WTO by Graphite Notes
WTO by Graphite Notes
Introduction
The aftermath of World War I marked a dramatic shift in international political and
economic arrangements. Chief among the instruments shaping this transition was the
Treaty of Versailles (1919), which sought to impose peace on the defeated Central
Powers—most notably, Germany. However, the Treaty’s economic provisions had
long-reaching and destabilizing effects on global trade, industry, and diplomacy. It became
a catalyst for rising economic nationalism, protectionist trade regimes, and ultimately laid
the groundwork for the breakdown of liberal economic order, making it a foundational
moment in the study of global trade law and institutions.
The Treaty imposed severe reparations obligations on Germany under Articles 231 to 247,
assigning the sole responsibility for the war and demanding financial and material
compensation to Allied powers. In total, reparations demanded were valued at 132 billion
gold marks, an amount economically unsustainable for post-war Germany. To meet these
obligations, the German government resorted to massive borrowing and currency printing,
resulting in hyperinflation by 1923 and a collapse of public trust in monetary institutions.
These punitive measures shattered Germany’s ability to engage in free trade, restricted its
access to raw materials, and dislocated its production chains.
The Global Spread of Economic Nationalism
The Treaty’s repercussions extended well beyond Germany. Its economic framework
contributed to the fragmentation of international markets and ushered in an era of
economic nationalism across Europe and the United States. Countries that had once
promoted liberal trade policies pivoted towards tariff walls, import quotas, currency
controls, and state-led industrial policies.
Examples include:
● The United States’ Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act (1930), which raised import duties on
over 20,000 goods, igniting retaliatory tariffs globally.
● The emergence of autarkic regimes in countries like Italy and Japan, where
self-sufficiency was pursued at the cost of international trade cooperation.
The Treaty of Versailles failed to provide a global institutional framework for trade
regulation. While it birthed the League of Nations, this body had no competence over
trade.
1.2 The Havana Charter and the Rise and Fall of the
International Trade Organization (ITO)
Introduction
In the wake of World War II, global powers recognized that economic instability had played
a decisive role in the outbreak of two devastating wars. To prevent a recurrence, the Allied
nations sought to establish robust international institutions that would govern not only
peace and security (via the United Nations) and finance (via the IMF and World Bank), but
also global trade. This ambition culminated in the drafting of the Havana Charter (1948),
which laid the legal and philosophical foundation for the International Trade Organization
(ITO)—an institution that was never realized. The story of the ITO is one of grand vision,
legal innovation, and geopolitical disappointment. Yet, its failure shaped the architecture of
global trade law for decades to come.
The United Nations Conference on Trade and Employment, held in Havana, Cuba, in
1947–48, resulted in the Havana Charter for an International Trade Organization. The
Charter was meant to establish the ITO as a specialized UN agency, complementing the
Bretton Woods institutions in governing the international economic order.
The Havana Charter was ambitious in scope and legal structure. It proposed binding
commitments across four domains:
1. Rules on Trade Liberalization: Like the GATT, it promoted the reduction of tariffs,
elimination of discriminatory practices, and most-favored-nation (MFN) treatment.
3. Employment and Development Objectives: The Charter aimed to align trade policy
with full employment, fair labor standards, and development of less developed
countries (LDCs).
The ITO was thus conceived not only as a trade liberalization body, but also as an
institution for economic justice, equitable development, and anti-monopoly oversight.
Despite global enthusiasm, the ITO’s legal and political fate was sealed by the United States
Congress, which refused to ratify the Havana Charter. Several reasons underpinned this
rejection:
● Domestic Sovereignty Concerns: U.S. lawmakers feared that binding international
rules on employment, business practices, and development would infringe on
domestic policy autonomy.
● Cold War Realpolitik: In the emerging ideological contest with the Soviet Union,
U.S. policymakers prioritized military and strategic alliances over multilateral
economic governance.
Without the participation of its principal architect and economic hegemon, the ITO project
collapsed.
Although the ITO never came into force, its legal DNA persisted. During the Havana
negotiations, negotiators had provisionally agreed on a narrower framework—the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT, 1947)—as a stop-gap arrangement. When the ITO
failed, GATT became the de facto global trade regime.
