Sean Wempe
California State University, Bakersfield, Department of History, Faculty Member
At the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was publicly excluded from the European ‘civilizing mission’. The victorious Allies stripped Germany of its overseas empire. The German colonies were awarded to other imperial powers as mandates under... more
At the Treaty of Versailles, Germany was publicly excluded from the European ‘civilizing mission’. The victorious Allies stripped Germany of its overseas empire. The German colonies were awarded to other imperial powers as mandates under the League of Nations. This action was justified by citing colonial atrocities, such as the German campaign against the Herero, which were used to label Germans as ‘exceptionally
cruel colonial masters’ and ‘unfit imperialists’. Yet, during the tenure of the League’s mandate system, several former German colonial officials rose to prominence in the League of Nations as ‘imperial experts’.
The involvement of German colonial officials in League agencies and events suggests that, although no longer part of an imperial power and officially ostracized from the ‘work of civilization’, Germans remained
adaptive contributors to international discourses on empire. In order to determine how individual Germans and lobbying interests were able to make use of the spirit of internationalism to minimize their association
with ‘unfit imperialists’ and re-establish themselves as ‘fellow civilizers’, this paper focuses on the interwar careers and interactions of two colonial officials: Dr Ludwig Kastl and Dr Julius Ruppel—former bureaucrats who had served in the African colonies, each of whom became German members on the PMC.
cruel colonial masters’ and ‘unfit imperialists’. Yet, during the tenure of the League’s mandate system, several former German colonial officials rose to prominence in the League of Nations as ‘imperial experts’.
The involvement of German colonial officials in League agencies and events suggests that, although no longer part of an imperial power and officially ostracized from the ‘work of civilization’, Germans remained
adaptive contributors to international discourses on empire. In order to determine how individual Germans and lobbying interests were able to make use of the spirit of internationalism to minimize their association
with ‘unfit imperialists’ and re-establish themselves as ‘fellow civilizers’, this paper focuses on the interwar careers and interactions of two colonial officials: Dr Ludwig Kastl and Dr Julius Ruppel—former bureaucrats who had served in the African colonies, each of whom became German members on the PMC.
Research Interests:
The Locarno Conference, held on 5–16 October 1925, represented the culmination of nearly two years of diplomatic communication between the foreign offices of Germany, Britain, and France. The conference was an attempt to normalize... more
The Locarno Conference, held on 5–16 October 1925, represented
the culmination of nearly two years of diplomatic communication
between the foreign offices of Germany, Britain, and France. The
conference was an attempt to normalize relations between the
former Allied powers and Germany’s new Weimar Republic and
more tightly bind Germany’s politics and economy to Western
Europe. Colonial German lobbies hoped that the Locarno talks
heralded the return of empire and an end to Germany’s banishment
from the work of the ‘civilizing mission’ and the humiliating
experience of being a ‘postcolonial state in a still colonial world’.
Public scrutiny from false press reports about the restoration of the
German colonies emanating from Germany, France, Britain and its
colonies and dominions, and even the United States complicated
matters for Locarno delegates by forcing discussion of off-agenda
topics. This article interrogates how the Colonial German lobby
influenced the Locarno Conference through activity in the
international public sphere, how they managed a partial victory in
the wake of Locarno, and more importantly, the Colonial German
lobby learned new and better strategies for playing properly to
public opinion and international bureaucracies.
the culmination of nearly two years of diplomatic communication
between the foreign offices of Germany, Britain, and France. The
conference was an attempt to normalize relations between the
former Allied powers and Germany’s new Weimar Republic and
more tightly bind Germany’s politics and economy to Western
Europe. Colonial German lobbies hoped that the Locarno talks
heralded the return of empire and an end to Germany’s banishment
from the work of the ‘civilizing mission’ and the humiliating
experience of being a ‘postcolonial state in a still colonial world’.
Public scrutiny from false press reports about the restoration of the
German colonies emanating from Germany, France, Britain and its
colonies and dominions, and even the United States complicated
matters for Locarno delegates by forcing discussion of off-agenda
topics. This article interrogates how the Colonial German lobby
influenced the Locarno Conference through activity in the
international public sphere, how they managed a partial victory in
the wake of Locarno, and more importantly, the Colonial German
lobby learned new and better strategies for playing properly to
public opinion and international bureaucracies.
Research Interests:
Research Interests:
This book addresses the various ways in which Colonial Germans attempted to cope with the loss of the German colonies after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The German colonial advocates who are the focus of this monograph comprised not... more
This book addresses the various ways in which Colonial Germans attempted to cope with the loss of the German colonies after the Treaty of Versailles in 1919. The German colonial advocates who are the focus of this monograph comprised not only those individuals who had been allowed to remain in the mandates as new subjects of the Allies, but also former colonial officials, settlers, and missionaries who were forcibly repatriated by the mandatory powers after the First World War. These Kolonialdeutsche (Colonial Germans) had invested substantial time and money in German imperialism. This work places particular emphasis on how colonial officials, settlers, and colonial lobbies made use of the League of Nations framework, and investigates the involvement of former settlers and colonial officials in such diplomatic flashpoints as the Naturalization Controversy in South African-administered Southwest Africa, and German participation in the Permanent Mandates Commission (PMC) from 1927 to ...