Matthias Voigt
FU Berlin, JFK Institute, Adjunct
- American Indian Studies, American Indian History, Veterans, Military Veterans, Wounded Masculinity, Wounded Knee Massacre, and 51 moreMasculinity Studies, Studies On Men And Masculinity, Gender and family history; history of subaltern groups such as servants and children; questions of masculinity and fatherhood, Indigenous masculinity, Indigenous Masculinities, Subalternity, Subaltern Agency, Postcolonial Studies, Postcolonial Theory/Subaltern Studies, Postcolonial theory (Cultural Theory), U.S. Military History, Memory and Trauma Studies, Memory Studies, Gender Studies, Gender History, Raewyn Connell, American Indian Movement, Indigenous Studies, Indigenous and Aboriginal Studies, (Settler) Colonialism and Decolonization, Postcolonialism, Decolonization, Nationalism, Gender, War Studies, World War II, World War I, Vietnam War, Korean War, Scouts, Native American Studies, Plains Indians Wars, Lakota Sioux, Oglala Sioux, Plains Indians, Indigenous or Aboriginal Studies, Native American Studies, First World War, Second World War (History), Vietnam War history, Indigeneity, Manliness, Constructions of masculinity, Masculinity and Gender Studies, Masculinity, Hegemonic Masculinity, Subaltern Studies, Lakota, Lakota Studies, Vine Deloria, Jr., Clara Sue Kidwell, Gerald Vizenor, and Siouxedit
On February 27, 1973, a group of roughly 300 armed Indigenous men, women, and children seized the tiny hamlet of Wounded Knee, South Dakota, at gunpoint, took hostages, barricaded themselves in the hilltop church, and raised an... more
On February 27, 1973, a group of roughly 300 armed Indigenous men, women, and children seized the tiny hamlet of Wounded Knee, South Dakota, at gunpoint, took hostages, barricaded themselves in the hilltop church, and raised an upside-down American flag. Taking place at the site of the infamous massacre in 1890, the highly symbolic confrontation spearheaded by the American Indian Movement (AIM) ultimately evolved into a prolonged, seventy-one-day armed standoff between law enforcement officers and modern-day Indigenous warriors. Among these warriors were Vietnam War veterans armed with Vietnam-era equipment and weaponry. By organizing in defense of the newly proclaimed Independent Oglala Nation, the AIM activists at Wounded Knee linked their nationalist quest for sovereignty and self-determination with a warrior masculinity they constructed from a mix of Indigenous cultures and contemporary cultural elements, including the Black civil rights movement, the counterculture of the 1960s and early 1970s, and the antiwar movement.
As Matthias André Voigt shows, the takeover of Wounded Knee was only one moment among many in the complex interplay between protest activism, gender, race, and identity within AIM. While AIM is widely recognized for its militancy and nationalism, Reinventing the Warrior is the first major study to examine the gendered transformation of Indige- nous men within the Red Power movement and the United States more generally. AIM activists came to regard themselves, like their ancestors before them, as warriors fighting for their people, their lands, and their rights. They sought to remasculinize their Indigenous identity in order to confront hegemonic masculinities—and, by implication, colonialism itself. By becoming “more manly,” Indigenous men challenged the disempowering nature of white supremacy.
Voigt traces the story of the reinvention of Indigenous warriorhood from 1968 to the takeover of Wounded Knee in 1973 and beyond. His trailblazing work explores why and how Indigenous men refashioned themselves as modern-day warriors in their anticolonial nation-building endeavor, thereby remaking both self and society.
As Matthias André Voigt shows, the takeover of Wounded Knee was only one moment among many in the complex interplay between protest activism, gender, race, and identity within AIM. While AIM is widely recognized for its militancy and nationalism, Reinventing the Warrior is the first major study to examine the gendered transformation of Indige- nous men within the Red Power movement and the United States more generally. AIM activists came to regard themselves, like their ancestors before them, as warriors fighting for their people, their lands, and their rights. They sought to remasculinize their Indigenous identity in order to confront hegemonic masculinities—and, by implication, colonialism itself. By becoming “more manly,” Indigenous men challenged the disempowering nature of white supremacy.
Voigt traces the story of the reinvention of Indigenous warriorhood from 1968 to the takeover of Wounded Knee in 1973 and beyond. His trailblazing work explores why and how Indigenous men refashioned themselves as modern-day warriors in their anticolonial nation-building endeavor, thereby remaking both self and society.