Despite these limitations, GATT’s flexibility allowed it to govern global trade for nearly five
decades, culminating in the Uruguay Round (1986–1994) and the eventual birth of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) in 1995—a structure that absorbed many of the ITO’s
original legal principles, especially in dispute resolution and trade in services.
Nonetheless, the ideas embedded in the Charter found delayed success. Many of its
provisions re-emerged in WTO law, modern trade agreements, and global governance
discourse. As such, the fall of the ITO was not the end, but rather a deferred beginning of
rule-based international trade law.
Pre-Debate Reflection
Before entering into discussion or debate on the ITO, scholars should consider:
● What would the international legal order look like today had the ITO succeeded?
● Would global economic inequality be lower if development and labor standards were
enshrined earlier?
● Can modern trade law revisit the holistic spirit of Havana, or is it forever bound to
fragmented diplomacy?
On one hand, GATT marked a radical legal innovation. For the first time, a multilateral
treaty codified binding obligations for contracting parties concerning tariffs,
non-discrimination, and trade dispute settlements. Its core principles—like Most Favoured
Nation (MFN) treatment and National Treatment—enshrined the ideas of equality and
fairness in international trade law. Article XX, providing general exceptions, reflected a
nuanced balance between free trade and national sovereignty.
Furthermore, GATT institutionalized reciprocal tariff reductions, a practice that had
previously relied on bilateral negotiations. The legal discipline of binding tariff
concessions under Article II created a framework where states could enforce each other's
commitments through a legalistic, albeit soft, dispute settlement mechanism. Although the
original system lacked a full adjudicative body, Panels were established, and decisions
were often respected.
However, the political origins and context of GATT must not be ignored. The agreement
was never intended to be a full-fledged organization. It was a stop-gap arrangement,
signed by just 23 countries, to preserve tariff concessions negotiated during the ITO
drafting process. The collapse of the ITO meant that GATT had to operate without a formal
institutional backbone.
The absence of enforceable dispute resolution, the limited scope of trade disciplines (e.g.,
excluding agriculture and services), and flexibility for developing countries under Part IV
(added in 1965) all point to political compromises rather than purely legal intentions.
Moreover, the United States’ hegemony in the postwar order played a central role. GATT
reflected American commercial interests—supporting freer trade but on terms the U.S.
could control without being subject to a supranational authority. This hegemonic stability
theory interpretation sees GATT as a soft-power extension of U.S. diplomacy rather than an
autonomous legal order.
In truth, GATT was neither purely a legal innovation nor just a political compromise—it
was both. Its legalistic design gave it legitimacy, while its pragmatic flexibility allowed it to
survive for decades. GATT’s success lies in its adaptive capacity, serving both as a
rule-based regime and a diplomatic forum for negotiation and dispute resolution.
This dual character is visible in how developing countries participated: while GATT
provided special and differential treatment, it did not coerce developing states into rapid
liberalization. This political accommodation would later be challenged in the more
legalized WTO framework.
As we examine the nature of GATT 1947, two interpretive paths emerge: one views it as the
first step toward a rule-bound global trade constitution, while the other sees it as a
contingent political compromise driven by postwar realism and American dominance.
Before we proceed into the Uruguay Round and the birth of the WTO, consider this: Can a
regime born out of political necessity mature into a robust legal order? Or will its
foundational compromises haunt its legitimacy in the 21st century?
In the wake of World War II, the world economy was deeply fractured, and protectionist
policies had proven disastrous in the 1930s. To foster economic recovery and prevent
future conflict, 23 nations initially signed the GATT to create predictability, stability, and
fairness in trade. Though not a fully-fledged international organization, GATT operated as
a contractual mechanism among member countries to lower trade barriers and resolve
disputes.
Key Principles
GATT was built on several cardinal principles that endure in trade law even today:
1. Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) – Each member must treat all other members
equally in terms of trade concessions.
2. National Treatment – Imported goods must be treated no less favorably than
domestically produced goods once they enter the market.
3. Transparency – Members were required to publish their trade regulations and
conform to agreed rules.
