Articles and book chapters
European Politics and Society, 2024
In July 2018, Belgium and Tunisia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at dealing wit... more In July 2018, Belgium and Tunisia signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) aimed at dealing with the expulsion of irregular migrants. The MoU would have been unnoticed had it not been stipulated after the Council granted the European Commission the exclusive mandate to negotiate a European Readmission Agreement (EURA) with Tunisia. This article examines the factors that have been conducive to the post-mandate conclusion of the bilateral MoU. Approaching informalization as a systemic and evolving process in European and international relations, this article makes four contributions. First, it questions the assumption that informal deals can be equated with a political act that is unimportant or legally non-binding. Second, the article argues that the July 2018 MoU is symptomatic of unprecedented deviations, at the EU level, that today consolidate the drive for informalization. Third, the analysis shows that the MoU has been, as it were, above suspicion, for its existence has been silently tolerated as a result of broader policy developments that normalize the use of informal instruments, especially in the EU-Africa context. Fourth, beyond the official rhetoric about flexibility and informalization, the case study reveals the limits of international cooperation on readmission.
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European Papers, 2022
To properly understand the various factors that have been conducive to diplomatic tensions betwee... more To properly understand the various factors that have been conducive to diplomatic tensions between Spain and Morocco, following the mass arrival of migrants crossing the border of the Ceuta enclave in May 2021, we need to move the debate beyond the recurrent reference to "blackmail". The instrumentalization of migration for political and diplomatic purposes is not uncommon in the history of international relations. Nor is it new in the governance of migration. This Insight argues that the May 2021 events are symptomatic of a now consolidated community of interests between Morocco, on the one hand, and the EU and its Member States, on the other, that has gradually affected their relations, across various issue-areas, for better and for worse.
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European Journal of Migration and Law, 2022
Can a part of the territory of the European Union be turned into a "non-territory" where the fund... more Can a part of the territory of the European Union be turned into a "non-territory" where the fundamental rights of the migrants and asylum seekers to appeal and to remain in their destination country while their applications are examined, and the right for an individual assessment in line with international standards, are as it were contracted, owing to the very attributes of this "non-territory"? This article argues that the Pact on Migration and Asylum, in particular with the pre-entry screening and the new border procedures, subtly develops and consolidates policies and rules aimed at "deterritorializing" the territory of the EU while reinforcing its practices of externalization. Moreover, this unprecedented deterritorializationexternalization combination, in order to produce tangible policy results, presupposes the cooperation of third countries on expulsion and readmission, as well as more solidarity among the Member States. Having critically examined these two dimensions, the authors conclude that the new measures contained in the Pact might be conducive to the enhanced precarization of the legal positions of migrants and asylum seekers and to potential tensions with strategic third countries.
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Revue Internationale et Stratégique, 2021
Cet article démontre qu'il est nécessaire de bien réfléchir au projet de « normaliser » la réadmi... more Cet article démontre qu'il est nécessaire de bien réfléchir au projet de « normaliser » la réadmission dans les relations extérieures de l’UE, plus particulièrement dans un contexte régional où les rapports d'interdépendance entre acteurs étatiques ont changé radicalement au cours des deux dernières décennies. Si d’aucuns reconnaissent la faible corrélation entre la coopération en matière de réadmission et la politique des visas, créer un lien de conditionnalité entre ces deux domaines ne saurait garantir la coopération durable des pays tiers, surtout lorsque ces derniers sont, aujourd’hui, en mesure de capitaliser sur leur position stratégique vis-à-vis de certains États membres de l’UE.
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Les Cahiers de Tunisie, 2020
Dans les pourparlers en matière migratoire, le sens du mot « retour » a considérablement changé, ... more Dans les pourparlers en matière migratoire, le sens du mot « retour » a considérablement changé, au cours des deux dernières décennies, au moyen d'un glissement sémantique l'assimilant à l'expulsion. Cet euphémisme, résultant de paradigmes puissants, soulève de nombreux questionnements d'ordre politique, juridique et épistémologique. Aussi est-il nécessaire de faire sa généalogie et de comprendre ses enjeux et conséquences sur le terrain.
En faisant usage de données empiriques recueillies en Tunisie auprès de migrants rentrés au pays, les conséquences directes dérivant de ce glissement sémantique seront illustrées. L'article conclut par un plaidoyer en faveur d'une clarté terminologique car les migrants expulsés ou réadmis depuis l'étranger ne sont pas des migrants de retour.