Research Interests: Masculinity Studies, FBI domestic covert action programs, COINTELPRO, Cultural Nationalism, History of Race and Ethnicity, Constructions of masculinity, and 5 moreMasculinity and Gender Studies, American Indian Movement, Wounded Knee Incident, Masculinity and nationalism, and Indigenous men and masculinities
Dieser Wortschatz vermittelt thematisches Vokabular zu allen relevanten Sachthemen aus den Bereichen Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftslehre: Modern Society, Democracy and other forms of rule, Media, Globalization, Ecology und... more
Dieser Wortschatz vermittelt thematisches Vokabular zu allen relevanten Sachthemen aus den Bereichen Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaftslehre: Modern Society, Democracy and other forms of rule, Media, Globalization, Ecology und Economics. Ausführlich behandelt werden die zugrunde liegenden Theorien und Praktiken des politischen und wirtschaftlichen Prozesses (Political science and theory), unter umfassender Berücksichtigung der politischen Systeme in Deutschland, den USA und Großbritannien und der EU: Governing Germany, Governing the United Kingdom, Governing the United States of America. Das Grundlagenkapitel Basic political terms vermittelt außerdem alles notwendige Vokabular zur schriftlichen und mündlichen Kommunikation im behandelten Themenfeld.
https://www.klett-sprachen.de/englischer-wortschatz-politik-und-wirtschaft/t-1/9783125801042
https://www.klett-sprachen.de/englischer-wortschatz-politik-und-wirtschaft/t-1/9783125801042
Research Interests:
The main purpose of this article is to describe and analyze Indigenous women’sparticipation in the prolonged takeover of Wounded Knee in 1973. Indigenouswomen’s grassroots activism was fundamental for sustaining and keeping the... more
The main purpose of this article is to describe and analyze Indigenous women’sparticipation in the prolonged takeover of Wounded Knee in 1973. Indigenouswomen’s grassroots activism was fundamental for sustaining and keeping the occu-pation alive, yet their contributions were largely eclipsed by the actions of theirmedia-savvy, male comrades-in-arms. What is more important, Indigenous women inthe American Indian Movement (AIM) frequently claimed that they were in a state of“double oppression” or “double colonization”—first, through colonial domination andracial inequality, and second, through male privilege and female subordination—itself,part of the legacy of colonization and the imposition of dominant white patriarchalmasculinity.2 Nationalist struggles such as that of the anticolonial AIM tend to repli-cate the very structures of male dominance that they struggle against. While womenhave been included in public discourse, they have been largely left out of politicaldecision-making.
At Wounded Knee, Indigenous women took on a series of interrelated roles andresponsibilities that kept the occupation alive. Indigenous women skillfully renegoti-ated their gendered position of power within the masculinist organization, constructingfemininities that shifted between domesticated motherhood and female comrades-in-arms. In so doing, they both reaffirmed and challenged sexist and chauvinist attitudes within AIM. They were well known as long-standing community organizers, andtheir active participation at the Wounded Knee takeover was an indication of female empowerment.
At Wounded Knee, Indigenous women took on a series of interrelated roles andresponsibilities that kept the occupation alive. Indigenous women skillfully renegoti-ated their gendered position of power within the masculinist organization, constructingfemininities that shifted between domesticated motherhood and female comrades-in-arms. In so doing, they both reaffirmed and challenged sexist and chauvinist attitudes within AIM. They were well known as long-standing community organizers, andtheir active participation at the Wounded Knee takeover was an indication of female empowerment.
Research Interests:
Between February 27 and May 8, 1973, Indigenous nationalists of the American Indian Movement (AIM) and local Lakota reservation residents occupied the tiny hamlet of Wounded Knee, South Dakota. The armed confrontation at Wounded Knee can... more
Between February 27 and May 8, 1973, Indigenous nationalists of the American Indian Movement (AIM) and local Lakota reservation residents occupied the tiny hamlet of Wounded Knee, South Dakota. The armed confrontation at Wounded Knee can be understood as a highly gendered nation building project. Halfway through the prolonged siege, Indigenous nationalists declared the Independent Oglala Nation (ION) a nation separate from the United States government and proclaimed the setup of a modern-day warrior society. These parallel and intertwined actions suggest a close connection between manhood and nationhood in which nationalist warriors rallied in defense of a newly proclaimed nation.
