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International and Cultural Psychology
Series Editor: Anthony J. Marsella, Ph.D.

Carl Ratner

Neoliberal
Psychology
International and Cultural Psychology

Series editor
Anthony J. Marsella, Professor Emeritus, University of Hawaii
Explores problems and challenges to mental health, psychosocial wellbeing, human
growth and development, and human welfare that are emerging from our
contemporary global context. It advances in psychological knowledge regarding the
nature and consequences of the many social, cultural, economic, political, and
environmental events and forces that affect individuals and communities throughout
the world.
The series covers areas like therapy, assessment, organizational psychology,
community psychology, gender, child development, and specific disorders. In
addition, it addresses major global challenges such as poverty, peace, urbanization,
modernization, refugees, and migration. The series acknowledges the multidisci-
plinary, multisectoral, and multicultural nature of the global context of our lives, and
publishes books that reflect this reality.

More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/6089


Carl Ratner

Neoliberal Psychology

123
Carl Ratner
Institute for Cultural Research and Education
Trinidad, CA, USA

ISSN 1574-0455 ISSN 2197-7984 (electronic)


International and Cultural Psychology
ISBN 978-3-030-02981-4 ISBN 978-3-030-02982-1 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02982-1

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018963288

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2019


This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part
of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations,
recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission
or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar
methodology now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from
the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this
book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the
authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or
for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to
jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations.

This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Economics are the method [for
neoliberalism], but the object is to change the
soul.
Margaret Thatcher

There are a thousand hacking at the branches


of evil to one who is striking at the root.
Henry David Thoreau

It seems to me that the real political task in a


society such as ours is to criticize the
workings of institutions, which appear to be
both neutral and independent; to criticize and
attack them in such a manner that the
political violence which has always exercised
itself obscurely through them will be
unmasked, so that one can fight against them.

This critique and this fight seem essential to


me for different reasons: first, because
political power goes much deeper than one
suspects; there are centers and invisible,
little-known points of support; its true
resistance, its true solidity is perhaps where
one doesn’t expect it. Probably it’s
insufficient to say that behind the
governments, behind the apparatus of the
state, there is the dominant class; one must
locate the point of activity, the places and
forms in which its domination is exercised.
And because this domination is not simply the
expression in political terms of economic
exploitation, it is its instrument and, to a
large extent, the condition which makes it
possible; the suppression of the one is
achieved through the exhaustive discernment
of the other. Well, if one fails to recognize
these points of support of class power, one
risks allowing them to continue to exist; and
to see this class power reconstitute itself even
after an apparent revolutionary process.

It is only too clear that we are living under a


regime of a dictatorship of class, of a power
of class which imposes itself by violence, even
when the instruments of this violence are
institutional and constitutional
(Chomsky-Foucault, 2006, pp. 41, 39).
Foucault
To Lumei. Lemon tree very pretty and the
lemon flower is sweet
Preface

The Reasons, Purposes, and Outcomes of This Book

This book is about the psychology of people living in neoliberal capitalist society.
Their psychology is neoliberal psychology. It is infused with neoliberal form and
content. These characteristics of neoliberal psychology are derived from the char-
acteristics of neoliberal society and require a deep understanding of the latter.
Neoliberal psychology is thus a vital insight into neoliberal society. Neoliberal
psychology brings society into psychology, and psychology into society. It breaks
down the false, artificial division between society and psychology that is practiced
in academia and in everyday life.
This book has been motivated by four concerns: (1) to scientifically understand
the cultural psychology of people in the neoliberal era, (2) to develop the academic
discipline of cultural psychology to become adequate to comprehending neoliberal
psychology, (3) to utilize neoliberal psychology to deepen our understanding of
neoliberal society (which is dominant around the world), and (4) to utilize our
understanding of neoliberal psychology and neoliberal society to enrich/improve
our current psychology and social system. We need a coherent understanding of the
present and its dialectical potential for a qualitatively improved future. The current
lack of this understanding is responsible for the triple errors of current social trends:
(a) ignoring or accepting the true causes of oppression, and electing economic and
political oppressors as social leaders, (b) attacking innocent scapegoats such as
immigrants, gender, religious groups, and race, and (c) lacking a vision of a viable,
comprehensive alternative to neoliberalism. All of these errors intensify the
oppression and crises that afflict the populace.
The distinctive contribution of cultural psychology to social emancipation lies in
the scientific conceptualization of psychological phenomena as cultural phenomena
that are elements of cultural factors and processes. It follows that enriching, ful-
filling, and emancipating psychology requires enriching, fulfilling, and emanci-
pating its cultural basis and character. No other psychological approach includes