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International Journal of Migration and Border Studies, 2018
Moving the debate beyond the criminalisation of international migration begins with taking seriou... more Moving the debate beyond the criminalisation of international migration begins with taking seriously the measure of its cumulative effects on foreigners as well as on state-citizen relationships in all countries of migration. The drive for criminalisation has gained so much momentum in all countries of migration, be they rich or poor, democratically organised or authoritarian, conflict-ridden or in peace.
Criminalisation is not simply a name for the obvious securitisation of migration policies, or for how the latter have restricted the movement of people across borders. It is a name for a premise that gradually has come to regulate the complex relationships between states and their own citizens (be they mobile or not) as well as the organization of states’ interactions. In this connection, North African countries have learned to talk the talk of migration management and border controls while opening communicative channels with their European neighbours. However, as shown in this article, together with this process of socialisation based on iterative communication and reinvigorated patterns of interconnectedness, rules and practices transferred from abroad have been, as it were, re-appropriated while turning the socialiser (the EU and its member states) into a socialisee. In other words, European actors have become receptive to the diffusion of a counter-narrative from their North African neighbours, at the cost of making their cooperation framework more flexible with a view to addressing North African countries’ empowered agency and preferences.
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En dépit de sa perméabilité aux influences extérieures, le pouvoir en Tunisie n’est jamais resté ... more En dépit de sa perméabilité aux influences extérieures, le pouvoir en Tunisie n’est jamais resté passif face aux pressions ou injonctions (aussi fortes soient-elles) émanant de ses « partenaires » étrangers. La notion de réajustement est utile à l’analyse car elle comporte deux dimensions interdépendantes que l’on retrouve dans la littérature des relations internationales sur la notion d’agence. La première a trait à la capacité de l’État récepteur de politiques publiques à réadapter localement l’effet et la portée de celles-ci. La deuxième concerne la volonté affichée des États et des institutions internationales émetteurs de politiques publiques de démontrer qu’un transfert a bien eu lieu en direction de l’État récepteur au moyen de conditionnalités et d’incitations financières, ou encore par apprentissage ou simple émulation, même si chaque acteur sait que perméabilité ne rime pas toujours avec applicabilité. Il sera démontré, dans ce cas, que le réajustement pouvait aussi relever d’un accommodement mutuel entre État récepteur et État émetteur. Cet accommodement mutuel répondait, quant à lui, à la prégnance d’une hiérarchie de priorités qui sera explicitée dans le texte. Plusieurs années après les soulèvements populaires de 2011, cette même hiérarchie, fondée sur un paradigme sécuritaire, continue d’orienter les choix des acteurs politiques et institutionnels en Tunisie. Les conditions et facteurs à l’origine de sa persistance sont analysés.
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The drive for flexibility was already a fait accompli at a bilateral level, long before the entry... more The drive for flexibility was already a fait accompli at a bilateral level, long before the entry into force of the 1999 Treaty of Amsterdam which empowered the Union to negotiate and conclude formal EU readmission agreements with third countries. This chapter sets out to demonstrate that the drive for flexibility has also become a fait accompli at the EU level, seven years after the 2009 entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon. The implications stemming from the drive for flexibility are critically examined with reference to the various EU domestic factors that motivated the European Commission.
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If we were to define the current common readmission policy of the EU in Africa, the words “flexib... more If we were to define the current common readmission policy of the EU in Africa, the words “flexibility”, “arrangements”, “non-legally binding” and “practical instruments” would be used repeatedly. Similarly, making an inventory based exclusively on the number of formal readmission agreements the EU has entered into with third countries would never suffice to illustrate the scope of its common readmission policy. At the EU level, new informal arrangements dealing with readmission and readmission-related matters have indeed flourished. Beyond the oft-declared need for “practical cooperation”, the authors set out to explain the unavowed domestic factors that prompted the European Commission to opt for flexible arrangements on readmission with third countries in Africa.