The main purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the gendered nation building project at the Wounded Knee siege. More particularly, I seek to trace the parallel and intertwined declaration of the ION and the setup of the AIM warrior society. In combination, these events speak of the masculine nature of the nation building endeavor. This article seeks to make new sense of these warriors for a nation and the intricate nature of masculinity and nationalism. It sheds new light on the role of marginalized masculinities in processes of nation building, a significant yet largely overlooked field of research. I ground this essay’s theoretical foundations in the fields of masculinity and nationalism, postcolonialism, and performance studies, among others. Methodologically, this article draws upon oral voices, archival collections, and activist newspapers to better capture the gendered dynamics within the Wounded Knee community during the standoff.
In arguing that the Wounded Knee standoff can be understood as a masculinist enterprise, I do not seek to reduce the complexity of the takeover, but draw attention to one significant singular aspect of this multifaceted and complex watershed event. Nor do I intend to ignore the highly significant contributions of women at the takeover. Rather, my goal is to provide fresh perspective on the close linkage between masculinity and nationalism at the Wounded Knee occupation, particularly the role of marginalized masculinities in nation building projects.
The main purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze the gendered nation building project at the Wounded Knee siege. More particularly, I seek to trace the parallel and intertwined declaration of the ION and the setup of the AIM warrior society. In combination, these events speak of the masculine nature of the nation building endeavor. This article seeks to make new sense of these warriors for a nation and the intricate nature of masculinity and nationalism. It sheds new light on the role of marginalized masculinities in processes of nation building, a significant yet largely overlooked field of research. I ground this essay’s theoretical foundations in the fields of masculinity and nationalism, postcolonialism, and performance studies, among others. Methodologically, this article draws upon oral voices, archival collections, and activist newspapers to better capture the gendered dynamics within the Wounded Knee community during the standoff.
In arguing that the Wounded Knee standoff can be understood as a masculinist enterprise, I do not seek to reduce the complexity of the takeover, but draw attention to one significant singular aspect of this multifaceted and complex watershed event. Nor do I intend to ignore the highly significant contributions of women at the takeover. Rather, my goal is to provide fresh perspective on the close linkage between masculinity and nationalism at the Wounded Knee occupation, particularly the role of marginalized masculinities in nation building projects.
Research Interests:
The Red Power era (1969-1978), the most pivotal time for Indigenous people in the twentieth century, is commonly associated with a fundamental restructuring of Indigenous-settler colonial relations and a major cultural renewal of self and... more
The Red Power era (1969-1978), the most pivotal time for Indigenous people in the twentieth century, is commonly associated with a fundamental restructuring of Indigenous-settler colonial relations and a major cultural renewal of self and society across Indian Country. This article examines the social formation of those Indigenous men and masculinities who instigated that profound change and became politically active, questioning domestic colonialism and challenging their subaltern status vis-à-vis dominant U.S. society.
More specifically, this article explores the shared experiences of Indigenous male activists within the American Indian Movement (AIM) during its early beginnings between 1968 through mid-1972. AIM (1968–1978) originated in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis/St- Paul and rose to become the most significant player in Indigenous protest politics at its time. Indigenous men in AIM shared key experiences with settler colonial institutions and the forces of modernity (boarding schools, military service, prisons, the urban experience) that affected their male identities in multiple, complex, and contradictory ways. Western-centric concepts of race, gender, and nation have consistently worked towards the marginalization and oppression of the Indigenous ‘other’ -commonly through the imposition of colonial standards as a ‘civilizing force.’ This article argues that the inculcation of Indigenous men with hegemonic ideals, together with experiences of emasculation, have led to an unintended outcome, namely the emergence of a ‘protest masculinity.’ This ‘protest masculinity’ arose as a result of and in reaction to assimilationist policies.
Paradoxically, Indigenous male activists contested dominant concepts of masculinity, yet at the same time conformed to the very cultural ideals they struggled against. This article offers an understanding of how gender and race bias intersect to disadvantage Indigenous men and how this in turn constitutes a powerful catalyst for change.