ix
x Preface

emancipating the social system within its purview because no other approach
conceptualizes psychology as elements of the system.
The political, critical, transformative, and emancipatory thrust of cultural psy-
chology is particularly necessary in this era of cascading geopolitical, environ-
mental, economic, and moral disasters. This book elucidates the contribution that
cultural psychology can make to salvaging and advancing human civilization.

Neoliberal Psychology: The Cultural Psychology of Our Era

Neoliberal psychology is not simply certain natural reactions to neoliberal society.


It is not simply that neoliberal society galvanizes our anxiety or confusion or
hyperactivity or suspiciousness or defensiveness or depression or confidence, or
creativity. These abstract, psychobiological reactions to neoliberalism do not cap-
ture the neoliberal form and content of our psychology. They would actually reduce
neoliberal psychology to a quantitative point on a universal scale. They would
reduce culture to a simple, quantitative regulator of universal, specific psycholog-
ical processes. (This is the methodology of most cross-cultural psychologists who
compare diverse cultures on their degree of “religiosity,” or “neuroticism.”)
Neoliberal psychology, like all psychology, is a concrete form and content of
psychological processes—e.g., emotions, perception, cognition, motivation, mem-
ory, and psychological disturbance. Neoliberal psychology is not how we respond
to neoliberalism on the basis of our individual (biological or personal) response
mechanisms (which are outside neoliberalism). Neoliberal psychology is how
neoliberalism forms our psychological responses to things, events, and people. We
do not simply respond to neoliberalism; we are neoliberal responders.
The concrete, neoliberal form and content of psychology are our self, our
emotion of love, our sexuality, our attention and perception, our memory, our child
development, our femininity, our masculinity, our parenting, our eating, our
dressing, our thinking/reasoning, our needs, and our communicating.
Our psychology is not simply situated within a neoliberal context; our psy-
chology is infused with the features of that context. (Vygotsky 1994b, p. 348, said
“The environment is a factor in the realm of personality development, and its role is
to act as the source of this development … and not its context.”) The neoliberal
context is within us as well as outside. We do not simply live in neoliberal capi-
talism; we live neoliberal capitalism. Neoliberalism is our life, and we are the life of
neoliberal capitalism; we are neoliberal subjects, we are neoliberal agents, and we
have neoliberal psychology which is the subjectivity of neoliberal capitalism.
Neoliberal psychology is as much our character as being French or Italian is.
Italians do not simply live in Italy; they are Italian, and their psyches and bodies are
Italian in the sense that they have Italian form and content; they act and think and dress
and eat “Italian.” Neoliberal psychology is our cultural psychology, just as Italian is
cultural psychology. We are neoliberal subjects just as we are Italian or French. Our
psychology has neoliberal form and content. Just as we emphasize the unique,
Preface xi

concrete, incomparable, untranslatable qualities of Ifaluk emotions (e.g., “fago”),