Click here: http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/hrlc/documents/pb-1-finding-its-place-in-africa.pdf
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International Affairs, 2017
Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an impo... more Recent policy developments in the western Mediterranean, especially in North Africa, pose an important puzzle for our understanding of borders and frontiers and the ways in which they are politically addressed. This article sets out to analyse their various implications for patterns of interdependence among states, territoriality, sovereignty, mobility, and last but not least, for domestic politics. By drawing on a vast corpus, the study provides a broader interpretation of such implications which, as argued, cannot be captured with exclusive reference to securitization and processes of demarcation. This endeavour is important to explore how the power dimension in the borderland may interact with other dimensions of the border. Each disciplinary approach discussed in this study, including its heuristic devices, provides a valid explanation of the oft-cited disconnect that scholars have observed in North Africa between the territorially bounded ideal-type of the nation-state and the ways in which it is concretely translated, if not reinterpreted, by borderlanders. An important insight is to venture far beyond disciplinary dogmatism with a view to addressing an array of drivers (be they political, historical, social, economic and geostrategic) that propels bordering practices in North Africa and determines, by the same token, their effects on the ground.
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Il riferimento all’art. 13 dell’accordo di Cotonou, di cui uno dei paragrafi è dedicato alla coop... more Il riferimento all’art. 13 dell’accordo di Cotonou, di cui uno dei paragrafi è dedicato alla cooperazione in materia di riammissione, è divenuto un tema ricorrente nei negoziati relativi alla questione migratoria fra Paesi europei e Paesi del gruppo ACP. Le esperienze bilaterali mostrano come la riammissione abbia acquisito un ruolo centrale, sebbene questa questione spinosa sia lasciata in secondo piano rispetto ad altri aspetti strategici. Questo articolo mira a decriptare le implicazioni di tale apparente contraddizione.
DOI: 10.3280/DIRI2016-001004
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The EU-Turkey deal hinges on bilateral cooperation between Greece and Turkey. Perhaps never befor... more The EU-Turkey deal hinges on bilateral cooperation between Greece and Turkey. Perhaps never before has bilateralism been so intertwined with supranationalism. The post-democratic challenges lying behind the deal are analysed.
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Politique Etrangère, 2016
La référence à l’article 13 de l’accord de Cotonou, dont un paragraphe concerne la coopération en... more La référence à l’article 13 de l’accord de Cotonou, dont un paragraphe concerne la coopération en matière de réadmission, est devenue récurrente dans les pourparlers sur les questions migratoires entre Européens et pays du groupe ACP. L’expérience bilatérale montre que la réadmission a acquis une place centrale, mais cette question épineuse demeure périphérique par rapport à d’autres enjeux stratégiques. Il faut donc décrypter les implications de cette apparente contradiction.
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Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU ’s core responses to the refugee crisis... more Greater cooperation with third countries is one of the EU ’s core responses to the refugee crisis. This cooperation is focused on the readmission of individuals irregularly staying in the EU, on border surveillance and control, and on the reception of refugees in third countries. The EU has attempted to co-opt Turkey and African countries into these priorities, using funding and specific mobility channels as incentives. This paper poses the question of what kind of cooperation the EU should pursue with third countries. As the current approaches are not new, we present the lessons from the EU’s long cooperation with Morocco to inform the current debate. We find that, first, the difficult negotiations on an EU Readmission Agreement with Morocco show that more funding or ‘incentives’ cannot guarantee such an agreement, let alone its implementation. Second, we highlight the challenges of the partly EU-funded and Frontex-coordinated cooperation on borders between Spain and Morocco, which hampers the capacity of third countries to respect migrants’ rights and challenges the obligations of EU member states under European and international law. Third, as EU cooperation with Turkey and Africa now aims to ‘stem’ the flow of asylum-seekers, the capacity of third countries to offer reception and protection to asylum-seekers is crucial. We conclude that Morocco has limited capacities in this regard, which raises the question of whether third countries can be assumed to be able to offer such reception and protection. We argue that the lessons learnt from the cooperation with Morocco illustrate the limited feasibility and appropriateness of the EU’s approach towards third countries. Cooperation with third countries should not come at the expense of migrants’ rights, but should open up regular channels for seeking asylum, and not link readmission to other fields of EU external action under the ‘more-for-more’ principle.
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There are inescapable facts and evidence when it comes to dealing with the return of migrants and... more There are inescapable facts and evidence when it comes to dealing with the return of migrants and their reintegration. Defining concrete policy measures aimed at ensuring the completeness of returnees’ migration cycles will, at a certain point, be a key challenge that migration and development stakeholders in both countries of origin and destination will have to address. Admittedly, this challenge is all the more daunting when considering the consensus on which the current security-driven ‘return’ policies have been premised over the last few decades. Addressing the completeness of returnees’ migration cycles implies questioning such a consensus by rethinking the policy priorities that have been considered to date.
