversational spoken Polish—the language variety in which co relatives typically occur. As is shown, the relatives are used in two broad configurations—unmarked (with null resumptives and inanimate referents) and marked (with overt resumptives and human referents). Both scenarios are linked to distinct strategies of case recovery. The presence of the pronoun itself is one such strategy. In contrast, the omission of the pronoun is often accompanied by case-matching effects that facilitate the omission. Another typical property of co relatives is their preference for encoding definiteness of referents, whereby który clauses tend to signal indefiniteness. This is evidenced by the frequent cooccurrence of co clauses with head-internal demonstratives. Interestingly, these head-internal demonstratives can also render resumptive pronouns unnecessary, thus constituting another factor relevant in resumption.
The paper examines syntactic features of non-canonical relativization in spoken Polish that loose... more The paper examines syntactic features of non-canonical relativization in spoken Polish that loosen the structural integration of two types of relative clauses – one introduced by the complementizer co, the other by the wh-pronoun który. The resulting unintegration holds between the head NP and the co/który clause and contrasts with the integrated structure of canonical relatives. I discuss the range of unintegration features observed for both types in corpus data and indicate the distinct quantitative extents to which the two types are un-integrated. Although the nature of spontaneous conversation is such that it imposes some loosening of structural cohesion in both types, co clauses (especially non-subject relative clauses) are far more frequently unintegrated than który clauses. Also, co clauses depart functionally from the canonical relative structure in that the complementizer co serves functions other than that of a straightforward relativizer, namely it has conjunction-like uses (temporal, spatial, and general conjunction), indicating an expansion of the categorial status of co. Th e observed unintegration of Polish conversational relatives is in line with previous analyses of the syntax of unplanned speech (e.g. Miller and Weinert 1998).
Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza dwóch typów zdań względnych w mówionym ję-zyku polskim – tj. wprowadzanych przez zaimek względny któr-y oraz przez nieodmienny relator co. Głównym obszarem zainteresowania są niekanoniczne konstrukcje, w których obserwuje się rozluźnioną integrację akomodacyjną pomiędzy grupą rzeczownikową a zdaniem względnym. Dla obu wskaźników zespolenia (który i co), tekst omawia poszcze-gólne typy cech formalnych, które powodują taką niezintegrowaną strukturę. Analiza da-nych korpusowych pozwala również na ilościowe określenie stopnia dezintegracji w obu typach zdań. Mimo że spontaniczny język mówiony wymusza pewną dozę dezintegracji w obu przypadkach, zdania względne z co (zwłaszcza te w funkcji innej niż podmiot) znacznie częściej charakteryzują się taką właśnie budową. Zdania z co odbiegają od kano-2 Wojciech Guz nicznej relatywizacji jeszcze w innym sensie: oprócz funkcji relativum generale, co może pełnić inne funkcje semantyczne, takie jak spójniki podrzędne miejsca i czasu (porówny-walne z gdzie i kiedy) lub spójnik ogólnego zastosowania. Tego rodzaju użycia wskazują na ekspansję statusu kategorialnego co. Zaobserwowane zjawiska pokrywają się z doniesie-niami innych autorów badających składnię spontanicznego języka mówionego (Miller and Weinert 1998). Słowa kluczowe spontaniczny język mówiony, luźna integracja składniowa, niekanoniczne zdania względne, nieodmienny relator, zaimek względny
Weinert & Miller (1996) suggest that English wh-clefts are a heterogeneous class in that they can... more Weinert & Miller (1996) suggest that English wh-clefts are a heterogeneous class in that they can have varied degrees of structural integration. Many such constructions depart structurally from the canonical wh-cleft which consists of a wh-clause, the copula, and a focus constituent, and in which all the three elements are brought together into a fully integrated utterance. In the types of wh-clefts displaying looser structure, their lack of syntactic integration has so far been related to such linguistic features as (a) omission of the copula, (b) non-canonical copular complementation, e.g. independent main clauses instead of standard infinitival phrases appearing in the focus constituent, (c) lack of a clearly identifiable copular complement, (d) the focusing effect of the wh-clause extending over several clauses (Weinert & Miller 1996; Koops & Ross-Hagebaum 2008; Hopper & Thompson 2008; Callies 2012). Although the disintegrating effect of these features has been observed, the extent of the phenomenon in modern English has not been properly established and other non-integration features have not been investigated. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to use corpus data to identify and examine such non-integration features and to investigate the extent – expressed quantitatively – to which these features are found in wh-clefts with the verb do in the wh-clause. The paper also points out the formulaic status of those wh-clauses which become disconnected from their focus phrases.
