Gary Rawnsley
I joined the Department of International Politics at Aberystwyth in 2013 as Professor of Public Diplomacy. Previously I was Professor of International Communications in the Institute of Communications Studies (Leeds) following 12 years at the University of Nottingham (including two as the Founding Dean of Nottingham's campus in China).
My research integrates my interests in international communications (specifically strategic communications, public diplomacy and soft power) and Asia (mainly East Asia - China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Korea and Japan). I am also interested in issues of democratisation and the media, election campaigning (especially Americanisation) and the intersection of the local with the global.
Most of my time in Aberystwyth is devoted to helping design and facilitate the University's internationalisation strategy, working alongside the PVC, John Grattan.
My blog on Public Diplomacy and International Communications can be found at http://wwwpdic.blogpost.com
My research integrates my interests in international communications (specifically strategic communications, public diplomacy and soft power) and Asia (mainly East Asia - China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Korea and Japan). I am also interested in issues of democratisation and the media, election campaigning (especially Americanisation) and the intersection of the local with the global.
Most of my time in Aberystwyth is devoted to helping design and facilitate the University's internationalisation strategy, working alongside the PVC, John Grattan.
My blog on Public Diplomacy and International Communications can be found at http://wwwpdic.blogpost.com
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political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country’s media democratisation. For them, the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legacies and economic conditions. The most pressing example is the way the paternal power of
conservative media owners challenged the editorial independence of journalists. While the Internet media offered some hope to rebalance the power relationship between the conservative and progressive forces, the sensational and hyper-adversarial media motivated by market and political competition emerged as more worrying concerns for the consolidation of democratic political communication in post-transition South Korea. Setbacks in press freedom since 2008 have undermined some of the positive evaluations of the political communication in South Korea, suggesting that the democratic transition in this country resembles ‘a circle rather a straight line’.
political affiliations and interests. Findings suggest that both groups had positive appraisals of the country’s media democratisation. For them, the media could function as a watchdog on political power without having to fear direct political reprisals for doing so. However, the political press remained partially shackled to specific legacies and economic conditions. The most pressing example is the way the paternal power of
conservative media owners challenged the editorial independence of journalists. While the Internet media offered some hope to rebalance the power relationship between the conservative and progressive forces, the sensational and hyper-adversarial media motivated by market and political competition emerged as more worrying concerns for the consolidation of democratic political communication in post-transition South Korea. Setbacks in press freedom since 2008 have undermined some of the positive evaluations of the political communication in South Korea, suggesting that the democratic transition in this country resembles ‘a circle rather a straight line’.
• the philosophy and practice of power in Qin dynasty China (legalism; utilitarianism)
• the question of narratives (who gets to tell the story? Whose version of history is legitimate and is accepted as such?)
• does the film accept that authoritarian control is a necessary evil, that it can serve order, peace, stability and prosperity?