Such a rethink would also be contingent on a basic precondition: the necessity to make a clear-cut distinction between return and expulsion or removal, for these different conditions decisively affect the likelihood (or desire) of individuals to reintegrate. It is time to recognise that the following categories cannot be mixed together under a uniform heading of ‘return’: migrants expelled or removed from abroad and migrants who return to their countries of origin. There is a substantial difference between return (viewed as a stage in the migration cycle) and expulsion that can no longer be ignored, analytically or in practical terms. As long as no distinction is made, the policy debate on the link between return, reintegration and development will remain biased by security-oriented priorities, if not spurious. As long as no distinction is made, current ‘return’ policies are not return policies.
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Résumé:
Sur la base d'une récente enquête réalisée dans différents gouvernorats de la Tunisie, ce... more Résumé:
Sur la base d'une récente enquête réalisée dans différents gouvernorats de la Tunisie, cet article entend proposer une relecture de l'entrepreneuriat des migrants de retour à la lumière de leur cycle migratoire. Après avoir identifié trois types de cycle migratoire (complet, incomplet et interrompu), il démontre l'existence de plusieurs degrés d'entrepreneuriat dont l'impact sur le tissu industriel du pays s'avère fort variable, ne serait-ce qu'en termes d'activités génératrices d'emplois, de stratégies de mobilité et de modes de réinsertion socioprofessionnelle. Aujourd'hui, cette relecture à la lumière des cycles migratoires apparaît d'autant plus pertinente que le caractère temporaire des migrations internationales acquiert une importance croissante dans le cadre des pourparlers en matière migratoire entre la Tunisie et les pays européens.
Abstract:
Based on a recent field survey carried out in Tunisia, this article sets out to reassess the interrelationship between entrepreneurship and return migration through the lens of migration cycles. Having identified three types of migration cycle (complete, incomplete and interrupted), various degrees of entrepreneurship are analyzed with a view to showing that their respective impact markedly differs in terms of job creation, mobility strategies and patterns of reintegration back home. Today, this reappraisal is necessary when considering that the temporary mobility of migrants is gaining momentum in the current bilateral talks on migration between Tunisia and European countries.
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Jamais la prise en compte des cycles migratoires dans la compréhension des modes de réinsertion m... more Jamais la prise en compte des cycles migratoires dans la compréhension des modes de réinsertion multiples des migrants de retour n’aura été aussi pertinente au regard des développements politiques actuels. Cette étude entend démontrer qu’un lien de continuité existe entre la propension d’un migrant de retour à se réinsérer au pays et la complétude de son cycle migratoire et vice versa. En premier lieu, elle entend apporter une réflexion inédite qui s’inscrit dans le sillage d’une riche littérature scientifique, située au croisement de nombreuses disciplines, et d’une réflexion menée par l’auteur. Ensuite, sur la base d’une enquête de terrain comparative réalisée auprès de migrants de retour en Arménie, au Mali et en Tunisie, elle tente de démontrer que le degré de complétude du cycle migratoire des migrants de retour constitue une variable significative dans la compréhension de leurs différents degrés de réinsertion. Enfin, l’étude conclue en évoquant les implications politiques issues de cette approche.
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L’expansion du système de la réadmission n’est plus à démontrer. Comprendre les conditions sous-t... more L’expansion du système de la réadmission n’est plus à démontrer. Comprendre les conditions sous-tendant son expansion sans précédent nécessite, toutefois, un nouveau cadre d’analyse à même de décrypter l’ampleur de ce système où se mêlent des effets d’entraînement et de résistance entre acteurs étatiques aux intérêts à la fois divergents, voire contradictoires.
Ce système composé de nombreux accords bilatéraux facilitant l’éloignement des étrangers en situation irrégulière ne revêt pas seulement une fonction coercitive, mais aussi une fonction régulatrice et légitimante. En premier lieu, l’article propose d’analyser les conditions de son ancrage dans les liens d’interdépendance internationaux, parallèlement à la mise en place de programmes sélectifs de recrutement temporaire des travailleurs étrangers. Ensuite, il postule que sa fonction coercitive, amplement traitée, ne peut occulter le fait que la réadmission et son ethos semblent, aujourd’hui, indissociables d’un questionnement plus approfondi sur le sens même du travail, de la participation et des inégalités sociales dans nos sociétés contemporaines. Aussi, l’hypothèse d’un lien de continuité, ou continuum, entre la réglementation accrue du séjour et de l’emploi temporaires des travailleurs migrants (fonction régulatrice du système de la réadmission), d’une part, et la déréglementation du marché du travail en Europe et ailleurs dans le monde (fonction légitimante du système de la réadmission), d’autre part, sera exposée. Enfin, l’article entend engager une nouvelle réflexion critique et pertinente au regard des développements politiques passés et récents, entre l’Europe et son voisinage, plus particulièrement dans le cadre des relations euro méditerranéennes.