English adverbs are often classified according to the range of positions that are available to th... more English adverbs are often classified according to the range of positions that are available to them. One such group includes items which allegedly can only occupy the VP-final position. These are typically non-ly adverbs such as hard, well and fast. However, although counterexamples to this claim can be found in corpora, few attempts have been made to reconsider the distributional characteristics of these adverbs. This article therefore offers a corpus-based analysis of the adverb fast, whose preverbal occurrence has so far been largely ignored. The analysis seeks to establish the extent – expressed quantitatively – to which fast is found in this position. We also explore the typical contexts of preverbal fast and investigate factors which may be responsible for the variation between preverbal and postverbal positions. We show that the nature of these factors may be genre-related (section 3), lexico-grammatical (sections 4 and 5), syntactic (section 6), semantic (section 7) or pragmatic (section 8), and that adverb position may be determined by a combination of these factors.
Poznań Studies in Contemporary Linguistics 45(4), 461-485
This paper is a study of register variation as observed in the distribution and productivity of E... more This paper is a study of register variation as observed in the distribution and productivity of Eng-lish nominalizing suffixes. Little if anything is known from previous research about whether or not morphological structure beyond the nature of the rightmost affix is a conditioning factor in register variation. As a consequence, nominalizations ending in a particular affix, or virtually all nominalizations tend to be somewhat superficially treated as collectively more characteristic of one register than another. This study fills this research gap by showing that the suffixes exhibit preferences as to their occurrence in particular registers and that, in the case of the most common suffixes (-ness,-ity,-ion), the internal morphological make-up of their base forms may also significantly bear on their quantitative distributions. As regards morphological productivity, the suffixes will uncontroversially exhibit varied degrees of productivity. More interestingly, however, our analysis shows that the morphological constitution of the base form may still influence the probability of a new word coming into existence, and this probability will further be conditioned by register preferences.
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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza dwóch typów zdań względnych w mówionym ję-zyku polskim – tj. wprowadzanych przez zaimek względny któr-y oraz przez nieodmienny relator co. Głównym obszarem zainteresowania są niekanoniczne konstrukcje, w których obserwuje się rozluźnioną integrację akomodacyjną pomiędzy grupą rzeczownikową a zdaniem względnym. Dla obu wskaźników zespolenia (który i co), tekst omawia poszcze-gólne typy cech formalnych, które powodują taką niezintegrowaną strukturę. Analiza da-nych korpusowych pozwala również na ilościowe określenie stopnia dezintegracji w obu typach zdań. Mimo że spontaniczny język mówiony wymusza pewną dozę dezintegracji w obu przypadkach, zdania względne z co (zwłaszcza te w funkcji innej niż podmiot) znacznie częściej charakteryzują się taką właśnie budową. Zdania z co odbiegają od kano-2 Wojciech Guz nicznej relatywizacji jeszcze w innym sensie: oprócz funkcji relativum generale, co może pełnić inne funkcje semantyczne, takie jak spójniki podrzędne miejsca i czasu (porówny-walne z gdzie i kiedy) lub spójnik ogólnego zastosowania. Tego rodzaju użycia wskazują na ekspansję statusu kategorialnego co. Zaobserwowane zjawiska pokrywają się z doniesie-niami innych autorów badających składnię spontanicznego języka mówionego (Miller and Weinert 1998). Słowa kluczowe spontaniczny język mówiony, luźna integracja składniowa, niekanoniczne zdania względne, nieodmienny relator, zaimek względny
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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest analiza dwóch typów zdań względnych w mówionym ję-zyku polskim – tj. wprowadzanych przez zaimek względny któr-y oraz przez nieodmienny relator co. Głównym obszarem zainteresowania są niekanoniczne konstrukcje, w których obserwuje się rozluźnioną integrację akomodacyjną pomiędzy grupą rzeczownikową a zdaniem względnym. Dla obu wskaźników zespolenia (który i co), tekst omawia poszcze-gólne typy cech formalnych, które powodują taką niezintegrowaną strukturę. Analiza da-nych korpusowych pozwala również na ilościowe określenie stopnia dezintegracji w obu typach zdań. Mimo że spontaniczny język mówiony wymusza pewną dozę dezintegracji w obu przypadkach, zdania względne z co (zwłaszcza te w funkcji innej niż podmiot) znacznie częściej charakteryzują się taką właśnie budową. Zdania z co odbiegają od kano-2 Wojciech Guz nicznej relatywizacji jeszcze w innym sensie: oprócz funkcji relativum generale, co może pełnić inne funkcje semantyczne, takie jak spójniki podrzędne miejsca i czasu (porówny-walne z gdzie i kiedy) lub spójnik ogólnego zastosowania. Tego rodzaju użycia wskazują na ekspansję statusu kategorialnego co. Zaobserwowane zjawiska pokrywają się z doniesie-niami innych autorów badających składnię spontanicznego języka mówionego (Miller and Weinert 1998). Słowa kluczowe spontaniczny język mówiony, luźna integracja składniowa, niekanoniczne zdania względne, nieodmienny relator, zaimek względny