Rogelio Marcial
Nació en la ciudad de México en julio de 1963. Ha vivido en Guanajuato, Durango, Zamora y ahora reside en Guadalajara
Phone: (33) 3819-3300
Address: Universidad de Guadalajara, Centro Universitario de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Campus Belenes, Edif. A, segundo piso. Av. José Parres Arias 150, San José del Bajío, 45132 Zapopan, Jalisco, México
Phone: (33) 3819-3300
Address: Universidad de Guadalajara, Centro Universitario de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades Campus Belenes, Edif. A, segundo piso. Av. José Parres Arias 150, San José del Bajío, 45132 Zapopan, Jalisco, México
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The construction of socio-cultural utopias of those we call “young people” and their horizons of possibility in search of another better world (from ecology, politics, public security, diversity and their respect, equity and social solidarity, the right to leisure, artistic expressions, among others), find a significant part of their logic in future projects that are very different from those offered by our societies and their institutions, and that is why they achieve youth groups with strong collective senses from their life experiences . This is so because those offered by social institutions are limited to areas of non-being (Fanon, 2009) which, for similar options (hired, illegal migration, common crime, organized crime, piracy, informality, parallelism, illegality), which sooner or later are carried to what we call today juvenicide (Valenzuela, 2015) or youth annihilation (Nateras, 2016) in what men and women are victims and victimizers. From the logic of necropolitics (Mbembe, 2011), biopolitical devices (Foucault, 1999, 2001, 2009b) emanating from adultcentrism have led to the political cooptation of youth groups no longer being an option for narco-State (Reguillo, 2010b) and, thus, they are considered disposable and their extermination is propitiated.
The article addresses the social context that reproduces situations of violence and delinquency that makes crisis among young men from popular sectors in the city of Guadalajara (Mexico). It draws attention to the forms that this violates thousands of young people who do not find real possibilities for employment, education and social security and who, faced with the excessive increase in public insecurity, are forced to opt for informality, paralegality and illegality as the only possible ways to travel. Paths that, even they know it, only takes them towards their insertion to organized crime, imprisonment in prisons or death itself.
FRONTEIRAS JUVENIS E CRIME RESUMO O artigo visa compreender as formas contemporâneas de interação juvenil ca-racterizadas por sua alta mobilidade entre os espaços intersticiais da sociedade, transgredindo fronteiras simbólicas e indenitárias das que é possível escapar do olhar autocêntrico. Um olhar que impõe a hierarquia baseada na idade e os encaminha para situações de controle, repressão e ilegalidade; que impede 1 Sociólogo (Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xomilco, Ciudad de México) y Doctor en Ciencias Sociales (El Colegio de Jalisco, Jalisco). Académico e investigador
Las organizaciones civiles, los colectivos culturales, las asociaciones, los grupos informales, más allá de su basamento (político, ideológico, religioso, estudiantil, cultural, deportivo, profesional, de ocio, etc.), son los espacios que coadyuvan en la construcción de seguridad, autoestima y sentido a sus participantes; lo que sirve como procesos seguros de resiliencia ante escenarios y experiencias violentas.
The construction of socio-cultural utopias of those we call “young people” and their horizons of possibility in search of another better world (from ecology, politics, public security, diversity and their respect, equity and social solidarity, the right to leisure, artistic expressions, among others), find a significant part of their logic in future projects that are very different from those offered by our societies and their institutions, and that is why they achieve youth groups with strong collective senses from their life experiences . This is so because those offered by social institutions are limited to areas of non-being (Fanon, 2009) which, for similar options (hired, illegal migration, common crime, organized crime, piracy, informality, parallelism, illegality), which sooner or later are carried to what we call today juvenicide (Valenzuela, 2015) or youth annihilation (Nateras, 2016) in what men and women are victims and victimizers. From the logic of necropolitics (Mbembe, 2011), biopolitical devices (Foucault, 1999, 2001, 2009b) emanating from adultcentrism have led to the political cooptation of youth groups no longer being an option for narco-State (Reguillo, 2010b) and, thus, they are considered disposable and their extermination is propitiated.
The article addresses the social context that reproduces situations of violence and delinquency that makes crisis among young men from popular sectors in the city of Guadalajara (Mexico). It draws attention to the forms that this violates thousands of young people who do not find real possibilities for employment, education and social security and who, faced with the excessive increase in public insecurity, are forced to opt for informality, paralegality and illegality as the only possible ways to travel. Paths that, even they know it, only takes them towards their insertion to organized crime, imprisonment in prisons or death itself.
FRONTEIRAS JUVENIS E CRIME RESUMO O artigo visa compreender as formas contemporâneas de interação juvenil ca-racterizadas por sua alta mobilidade entre os espaços intersticiais da sociedade, transgredindo fronteiras simbólicas e indenitárias das que é possível escapar do olhar autocêntrico. Um olhar que impõe a hierarquia baseada na idade e os encaminha para situações de controle, repressão e ilegalidade; que impede 1 Sociólogo (Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xomilco, Ciudad de México) y Doctor en Ciencias Sociales (El Colegio de Jalisco, Jalisco). Académico e investigador
Las organizaciones civiles, los colectivos culturales, las asociaciones, los grupos informales, más allá de su basamento (político, ideológico, religioso, estudiantil, cultural, deportivo, profesional, de ocio, etc.), son los espacios que coadyuvan en la construcción de seguridad, autoestima y sentido a sus participantes; lo que sirve como procesos seguros de resiliencia ante escenarios y experiencias violentas.
Más allá de las limitaciones y carencias de tecnologías para comunicar- se y acceder a la información y al conocimiento, hay que considerar lo que éstas pueden contribuir a mejores condiciones de vida y convivencia. Puede observarse, por ejemplo, en los casos en que el conocimiento de una sencilla recomendación contra una enfermedad, difundida y conocida masivamente por los medios electrónicos, otorga la posibilidad de salvar miles de vidas, o cuando un campesino se entera por medio de internet de los precios que su producto tiene en el mercado, puede negociar con información más adecuada.
Asimismo, se propicia una ciudadanía más consciente y participativa cuando las personas están enteradas de las acciones gubernamentales; tam- bién mejoran las relaciones familiares y comunitarias, al contar con medios para comunicarse con oportunidad. Por el contrario, quienes carecen de es- tas posibilidades, menos opciones tienen de modi car, para bien, su vida cotidiana.