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Readmission is not simply a means of removing undesirable foreigners through coercive methods. Wh... more Readmission is not simply a means of removing undesirable foreigners through coercive methods. When viewed as a way of ensuring the temporary stay of foreign workers in the labour markets of European destination countries, readmission may also impact on the participatory rights of a growing number of native workers facing equally temporary (and precarious) labour conditions, in a context marked by employment deregulation and wage flexibility. These implications have clear democratic significance. A new analytical perspective applied to the expansion and development of the readmission system is aimed at promoting a reflection on an unexplored research area bridging the gap between labour migration regulation and labour market deregulation.
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Articles and book chapters
En faisant usage de données empiriques recueillies en Tunisie auprès de migrants rentrés au pays, les conséquences directes dérivant de ce glissement sémantique seront illustrées. L'article conclut par un plaidoyer en faveur d'une clarté terminologique car les migrants expulsés ou réadmis depuis l'étranger ne sont pas des migrants de retour.
Criminalisation is not simply a name for the obvious securitisation of migration policies, or for how the latter have restricted the movement of people across borders. It is a name for a premise that gradually has come to regulate the complex relationships between states and their own citizens (be they mobile or not) as well as the organization of states’ interactions. In this connection, North African countries have learned to talk the talk of migration management and border controls while opening communicative channels with their European neighbours. However, as shown in this article, together with this process of socialisation based on iterative communication and reinvigorated patterns of interconnectedness, rules and practices transferred from abroad have been, as it were, re-appropriated while turning the socialiser (the EU and its member states) into a socialisee. In other words, European actors have become receptive to the diffusion of a counter-narrative from their North African neighbours, at the cost of making their cooperation framework more flexible with a view to addressing North African countries’ empowered agency and preferences.
Click here: http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/hrlc/documents/pb-1-finding-its-place-in-africa.pdf
DOI: 10.3280/DIRI2016-001004
Such a rethink would also be contingent on a basic precondition: the necessity to make a clear-cut distinction between return and expulsion or removal, for these different conditions decisively affect the likelihood (or desire) of individuals to reintegrate. It is time to recognise that the following categories cannot be mixed together under a uniform heading of ‘return’: migrants expelled or removed from abroad and migrants who return to their countries of origin. There is a substantial difference between return (viewed as a stage in the migration cycle) and expulsion that can no longer be ignored, analytically or in practical terms. As long as no distinction is made, the policy debate on the link between return, reintegration and development will remain biased by security-oriented priorities, if not spurious. As long as no distinction is made, current ‘return’ policies are not return policies.
Sur la base d'une récente enquête réalisée dans différents gouvernorats de la Tunisie, cet article entend proposer une relecture de l'entrepreneuriat des migrants de retour à la lumière de leur cycle migratoire. Après avoir identifié trois types de cycle migratoire (complet, incomplet et interrompu), il démontre l'existence de plusieurs degrés d'entrepreneuriat dont l'impact sur le tissu industriel du pays s'avère fort variable, ne serait-ce qu'en termes d'activités génératrices d'emplois, de stratégies de mobilité et de modes de réinsertion socioprofessionnelle. Aujourd'hui, cette relecture à la lumière des cycles migratoires apparaît d'autant plus pertinente que le caractère temporaire des migrations internationales acquiert une importance croissante dans le cadre des pourparlers en matière migratoire entre la Tunisie et les pays européens.
Abstract:
Based on a recent field survey carried out in Tunisia, this article sets out to reassess the interrelationship between entrepreneurship and return migration through the lens of migration cycles. Having identified three types of migration cycle (complete, incomplete and interrupted), various degrees of entrepreneurship are analyzed with a view to showing that their respective impact markedly differs in terms of job creation, mobility strategies and patterns of reintegration back home. Today, this reappraisal is necessary when considering that the temporary mobility of migrants is gaining momentum in the current bilateral talks on migration between Tunisia and European countries.