4. Tariff Bindings and Reductions – Commitments were made to cap tariffs and
negotiate their reduction over multiple “rounds.”
From 1947 to the 1990s, GATT conducted multiple negotiation rounds, including:
Each round deepened liberalization, incorporated more countries, and modernized trade
rules to reflect global realities.
Limitations of GATT
● Limited scope – GATT mainly governed trade in goods and excluded services,
intellectual property, and agriculture for most of its life.
These shortcomings eventually led to its replacement by the WTO, which retained GATT’s
principles but gave them institutional and legal form.
Conclusion for Pre-Debate or Discussion
GATT served as the launchpad for modern trade liberalism, balancing economic
cooperation and national interest in a fractured post-war world. It fostered unprecedented
economic growth and interdependence, yet struggled to adapt to evolving global
complexities. Before we debate whether institutions like the WTO have fulfilled GATT’s
promise, we must ask: Did GATT truly promote equitable global prosperity, or did it simply
institutionalize the dominance of developed economies under the guise of free trade?
The Uruguay Round (1986–1994) was the eighth and most ambitious round of multilateral
trade negotiations under GATT. The round aimed to address GATT’s limitations—such as its
weak dispute settlement system and narrow scope. The culmination of this round was the
Marrakesh Agreement, which officially established the WTO on 1 January 1995.
The WTO legal framework is built around a "Single Undertaking"—members must accept
all multilateral agreements. It includes:
● GATT 1994: Updated and incorporated form of the original GATT 1947
These agreements provide a coherent legal framework, codifying trade rules and dispute
procedures across multiple domains of commerce.
One of the most critical evolutions was the shift from a diplomacy-based system under
GATT to a quasi-judicial system under WTO.
● Under GATT, consensus was required to adopt a panel report, allowing losing
parties to block decisions.
● Under WTO, negative consensus applies: a panel or Appellate Body ruling is
adopted unless all members oppose it.
● The Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) now functions as a permanent tribunal with
binding enforcement powers.
Legal implication: The WTO introduced rule-based enforcement and reduced the risk of
unilateral trade retaliation, increasing predictability and legitimacy in global trade.
While the WTO replaced GATT as an institution, GATT 1994 remains a core part of WTO
law. It includes:
Jurisprudential Legacy
The evolution from GATT to WTO saw the rise of international trade law as a discipline.
WTO case law has clarified legal doctrines such as:
● Non-violation complaints
● Nullification or impairment
The transformation from GATT to WTO was not simply bureaucratic—it was a legal
revolution. It replaced voluntary cooperation with binding law, diplomatic discretion with
legal predictability, and institutional fragmentation with a coherent regime. But as the 21st
century unfolds—with debates on digital trade, climate policy, and rising nationalism—the
question persists:
Can the WTO's legal framework adapt, or will it face the same fate as GATT—reformed,
replaced, or rendered irrelevant?
I. Structure of GATT
The GATT was not an international organization in the formal sense; rather, it was a
multilateral treaty with a secretariat based in Geneva, Switzerland. The structure was:
● Contracting Parties: Nations that agreed to the provisions of GATT. These parties
periodically convened in Rounds of Negotiation to reduce trade barriers.
● Working Parties and Panels: Set up for dispute resolution and to handle specific
trade issues.
● Negotiating Rounds: Including key ones like the Kennedy Round, Tokyo Round,
and the transformative Uruguay Round.
GATT was built on several foundational principles that aimed to liberalize trade and reduce
protectionist barriers:
3. Reciprocity
Trade liberalization was pursued on a mutual basis—reductions in tariffs were
expected to be balanced between members.
4. Transparency
Trade policies needed to be published and predictable; members had to notify the
GATT of changes in trade policy.
Despite its success in lowering tariffs and increasing global trade, GATT had notable
weaknesses:
GATT served as the cornerstone of postwar trade liberalization, helping to rebuild and
expand the global economy. However, its institutional fragility, limited legal force, and
incomplete coverage ultimately demanded reform. As students of trade law, we must now
reflect on this critical transition—did GATT’s informal, consensus-driven model sow the
seeds for inclusive globalization, or did it allow dominant powers to shape trade to their
advantage? This is the question we take forward into our debate.