Japanese Amae, Yroba mental illness, Wahhabi Islamic femininity, Victorian sexu-
ality, and the Kibbutzum self-concept, so we must emphasize the concrete, incom-
parable, untranslatable form and content of the neoliberal self, neoliberal emotions,
neoliberal perceptions, neoliberal femininity, neoliberal childhood, neoliberal
motives, neoliberal needs, and neoliberal sexuality.
Our neoliberal indigenous psychology merges with and modulates our
Frenchness, our Italianness, and our Chineseness. We are neoliberal Frenchmen, or
French neoliberals; we are Chinese with neoliberal characteristics; just as Germans
are feudal Germans or bourgeois Germans, depending upon the political–economic
system they live in. Their feudal and bourgeois characters are as pronounced as
their “German” character is—and modulate their Germanity. The same holds for the
neoliberal features of culture and psychology—they are as pronounced as their
national features are—if not more so. Contemporary Germans are neoliberal
Germans just as their forebearers were medieval Germans.
Neoliberal psychology is a new cultural form, along the lines of Eric Fromm’s
cultural personality types such as the receptive, exploitative, hoarding, marketing,
and productive personality. In cultural terms of customs and rituals, capitalization is
the central ritual of neoliberal capitalism.
It is apparent that transnational neoliberalism is becoming a more powerful
cultural force than national cultural histories are. Liu (2008, p. 193) found evidence
of this in her detailed ethnography of Chinese youth: “In planning their lives and
attempting to achieve their life goals, the young people have adopted an individ-
ualized approach, displaying a form of the autonomous, self-authoring and indi-
vidualistic neoliberal subject, with little reference to the socialist collectivist values
with which the Party has been attempting to indoctrinate Chinese citizens.” (I would
argue that the neoliberal self of a 20-year old Chinese girl in Shanghai is more
similar to an international cohort’s self in neoliberal Berlin than to a cohort from her
national Chinese culture such as the Sui Dynasty.) Of course, national cultural
histories remain important factors in society and psychology. They modulate or
mediate neoliberalism in each particular culture. Neoliberalism is not a singular
variable (Ratner 1997a).
The rising dominance of neoliberalism in society and psychology is not sur-
prising given the neoliberal integration of countries today. Liu (2008, p. 210)
explains this neoliberal cultural conditioning of psychology in China: “The fierce
competition based on the ‘jungle law,’ lack of social security, including old-age
care of the parents—which constitutes emerging burdens especially for the
only-child—credentialism, widespread corruption and consumerism, all seem to
teach people that it is oneself and one’s family that it is the most reliable welfare
agency for individual well-being, which is increasingly being defined according to
the western middle-class lifestyle.”
Bhatia and Priya (2018, p. 662) report the same occurrence in India: “New forms
of Indianness are also being shaped by media, transnational circuits, travel, and
outsourcing. The presence of American cultural symbols and practices, the estab-
lishment of the IT industry and call centers, and the insertion of cross-cultural
xii Preface

psychology, psychotherapy, testing, and personality evaluation through psycho-


logical science and new-age psychology is not only impacting the work life of
young Indian workers, but it is also reconstituting the very meaning of
“Indianness.”
International neoliberal capitalist organizations, such as the World Trade
Organization, Devos, G20, Asian Pacific Economic Cooperation, agree on common
neoliberal economic agendas for all their members. National characteristics are
marginalized. A shopping mall in China or Saudi Arabia or Los Angeles is
indistinguishable. Educational standards are also becoming globalized and inter-
changeable as students shift from one country to another during their studies. In
addition, professional psychology, in academia and in therapeutic interventions, is
becoming globalized and neoliberalized. For example, Chinese academic psy-
chology is identical to American, neoliberal, positivistic psychology.1 Since pro-
fessional psychology frames many psychological constructs of everyday life, it
contributes to the internationalizing of neoliberal psychology in the populace. For
instance,

Urban Indian workers are expected to largely follow the ideology of Western corporate
culture through individual transformation, embracing a self-Orientalizing framework,
acquiring new behaviors of increased emotional intelligence, assertiveness, flexibility,
productivity, and self-regulation. The corporations deploy a series of personality tests to
recruit, evaluate, and to assess the personality types and traits of the employees. Soft-skills
psychological workshops are conducted to create assertive, confident, happy, and
self-reliant workers. For instance, the Myers-Briggs Type Indicator and Transactional
Analysis inventories are two of the most commonly used instruments for training purposes
in Indian corporations (Bhatia & Priya, p. 654).