More specifically, this article explores the shared experiences of Indigenous male activists within the American Indian Movement (AIM) during its early beginnings between 1968 through mid-1972. AIM (1968–1978) originated in the Twin Cities of Minneapolis/St- Paul and rose to become the most significant player in Indigenous protest politics at its time. Indigenous men in AIM shared key experiences with settler colonial institutions and the forces of modernity (boarding schools, military service, prisons, the urban experience) that affected their male identities in multiple, complex, and contradictory ways. Western-centric concepts of race, gender, and nation have consistently worked towards the marginalization and oppression of the Indigenous ‘other’ -commonly through the imposition of colonial standards as a ‘civilizing force.’ This article argues that the inculcation of Indigenous men with hegemonic ideals, together with experiences of emasculation, have led to an unintended outcome, namely the emergence of a ‘protest masculinity.’ This ‘protest masculinity’ arose as a result of and in reaction to assimilationist policies.
Paradoxically, Indigenous male activists contested dominant concepts of masculinity, yet at the same time conformed to the very cultural ideals they struggled against. This article offers an understanding of how gender and race bias intersect to disadvantage Indigenous men and how this in turn constitutes a powerful catalyst for change.
Research Interests:
In 1917, as America entered into the Great War, Indigenous responses to the war effort were diverse and complex. The Great War tested Native Americans’ ambiguous position both inside and outside the American nation. Assimilationists read... more
In 1917, as America entered into the Great War, Indigenous responses to the war effort were diverse and complex. The Great War tested Native Americans’ ambiguous position both inside and outside the American nation. Assimilationists read the massive outpouring of support for the war effort as a validation of federal Indian policies, yet failed to recognize that Indigenous people also held loyalties to their own their tribal nations, their family and kin, and their ancestral homelands. While Native Americans overwhelmingly supported the war, both at home and at the front, they recognized that universal registration and compulsory military service touched upon citizenship questions and meant an infringement on their tribal sovereignty and their guaranteed treaty rights.
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A short encyclopedia entry on Wounded Knee, 1890.
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A short encyclopedia entry on the Red Power Movement
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A short encylopedia entry.
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A short encyclopedia entry.
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A short encyclopedia entry.
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Die Tagung stellte das militärische Heldentum in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika im 20. Jahrhundert in den Mittelpunkt, um die kontrovers geführten Diskurse über »Rasse«,Geschlecht und nationale Identität analytisch aufeinander zu... more
Die Tagung stellte das militärische Heldentum in den Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika im 20. Jahrhundert in den Mittelpunkt, um die kontrovers geführten Diskurse über »Rasse«,Geschlecht und nationale Identität analytisch aufeinander zu beziehen.
Research Interests:
Die international und interdisziplinär angelegte Konferenz konzentrierte sich auf das Feld der Kriegsveteranenbewegungen und ihre politische Einflussnahme im globalen Zusammenhang. Einleitend wiesen Ángel Alcalde und Xosé M. Núñez Seixas... more
Die international und interdisziplinär angelegte Konferenz konzentrierte sich auf
das Feld der Kriegsveteranenbewegungen und ihre politische Einflussnahme im
globalen Zusammenhang. Einleitend wiesen Ángel Alcalde und Xosé M. Núñez
Seixas (beide München) darauf hin, dass Kriegsveteranen weltweit politische
Lobbygruppen bilden, Protestkampagnen für Renten und Sozialleistungen durchführen
und die Erinnerung an den Krieg wachhalten. Die neuere Geschichtsschreibung
untersucht Organisationen und Aktivitäten von Veteranen und Kriegsinvaliden
des Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieges. Sie nimmt vergleichende und
transnationale Perspektiven ein und beschäftigt sich mit der Veteranenpolitik in
der Zwischenkriegszeit. Mit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges rückte zunehmend
die gesellschaftliche Rolle von Veteranen in der Sowjetunion, den USA, Deutschland,
Italien und China in das Interesse der Forschung. Die Einführung einer
globalen Perspektive auf die Geschichte von Kriegsveteranen liefert weitere
Einblicke und schließt wichtige historiografische Lücken. Die Konferenz zielte
darauf ab, sich besonders mit der Geschichte der Kriegsveteranen zwischen dem
Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges und dem Ende des Kalten Krieges zu befassen, um
zu einer globalen Geschichte der Veteranenbewegungen und ‑politik im 20. Jahrhundert
vorzustoßen.