The GATT was not an international organization in the formal sense; rather, it was a
multilateral treaty with a secretariat based in Geneva, Switzerland. The structure was:
● Contracting Parties: Nations that agreed to the provisions of GATT. These parties
periodically convened in Rounds of Negotiation to reduce trade barriers.
● Working Parties and Panels: Set up for dispute resolution and to handle specific
trade issues.
● Negotiating Rounds: Including key ones like the Kennedy Round, Tokyo Round,
and the transformative Uruguay Round.
GATT was built on several foundational principles that aimed to liberalize trade and reduce
protectionist barriers:
3. Reciprocity
Trade liberalization was pursued on a mutual basis—reductions in tariffs were
expected to be balanced between members.
4. Transparency
Trade policies needed to be published and predictable; members had to notify the
GATT of changes in trade policy.
5. Tariff Binding
Members committed to maximum tariff levels, known as bindings, which could only
be increased through compensation or negotiation.
Despite its success in lowering tariffs and increasing global trade, GATT had notable
weaknesses:
GATT served as the cornerstone of postwar trade liberalization, helping to rebuild and
expand the global economy. However, its institutional fragility, limited legal force, and
incomplete coverage ultimately demanded reform. As students of trade law, we must now
reflect on this critical transition—did GATT’s informal, consensus-driven model sow the
seeds for inclusive globalization, or did it allow dominant powers to shape trade to their
advantage? This is the question we take forward into our debate.
1.8 WTO in the 21st Century: New Frontiers and Emerging Challenges
The World Trade Organization (WTO), founded in 1995, has played a pivotal role in shaping
global trade norms and fostering economic integration. However, as the 21st century
unfolds, the WTO finds itself at a crossroads. Global economic power dynamics have
shifted, digital technologies have disrupted conventional trade, and new
challenges—climate change, pandemics, and geopolitical conflicts—have intensified. These
developments are testing the WTO’s adaptability and legitimacy like never before.
Unlike the post-Cold War unipolar moment when the WTO was born, the 21st century has
witnessed the rise of China, the resurgence of industrial policy in the U.S., and the
assertion of Global South coalitions. Trade disputes between the U.S. and China, especially
over subsidies, technology transfer, and intellectual property, have paralyzed the WTO
Appellate Body since 2019. The absence of consensus over dispute resolution has eroded
faith in the WTO's enforcement mechanisms.
The rise of digital trade, data flows, and artificial intelligence has rendered many WTO
rules outdated. While some countries advocate for binding rules on data localization,
cross-border data flows, and platform regulation, others—especially developing
economies—fear a new form of digital colonization. The WTO has attempted to address
these issues through initiatives like the Joint Statement Initiative on E-commerce, but they
remain outside the formal negotiating agenda due to disagreements over the mandate.
Climate change has emerged as a critical global priority, and countries are beginning to
link trade policy with environmental goals. The European Union’s Carbon Border
Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) and proposals for green industrial subsidies challenge
the existing WTO principles of non-discrimination and national treatment. At the same
time, developing countries demand policy space to pursue growth without trade sanctions
tied to climate targets. This tension could either fracture global trade or push the WTO to
modernize its environmental mandate.
Trade has increasingly become a tool of strategic competition. From the U.S. CHIPS Act to
EU restrictions on critical minerals exports to China, economic policy is being deployed for
national security aims. This weaponization of trade undermines the WTO’s foundational
principle: that trade disputes should be solved through rules, not power politics. The
blurred line between economic and security concerns makes it harder for WTO panels to
adjudicate such disputes.
The WTO stands at a turning point. It must navigate the choppy waters of digital
disruption, ecological urgency, geopolitical tensions, and a fractured global order. Will it
emerge as a revitalized institution leading 21st-century trade governance, or will it retreat
into irrelevance as plurilateralism and protectionism take over? As we move to debate the
WTO’s future, let us consider: Is reform possible without consensus? Can trade remain
rules-based in a world that is in
The GATT's legal text laid the foundational principles of international trade law:
non-discrimination (MFN and national treatment), reciprocity, transparency, and
progressive liberalization of trade. Though technically a treaty without an organization,
the GATT 1947 functioned with a secretariat, dispute settlement procedures, and regular
rounds of negotiations.