Just as we can only understand Italian psychology by understanding Italian


culture, so we must understand neoliberal culture, or society, in order to understand
neoliberal psychology. Cultural studies must include neoliberal culture.
Because neoliberal psychology reflects and embodies neoliberal cultural factors,
it can be an important window into expanding our understanding of neoliberalism.
Neoliberal psychology gives life to official, structural, policies; it informs us of the
manner in which they are lived by people and the effects they have on real life.
Neoliberal psychology testifies to the level of development of neoliberalism in
political and economic domains. The more pervasive that neoliberal love, sexuality,
self-concept, childhood, parenthood, needs, and interpersonal relations are, the
more dominant neoliberal political economy is, because psychology reflects such
macro-cultural factors.
Psychological insights into society are valuable for designing strategies to
improve society. These insights and strategies may contradict official propaganda
and objectives (Ratner 2017b).

1
Actually, Chinese psychology is more conservative and neoliberal because it lacks the
progressive, countervailing scholarship of theoretical psychology, sociocultural psychology,
macro-cultural psychology, and critical psychology.
Preface xiii

Psychological Theory for Neoliberal Psychology

The fact that neoliberal psychology does not exist for psychologists is a major
failure of the discipline. It testifies to underlying inadequacies in the concerns,
theories, and methodologies of psychologists. It is remarkable that virtually all
psychologists ignore the dominant character of human psychology in the world
today. This failure plagues mainstream academic psychologists (cognitive psy-
chologists, developmental psychologists, physiological psychologists, social psy-
chologists, health psychologists, educational psychologists), psychiatrists,
psychotherapists, cross-cultural psychologists, and most cultural psychologists.
Neoliberal psychology is simply not one of their constructs or topics.
A psychological theory and methodology for neoliberal psychology must be
developed. It must incorporate the scope of neoliberal psychology—including its
cultural basis, socializing mechanisms (How do emotions, perceptions, mental ill-
ness take on cultural form and content?), operating mechanisms, relation to
neoliberal society—and it must include mechanisms for social and psychological
improvement. These points must be built into the psychological theory and
methodology so that they can be elucidated by the theory and methodology. Tools
are constructed for handling specific kinds of things with particular properties.
A psychology for neoliberal psychology must be constructed for apprehending
the psychology of neoliberalism. Neoliberal psychology refers to both of these. It
refers to the everyday psychology of people and to the academic psychology that
apprehends it (which I designate with a capital P).
The only suitable theory for researching neoliberal psychology must be a cul-
tural–psychological theory that emanates from, and draws upon, social science
research into the relationship between culture and psychology. This research has
occurred in psychological anthropology, medical anthropology, sociology of
emotions, history of emotions, cultural studies, cultural hermeneutics, cultural
linguistics, and sociology of gender and social class. Examples of this work include
research on Ifaluk emotions, or language and perception among native American
Indians. The theories and methodologies of this kind of research can be expanded to
study neoliberal psychology.
The cultural–psychological theory that is the most sophisticated, coherent, and
suitable for neoliberal psychology is known as cultural–historical psychology. It
was developed by Vygotsky and his colleagues in the wake of the Russian
Revolution. Vygotsky’s followers have promoted his general concepts in fields
such as child psychology, linguistics, and educational psychology. However, they
(with few exceptions) have neglected (and denied, distorted, and trivialized) the
“macro”-aspects of Vygotsky’s theory (Ratner 2018a, b, c, 2015, 2016a; 2019,
chapter 5; Ratner & Nunes, 2017b). This leaves them incapable of applying the
theory to social issues such as neoliberalism. I have developed Vygotsky’s
macro-ideas under the name “macro-cultural psychology” (see Ratner 2018a, b, c,
2017a, b, 2016a, 2015, 2014c, 2013, 2012a, b). This is the theory I shall utilize to
analyze neoliberal psychology.
xiv Preface

The general theory of cultural–historical psychology/macro-cultural psychology


informs us about how culture is organized and how this organization structures our
psychology.
For example, the general theory of cultural–historical psychology/macro-cultural
psychology postulates (from theoretical and empirical research) that psychological
phenomena are most powerfully organized/influenced by the political economy of a
cultural system. Vygotsky (1997b, pp. 55, 56, 348, 211–212) explained:

Since we know that each person’s individual experience is conditioned by the role he plays
in his environment, and that it is the class membership which defines this role, it is clear that
class membership defines man’s psychology and man’s behavior. Social stimuli that have
been established in the course of historical development…are permeated through and
through with the class structure of society that generated them and serve as the class
organization of production. They are responsible for all of human behavior, and in this
sense we are justified in speaking of man’s class behavior.