das Feld der Kriegsveteranenbewegungen und ihre politische Einflussnahme im
globalen Zusammenhang. Einleitend wiesen Ángel Alcalde und Xosé M. Núñez
Seixas (beide München) darauf hin, dass Kriegsveteranen weltweit politische
Lobbygruppen bilden, Protestkampagnen für Renten und Sozialleistungen durchführen
und die Erinnerung an den Krieg wachhalten. Die neuere Geschichtsschreibung
untersucht Organisationen und Aktivitäten von Veteranen und Kriegsinvaliden
des Ersten und Zweiten Weltkrieges. Sie nimmt vergleichende und
transnationale Perspektiven ein und beschäftigt sich mit der Veteranenpolitik in
der Zwischenkriegszeit. Mit dem Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges rückte zunehmend
die gesellschaftliche Rolle von Veteranen in der Sowjetunion, den USA, Deutschland,
Italien und China in das Interesse der Forschung. Die Einführung einer
globalen Perspektive auf die Geschichte von Kriegsveteranen liefert weitere
Einblicke und schließt wichtige historiografische Lücken. Die Konferenz zielte
darauf ab, sich besonders mit der Geschichte der Kriegsveteranen zwischen dem
Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges und dem Ende des Kalten Krieges zu befassen, um
zu einer globalen Geschichte der Veteranenbewegungen und ‑politik im 20. Jahrhundert
vorzustoßen.
Research Interests:
Die internationale Tagung untersuchte das Phänomen des Alltagsheldentums in den USA, Deutschland und Großbritannien zwischen dem frühen 19. Jahrhundert und der Gegenwart aus multidisziplinärer Perspektive. Alltagsheldinnen und... more
Die internationale Tagung untersuchte das
Phänomen des Alltagsheldentums in den
USA, Deutschland und Großbritannien zwischen
dem frühen 19. Jahrhundert und der
Gegenwart aus multidisziplinärer Perspektive.
Alltagsheldinnen und Alltagshelden wurden
hierbei als gewöhnliche Bürgerinnen
und Bürger definiert, die aufgrund tatsächlicher
oder ihnen zugeschriebener außergewöhnlicher
Taten heroisiert werden. In
seinem Eröffnungsvortrag betonte SIMON
WENDT (Frankfurt am Main), dass geisteswissenschaftliche
Disziplinen das Phänomen
des Alltagsheldentums bisher fast vollständig
ignoriert hätten. Während Kriegshelden, politische
Führerhelden und Superhelden zum
Thema unzähliger Studien geworden seien,
habe sich die Forschung bisher kaum mit der
Heroisierung gewöhnlicher Menschen auseinandergesetzt.
Die Tagung beleuchtete Alltagsheldentum
vor allem aus geschichts- und
kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive. Im Gegensatz
zur Psychologie, die sich in der Regel
auf die Frage konzentriert, warum bestimmte
Menschen zu Alltagshelden werden
bzw. wie alltagsheroisches Verhalten gefördert
werden kann, fragte die multidisziplinäre
Tagung vor allem nach den sozialen, kulturellen
und politischen Funktionen und Bedeutungen
von Alltagsheldentum in modernen
westlichen Gesellschaften. Konkret wurde am
Beispiel USA, Deutschland und Großbritannien
untersucht, welche Rolle die Heroisierung
gewöhnlicher Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der
Legitimierung bzw. Infragestellung sozialer
und kultureller Normen spielte und welche
gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen solche Heroisierungsprozesse
hatten. Diese drei Länder,
so Wendt, böten sich für einen Vergleich
an, da sie sowohl Analysen der Funktionen
von Alltagsheldentum in Demokratien und
Diktaturen als auch Untersuchungen bezüglich
der Bedeutung heroischer Zivilisten in industrialisierten
Massengesellschaften ermöglichen.
Schließlich könnten aufgrund der engen
kulturellen und politischen Beziehungen
zwischen diesen drei Nationen transnationale
Austauschprozesse und deren Auswirkungen
auf Vorstellungen von Alltagsheldentum
beleuchtet werden.
Phänomen des Alltagsheldentums in den
USA, Deutschland und Großbritannien zwischen
dem frühen 19. Jahrhundert und der
Gegenwart aus multidisziplinärer Perspektive.