The post-war geopolitical context, particularly the Cold War, gave urgency to economic
cooperation among capitalist economies. GATT operated on a contractual, rule-based
approach, managing the commercial relations of member states through a combination of
tariff bindings and legal exceptions, such as safeguard clauses and security exceptions.
Even though it lacked the institutional structure of a full-fledged organization, the GATT's
jurisprudence and institutional practices deeply influenced the development of the WTO
in 1995. Its legacy remains embedded in the WTO's legal texts, especially through the GATT
1994, which incorporates much of the 1947 agreement by reference.
creasingly power-based?
The Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organization, signed on 15 April
1994 and entered into force on 1 January 1995, transformed the multilateral trading system
from a provisional arrangement under GATT into a comprehensive legal and institutional
entity — the World Trade Organization (WTO).
Unlike the GATT 1947, which was a plurilateral treaty with a limited institutional base, the
WTO Agreement created an international organization with legal personality, binding on
its Members. Every WTO Member is bound by a single undertaking: it must accept all
multilateral agreements annexed to the WTO Agreement as a condition of membership.
This marked a decisive shift from the à la carte approach of GATT to a coherent, integrated
legal framework.
Structural Composition of the WTO Agreement
The WTO Agreement is composed of several parts and annexes, which together create a
complex and layered structure:
● Articles I–XVI: Establish the legal structure of the WTO, including rules on
membership, decision-making, institutional functions, and the dispute settlement
and trade policy review mechanisms.
Framework Principles
The WTO framework is built on several fundamental legal principles that serve as the
bedrock of its operations:
2. National Treatment – Once goods or services enter a Member's market, they must
be treated no less favorably than domestic like products (Article III GATT, Article
XVII GATS).
3. Transparency – Members must publish trade regulations and notify changes. The
TPRM supports accountability and surveillance.
4. Binding Commitments – Tariff schedules and services commitments are legally
binding, limiting the use of discretionary protection.
7. Rule-Based Dispute Settlement – Under the DSU, members have access to a
quasi-judicial system with appellate review, promoting predictability and legal
certainty.
GATT was initially conceived as part of the Havana Charter (1948), which aimed to establish
the International Trade Organization (ITO). When the ITO failed to materialize, GATT took
on a de facto governance role for global trade, focusing primarily on reducing tariffs and
preventing discriminatory trade practices. However, GATT lacked:
With the rise of globalization, non-tariff barriers, and the increasing complexity of trade,
GATT’s limitations became increasingly evident, especially during the Uruguay Round
(1986–1994), which set the stage for the WTO’s creation.
The establishment of the WTO on 1 January 1995, through the Marrakesh Agreement,
represented a significant legal and structural evolution from GATT:
GATT WTO
Despite the transition, GATT 1994—a part of the WTO Agreement—incorporates GATT 1947
“as rectified, amended or modified”. This ensures that the legal precedent and
jurisprudence developed over the decades under GATT 1947 remain influential in
interpreting WTO law. Key points of legal continuity include:
This continuity provides legal stability, ensures predictability in trade, and respects the
acquis of international trade law developed since 1947.
The WTO is not merely a successor; it is an evolution of GATT. It reflects the changing
demands of the global trading system, while striving to maintain legal integrity and
coherence with past frameworks. However, the transformation was not without resistance:
Despite these challenges, the WTO has largely succeeded in legitimizing multilateralism,
codifying norms, and streamlining dispute resolution.
The transformation from GATT to WTO represents a rare case of successful institutional
evolution in international law. While some view the WTO as merely GATT-plus, others
argue it reflects a paradigmatic shift in global economic governance. Should international
institutions always evolve from soft frameworks like GATT to legalistic bodies like the
WTO? Or do such transformations risk alienating smaller economies?
Debate Prompt: Does the legal continuity between GATT and the WTO strengthen
or constrain the adaptability of the global trading system in the 21st century?