Vygotsky is saying that the class structure—which reflects political–economic


power, wealth, ownership, wage labor, and principles of production—conditions
the social roles of society, individual experience (in those roles), and individual
psychology (in social experience). This is a cultural theory contained within his
psychological theory (or vice versa). The validity of the psychological theory
depends upon the validity of the culture theory. If the culture theory directs us to
marginal, superficial, or fallacious cultural features, this will impede our ability to
comprehend the concrete form and content of psychological phenomena.
Applying this to neoliberal psychology means that we must comprehend
neoliberalism’s political economy and trace its influence into the class structure,
social roles, individual experience, and individual psychology. That will provide us
with the most important explanatory constructs, descriptive constructs, and pre-
dictive constructs of neoliberal psychology’s form and content. My presentation of
neoliberal society will therefore emphasize its political economy for understanding
other cultural factors and also psychology.
The theory also provides important constructs for explaining the processes by
which psychology takes on cultural form and content.
While neoliberal society contains the keys to comprehending neoliberal psy-
chology, it does not hand them to us on a platter. We need a theory to extract them.
This book is a dialectical dance between neoliberal psychology and
macro-cultural–psychological theory, with each illuminating the other, and also
adapting to the other. Neoliberal psychology is opened by macro-cultural theory to
reveal unnoticed features which are conceptually analyzed and organized in new
ways; and the theory is opened by neoliberal psychology that stimulates new the-
oretical concepts, distinctions, and organization. Refining the theory is as important
as comprehending neoliberal psychology, because the latter requires the former.
Because macro-cultural–psychological theory is the organizing framework that
selects and organizes the elements of neoliberal psychology in relation to neoliberal
society, it would normally be positioned as the introduction to a book such as this.
That would explain what issues and relationships we are looking for, why they are
Preface xv

important, and how they bear on related cultural and psychological issues.
However, there are two reasons this is not the best strategy for introducing this
book. One is the nature of the theory, and the other is the nature of the subject
matter, neoliberal psychology. The theory is a grand, general, scientific theory of
cultural psychology; it will appear abstract and distracting to the reader who is
looking to comprehend concrete neoliberal psychology. This is an acute problem
for this subject matter because neoliberal psychology is a new subject that is
undefined. The reader will feel doubly lost reading a grand, general, abstract psy-
chological theory that is supposed to eventually explain an undefined topic.
To avoid these two problems, I will introduce this book with some concise
snapshots about neoliberal society and neoliberal psychology. The reader can
interpolate these specific referents while reading the theory of macro-cultural
psychology in Chap. 2. Neoliberal society shall be described in Chaps. 3, 4, and 5,
which address neoliberal political economy, neoliberal education, and neoliberal
ideology. These are central structures that organize neoliberal psychological phe-
nomena. Neoliberal psychological phenomena will be selectively described in
Chap. 6. The final Chap. 7 will review the relationship between cultural–
historical/macro-cultural–psychological theory and neoliberal psychology. It will
conclude by explaining how the scientific advances of macro-cultural–
psychological theory play a progressive political role in enriching psychology
and society. I explain how the macro-cultural–psychological science of neoliberal
psychology exposes deep-seated, destructive features of neoliberal society, and
these call for society’s reorganization in a cooperative, democratic form. This
advanced form of society generates psychological phenomena which embody this
fulfilling form. Cultural science leads to progressive cultural politics which are
necessary for advancing society and psychology. This is the dialectical spiral of
science and politics. It makes politics scientific, and science political.

Trinidad, USA Carl Ratner


Acknowledgements

I’d like to acknowledge my editors, Anthony J. Marsella and Sharon Panulla, for
their confidence in, and support of, my writing a work of this magnitude.

xvii
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