Ce système composé de nombreux accords bilatéraux facilitant l’éloignement des étrangers en situation irrégulière ne revêt pas seulement une fonction coercitive, mais aussi une fonction régulatrice et légitimante. En premier lieu, l’article propose d’analyser les conditions de son ancrage dans les liens d’interdépendance internationaux, parallèlement à la mise en place de programmes sélectifs de recrutement temporaire des travailleurs étrangers. Ensuite, il postule que sa fonction coercitive, amplement traitée, ne peut occulter le fait que la réadmission et son ethos semblent, aujourd’hui, indissociables d’un questionnement plus approfondi sur le sens même du travail, de la participation et des inégalités sociales dans nos sociétés contemporaines. Aussi, l’hypothèse d’un lien de continuité, ou continuum, entre la réglementation accrue du séjour et de l’emploi temporaires des travailleurs migrants (fonction régulatrice du système de la réadmission), d’une part, et la déréglementation du marché du travail en Europe et ailleurs dans le monde (fonction légitimante du système de la réadmission), d’autre part, sera exposée. Enfin, l’article entend engager une nouvelle réflexion critique et pertinente au regard des développements politiques passés et récents, entre l’Europe et son voisinage, plus particulièrement dans le cadre des relations euro méditerranéennes.
En faisant usage de données empiriques recueillies en Tunisie auprès de migrants rentrés au pays, les conséquences directes dérivant de ce glissement sémantique seront illustrées. L'article conclut par un plaidoyer en faveur d'une clarté terminologique car les migrants expulsés ou réadmis depuis l'étranger ne sont pas des migrants de retour.
Criminalisation is not simply a name for the obvious securitisation of migration policies, or for how the latter have restricted the movement of people across borders. It is a name for a premise that gradually has come to regulate the complex relationships between states and their own citizens (be they mobile or not) as well as the organization of states’ interactions. In this connection, North African countries have learned to talk the talk of migration management and border controls while opening communicative channels with their European neighbours. However, as shown in this article, together with this process of socialisation based on iterative communication and reinvigorated patterns of interconnectedness, rules and practices transferred from abroad have been, as it were, re-appropriated while turning the socialiser (the EU and its member states) into a socialisee. In other words, European actors have become receptive to the diffusion of a counter-narrative from their North African neighbours, at the cost of making their cooperation framework more flexible with a view to addressing North African countries’ empowered agency and preferences.
Click here: http://www.nottingham.ac.uk/hrlc/documents/pb-1-finding-its-place-in-africa.pdf
DOI: 10.3280/DIRI2016-001004
Such a rethink would also be contingent on a basic precondition: the necessity to make a clear-cut distinction between return and expulsion or removal, for these different conditions decisively affect the likelihood (or desire) of individuals to reintegrate. It is time to recognise that the following categories cannot be mixed together under a uniform heading of ‘return’: migrants expelled or removed from abroad and migrants who return to their countries of origin. There is a substantial difference between return (viewed as a stage in the migration cycle) and expulsion that can no longer be ignored, analytically or in practical terms. As long as no distinction is made, the policy debate on the link between return, reintegration and development will remain biased by security-oriented priorities, if not spurious. As long as no distinction is made, current ‘return’ policies are not return policies.
Sur la base d'une récente enquête réalisée dans différents gouvernorats de la Tunisie, cet article entend proposer une relecture de l'entrepreneuriat des migrants de retour à la lumière de leur cycle migratoire. Après avoir identifié trois types de cycle migratoire (complet, incomplet et interrompu), il démontre l'existence de plusieurs degrés d'entrepreneuriat dont l'impact sur le tissu industriel du pays s'avère fort variable, ne serait-ce qu'en termes d'activités génératrices d'emplois, de stratégies de mobilité et de modes de réinsertion socioprofessionnelle. Aujourd'hui, cette relecture à la lumière des cycles migratoires apparaît d'autant plus pertinente que le caractère temporaire des migrations internationales acquiert une importance croissante dans le cadre des pourparlers en matière migratoire entre la Tunisie et les pays européens.
Abstract:
Based on a recent field survey carried out in Tunisia, this article sets out to reassess the interrelationship between entrepreneurship and return migration through the lens of migration cycles. Having identified three types of migration cycle (complete, incomplete and interrupted), various degrees of entrepreneurship are analyzed with a view to showing that their respective impact markedly differs in terms of job creation, mobility strategies and patterns of reintegration back home. Today, this reappraisal is necessary when considering that the temporary mobility of migrants is gaining momentum in the current bilateral talks on migration between Tunisia and European countries.