The DSU evolved from the GATT dispute resolution mechanism, which was often criticized
for being slow, non-binding, and subject to political interference. The WTO, established in
1995, introduced a binding and more structured dispute resolution process via the DSU. It
marked a historic shift from diplomacy-based resolution to a quasi-judicial model.
a. Compulsory Jurisdiction
Any WTO member can bring a case against another if it believes there has been a violation
of WTO agreements. Once initiated, the process cannot be unilaterally stopped by the
respondent.
1. Consultation (Art. 4) – The first step is a mandatory 60-day consultation period.
2. Panel Formation (Art. 6–12) – If consultations fail, a panel is formed to hear the
case.
3. Appellate Review (Art. 17) – Panel rulings can be appealed before the Appellate
Body.
4. Implementation and Compliance (Art. 21) – If the ruling is upheld, the offending
member must comply.
5. Retaliation (Art. 22) – If compliance does not occur, the complainant may request
retaliation (e.g., suspension of concessions).
c. Time-Bound Process
The DSU process is designed to be completed in roughly 12–15 months, ensuring timely
justice.
3. Legal Principles
● Rule of Law: The DSU enforces WTO agreements through codified procedures,
enhancing predictability.
● Prohibition of Unilateral Measures: Members must not take matters into their own
hands but use the DSU instead.
The Appellate Body was a seven-member permanent body that reviewed panel reports. It
ensured consistency in the interpretation of WTO law. However, since 2019, it has become
non-functional due to the U.S. blocking appointments, creating a crisis in WTO dispute
resolution.
Impact:
● Countries like Brazil, India, and China have actively used the system.
6. Reform Proposals
● Restoration of the Appellate Body with clearer rules on scope and timelines.
The WTO's Dispute Settlement Understanding remains the most advanced mechanism in
international economic law. Yet, its current crisis poses a threat to multilateralism. As
members debate the future of the system, the choice is stark: revive rule-based
governance or risk a return to power-based trade politics. In the upcoming discussion,
consider whether the DSU needs reform or replacement and how to ensure justice,
accessibility, and enforceability in global trade law.
● Unequal Access: Developing nations argue that developed countries have not
sufficiently liberalized sectors like Mode 4 (movement of people).
● Regulatory Sovereignty: Critics warn that GATS can infringe on a nation’s right to
regulate services for public interest, especially in health, water, and education.
● Limited Gains for the Global South: Many developing countries find the promised
gains from GATS participation to be asymmetric and elusive.
These issues continue to shape debates on the future evolution of GATS and its relevance in
the digital age.
TRIMS seeks to strike a balance between attracting FDI and ensuring such measures do
not unfairly restrict trade.
2. Transparency
Members were required to notify existing non-compliant TRIMS at the time of
accession and to phase them out within a transition period (2 years for developed, 5
years for developing, and 7 years for least-developed countries).
● Many developing nations had long relied on such measures to build self-sufficiency
and industrial base.
● Under TRIMS, several of these tools are now prohibited, leading to concerns about
policy space.
● For example, India was challenged by the United States at the WTO for imposing
local sourcing requirements in its solar power sector.
Case Studies
These questions shape ongoing trade and investment debates in both WTO negotiations
and bilateral trade agreements.
Introduction
As the World Trade Organization (WTO) matured into the 21st century, one of its most
distinctive features became the increasing legalism within its dispute settlement process.
Unlike the diplomatic, often consensus-driven model of the GATT era, the WTO
institutionalized a rule-based legal framework that began to attract a greater number of
disputes and legal challenges from both developing and developed members. This rise in
legalism reflects a broader transformation in global trade governance — from power-based
negotiation to law-based adjudication.
In the GATT era, trade disputes were often resolved through behind-the-scenes diplomacy
and political bargaining. However, the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU),
established in 1995, formalized a judicialized system comprising panels, an Appellate Body,
and a binding enforcement mechanism. This allowed members to:
This shift made the WTO more predictable but also more litigious, especially among
trade-heavy nations.
Proliferation of Disputes
Since its creation, the WTO has seen over 600 disputes initiated — a massive increase
compared to GATT's 300 cases over nearly five decades. Some key trends include:
● Frequent litigants: The USA, EU, China, Brazil, and India have become active
complainants and respondents.