Alltagsheldinnen und Alltagshelden wurden
hierbei als gewöhnliche Bürgerinnen
und Bürger definiert, die aufgrund tatsächlicher
oder ihnen zugeschriebener außergewöhnlicher
Taten heroisiert werden. In
seinem Eröffnungsvortrag betonte SIMON
WENDT (Frankfurt am Main), dass geisteswissenschaftliche
Disziplinen das Phänomen
des Alltagsheldentums bisher fast vollständig
ignoriert hätten. Während Kriegshelden, politische
Führerhelden und Superhelden zum
Thema unzähliger Studien geworden seien,
habe sich die Forschung bisher kaum mit der
Heroisierung gewöhnlicher Menschen auseinandergesetzt.
Die Tagung beleuchtete Alltagsheldentum
vor allem aus geschichts- und
kulturwissenschaftlicher Perspektive. Im Gegensatz
zur Psychologie, die sich in der Regel
auf die Frage konzentriert, warum bestimmte
Menschen zu Alltagshelden werden
bzw. wie alltagsheroisches Verhalten gefördert
werden kann, fragte die multidisziplinäre
Tagung vor allem nach den sozialen, kulturellen
und politischen Funktionen und Bedeutungen
von Alltagsheldentum in modernen
westlichen Gesellschaften. Konkret wurde am
Beispiel USA, Deutschland und Großbritannien
untersucht, welche Rolle die Heroisierung
gewöhnlicher Bürgerinnen und Bürger in der
Legitimierung bzw. Infragestellung sozialer
und kultureller Normen spielte und welche
gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen solche Heroisierungsprozesse
hatten. Diese drei Länder,
so Wendt, böten sich für einen Vergleich
an, da sie sowohl Analysen der Funktionen
von Alltagsheldentum in Demokratien und
Diktaturen als auch Untersuchungen bezüglich
der Bedeutung heroischer Zivilisten in industrialisierten
Massengesellschaften ermöglichen.
Schließlich könnten aufgrund der engen
kulturellen und politischen Beziehungen
zwischen diesen drei Nationen transnationale
Austauschprozesse und deren Auswirkungen
auf Vorstellungen von Alltagsheldentum
beleuchtet werden.
Research Interests:
The international and multi-disciplinary conference focused on the interrelationship of race, gender, and military heroism in U.S. History from 1914 to 2014. In his introductory remarks, SIMON WENDT (Frankfurt) stressed that military... more
The international and multi-disciplinary conference
focused on the interrelationship of
race, gender, and military heroism in U.S. History
from 1914 to 2014. In his introductory remarks,
SIMON WENDT (Frankfurt) stressed
that military heroism became a key symbol
of what was regarded as a heterosexual, masculine
white nation in 20th-century America
as well as a major discursive battleground on
which dominant notions of race, gender, and
national identity were negotiated, challenged,
and revised. He explained that the conference
sought to probe this complex interrelationship
and how it changed, focusing on the
question of how military heroism helped to
construct and challenge racialized and gendered
hierarchies in the United States. The
conference put particular emphasis on ethnic
minorities and women and their agency
in hero-making processes. For that reason,
Wendt proposed a broader definition of heroism
that goes beyond officially acknowledged
war heroes and takes into account acclaim
from marginalized groups, even though most
forms of praise for military heroism stress soldiers’
willingness to risk their lives to save a
fellow soldier or fight courageously against
impossible odds. In addition,Wendt said, students
of military heroism needed to take into
account the history of the term „hero“ and
„heroine“ as well as the differences between
Western and indigenous notions of heroism.
focused on the interrelationship of
race, gender, and military heroism in U.S. History
from 1914 to 2014. In his introductory remarks,
SIMON WENDT (Frankfurt) stressed
that military heroism became a key symbol
of what was regarded as a heterosexual, masculine
white nation in 20th-century America
as well as a major discursive battleground on
which dominant notions of race, gender, and
national identity were negotiated, challenged,
and revised. He explained that the conference
sought to probe this complex interrelationship
and how it changed, focusing on the
question of how military heroism helped to
construct and challenge racialized and gendered
hierarchies in the United States. The
conference put particular emphasis on ethnic
minorities and women and their agency
in hero-making processes. For that reason,
Wendt proposed a broader definition of heroism
that goes beyond officially acknowledged
war heroes and takes into account acclaim
from marginalized groups, even though most
forms of praise for military heroism stress soldiers’
willingness to risk their lives to save a
fellow soldier or fight courageously against
impossible odds. In addition,Wendt said, students
of military heroism needed to take into
account the history of the term „hero“ and
„heroine“ as well as the differences between
Western and indigenous notions of heroism.