Ce système composé de nombreux accords bilatéraux facilitant l’éloignement des étrangers en situation irrégulière ne revêt pas seulement une fonction coercitive, mais aussi une fonction régulatrice et légitimante. En premier lieu, l’article propose d’analyser les conditions de son ancrage dans les liens d’interdépendance internationaux, parallèlement à la mise en place de programmes sélectifs de recrutement temporaire des travailleurs étrangers. Ensuite, il postule que sa fonction coercitive, amplement traitée, ne peut occulter le fait que la réadmission et son ethos semblent, aujourd’hui, indissociables d’un questionnement plus approfondi sur le sens même du travail, de la participation et des inégalités sociales dans nos sociétés contemporaines. Aussi, l’hypothèse d’un lien de continuité, ou continuum, entre la réglementation accrue du séjour et de l’emploi temporaires des travailleurs migrants (fonction régulatrice du système de la réadmission), d’une part, et la déréglementation du marché du travail en Europe et ailleurs dans le monde (fonction légitimante du système de la réadmission), d’autre part, sera exposée. Enfin, l’article entend engager une nouvelle réflexion critique et pertinente au regard des développements politiques passés et récents, entre l’Europe et son voisinage, plus particulièrement dans le cadre des relations euro méditerranéennes.
The common denominator shared by the authors lies in questioning the disproportionate policy attention to leverage, operability and effectiveness when addressing cooperation on readmission with non-EU countries. They propose rethinking the boundaries of the problem by emphasising that asymmetrical patterns of cooperation on readmission are not only based on unequal costs and benefits. Despite their asymmetry, they also remain meaningful for the state actors involved. This is a fact that has significantly shaped the relations between Southern Mediterranean countries and their European counterparts as well as between Southern Mediterranean countries and their African counterparts. Consequently, we need to bear in mind this grammar. Sometimes, interactions can be conducive to reinforced interdependence, which, in turn, can lead to new unintended consequences and challenges. As shown in this study, cooperation on readmission in the Mediterranean and African contexts is a case in point.
L’ensemble de ces phénomènes dénote l’apparition, voire l’expansion, d’une zone grise. Cette expression est métaphoriquement utilisée par les auteurs pour désigner un espace où règnent le manque de clarté, l’ambivalence, l’imprécision et le flou. Cet espace ne permet pas uniquement de dissimuler et de camoufler, il permet de discréditer les actes de résistance, voire de les taire. Toute zone grise comporte un étrange paradoxe en soi : elle trouble la conscience de ceux qui la perpétuent mais apparaît à la fois justifiable comme un « moindre mal », au risque d’accepter le mal en tant que tel8.
Chaque auteur s’interroge sur les origines de la zone grise ainsi que sur ses attributs et ses conséquences multiples. Ces trois points (origines, attributs et conséquences) assurent une cohérence analytique au dossier thématique. Ils permettent de tracer une généalogie de la zone grise et, enfin, de comprendre.
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Ce livre, en replaçant les événements de 2011 dans le temps long, cherche à dépasser les représentations binaires dictature/démocratie, autoritarisme/pluralisme. Il s’attache à rendre compte des mutations culturelles, sociales et politiques, à décortiquer la part d’inédit et de créativité de la période post-Ben Ali et analyse comment elle s’accommode des structures héritées.
En une vingtaine de contributions originales (analyses historiques, enquêtes de terrain, entretiens avec les acteurs), ce livre dresse un portrait à la fois sociologique et politique de la Tunisie d’aujourd’hui.
Learn more:
http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780195389678/obo-9780195389678-0259.xml#
The rationale for the inventory is not only informative. It is also aimed at showing that a whole "readmission system" exists linking today more than 125 countries of destination, of transit and of origin, whether these are poor or rich, large or small, conflict-ridden or not, democratically organized or authoritarian.
This is a powerfully inclusive system.
http://www.jeanpierrecassarino.com/datasets/ra/
Among many others, these are the issues addressed by the Return migration and Development Platform (RDP). A comprehensive field survey was carried out in early 2012, based on 1095 face-to-face interviews made with migrants who returned to Armenia, Mali and Tunisia. Click on the link to view the data."