● Systemic engagement: Even small and medium economies have begun utilizing the
WTO system to challenge unfair practices.
Legalism as Strategy
The WTO’s legal infrastructure empowered members to use litigation strategically. For
instance:
● Countries use litigation to signal norms to other members (e.g., Brazil’s challenge
to US cotton subsidies).
● Legal precedents from WTO rulings help shape domestic law and inform regional
trade agreements.
● Access asymmetry: Poorer nations may lack legal capacity to engage meaningfully.
● Delay and deadlock: The Appellate Body’s dysfunction since 2019 has frozen
appeals.
● Judicial activism: The U.S. and others have accused the Appellate Body of
overstepping its mandate and “creating law” rather than interpreting it.
Moreover, legalism has increased the cost and complexity of dispute resolution, favoring
nations with deeper legal expertise, resources, and strategic depth.
The WTO’s shift toward legalism has brought transparency, predictability, and
accountability to global trade governance. However, it also raises essential questions about
equity, accessibility, and the political legitimacy of judicialized international trade. Should
WTO return to more diplomatic means of conflict resolution? Or does the rule of law
require strict adherence, even at the cost of inclusivity?
As we prepare to debate these questions, we must weigh whether the legal path ensures
justice or merely advantages those best equipped to wield it.
The transition from the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1947 to the World
Trade Organization (WTO) 1995 marked not merely a change in institutional design, but a
profound shift in international trade law and dispute settlement structure.
Under GATT, dispute resolution was ad hoc, largely diplomatic, and required consensus
for adoption of rulings, allowing powerful states to block outcomes. With the WTO, a
rule-based legal order was institutionalized. The Dispute Settlement Understanding
(DSU) of the WTO introduced binding legal decisions, automatic adoption of panel
rulings, and the Appellate Body, creating a quasi-judicial structure.
The Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) is often regarded as the crown jewel of the
WTO legal system. It introduced a mandatory, rule-based, and time-bound dispute
resolution framework, replacing the flexible and often ineffective system under GATT 1947.
Key Features:
1. Automaticity: Unlike GATT, where consensus was required to adopt panel rulings
(allowing parties to block decisions), under the DSU, panel and Appellate Body
rulings are automatically adopted unless there is a consensus against adoption—an
almost impossible outcome.
2. Appellate Body: The DSU established a permanent Appellate Body to review legal
interpretations of panel reports, ensuring coherence, consistency, and the
development of precedent-like jurisprudence in WTO law.
3. Time-bound Process: The DSU introduced strict timelines for consultations, panel
proceedings, appeals, and compliance reviews, promoting procedural efficiency.
4. Enforceability: If a Member fails to comply with rulings, the complainant may seek
retaliation in the form of trade sanctions—an enforcement tool absent under GATT.
5. Legalism vs. Diplomacy: The DSU shifted trade dispute settlement from a primarily
diplomatic negotiation model to a legal adjudication model, prioritizing
predictability, transparency, and equality before the law.
The DSU's creation marked a turning point in international law, embedding judicial-style
processes in a domain traditionally governed by diplomacy and power politics. Smaller and
developing countries gained legal leverage against economically stronger nations, thereby
strengthening the legitimacy of the global trading order.
However, the DSU has also faced criticism—particularly from the United States—for
allegedly judicial overreach and for its inflexibility in handling politically sensitive cases.
These tensions culminated in the Appellate Body paralysis in 2019, when the U.S. blocked
appointments, effectively freezing the highest tier of WTO dispute resolution.
Understanding WTO law requires analyzing landmark cases that have shaped the
interpretation and enforcement of trade rules. These disputes illustrate how legal
principles operate in practice, how states use litigation as a form of diplomacy, and how
precedent-like reasoning emerges within a non-precedent system.
Case 1: US – Shrimp (WT/DS58)
● Issue: The U.S. imposed a ban on shrimp imports from countries that did not use
turtle-excluder devices to protect endangered sea turtles.
● Ruling:
○ The Appellate Body emphasized the need for transparent, flexible, and
non-discriminatory application of environmental measures.
● Impact: Introduced the concept of “chapeau test” in Article XX, balancing sovereign
policy space with trade obligations. It strengthened environmental concerns within
WTO law.
● Ruling:
● Impact: The case emphasized that WTO Members must justify health and safety
regulations scientifically, not politically. It also revealed the clash between public
health policy and trade liberalization.
Case 3: Brazil – Tyres (WT/DS332)
● Issue: Brazil restricted imports of retreaded tyres to protect the environment and
public health.
● Legal Questions: Whether such restrictions violated GATT Article XI and whether
they could be justified under Article XX(b).
● Ruling:
○ The measure was conditionally allowed under Article XX(b), provided it was
applied consistently and proportionately.
● Impact: The case showed how developing countries could use environmental and
health exceptions in WTO law, provided they passed the necessity and
non-discrimination tests.
● Issue: The U.S. imposed safeguard measures on various steel products, citing injury
to domestic industry.
● Legal Questions: Whether the measures complied with the Safeguards Agreement.
● Ruling:
○ The Appellate Body held that the U.S. measures violated WTO rules, as there
was insufficient evidence of serious injury and inadequate justification.
● Impact: Reinforced that protectionist safeguards must meet strict legal criteria,
and cannot be used as veiled protectionism.
● Ruling:
○ The restrictions violated WTO law; China could not invoke GATT exceptions
inconsistently while maintaining dual pricing and discrimination.
I. Introduction
This principle ensures non-discrimination among trading partners and aims to promote
multilateralism by discouraging exclusive trade preferences.
II. Legal Framework
“With respect to customs duties and charges of any kind... any advantage,
favour, privilege or immunity granted by any contracting party to any product
originating in or destined for any other country shall be accorded immediately
and unconditionally to the like product originating in or destined for the
territories of all other contracting parties.”
● Covers not only tariffs, but also quotas, licensing, and other trade-related
regulations.
● Holding: WTO Appellate Body ruled the EU’s regime discriminated against Latin
American banana producers, breaching Article I:1.
● Background: U.S. imposed tariffs on Japanese footwear but not on other countries'.
● Digital trade and services: Difficulty applying MFN uniformly when value chains
and platforms dominate.
The MFN principle, though foundational, must constantly evolve with the changing trade
landscape. As developing countries seek preferential treatment and mega-regional trade
agreements proliferate, the WTO must balance non-discrimination with developmental
justice. A key discussion point remains: Should economic equity or legal equality take
precedence in trade law today?
I. Introduction
Unlike the MFN principle, which prohibits discrimination between trading partners,
National Treatment (NT) prohibits discrimination between imported and domestic goods.
“The products of the territory of any contracting party imported into the territory
of any other contracting party shall be accorded treatment no less favourable than
that accorded to like products of national origin in respect of all laws, regulations
and requirements affecting their internal sale, offering for sale, purchase,
transportation, distribution or use.”
This forms the backbone of the NT obligation concerning internal regulatory measures. A
similar NT obligation exists in:
To establish a violation under Article III:4, WTO jurisprudence has developed a three-part
legal test:
○ The measure must adversely alter the competitive conditions for imported
products.
If all three are satisfied, the measure is WTO-inconsistent unless justified under GATT
exceptions (e.g., Article XX).
IV. Key Case Law
● Issue: Japan imposed lower taxes on domestic shōchū compared to imported spirits
like vodka and whisky.
● Ruling: The products were “like” or “directly competitive,” and the measure altered
competitive conditions, violating NT.
● Impact: One of the most cited NT rulings. Introduced the “likeness” and
“competitive relationship” tests.
● Issue: Korea maintained a dual retail system that favoured domestic beef.
C. EC – Asbestos (WT/DS135)
● Ruling: Products were not “like” due to health risks. NT not violated.
WTO panels and the Appellate Body have emphasized substance over form. A law that is
neutral in language may still violate National Treatment if it systematically disadvantages
imports.
● Regulatory Chill: Fear of WTO rulings may deter countries from enacting bold
domestic laws.
This principle will continue to be tested in future disputes as governments regulate more
assertively in fields like health, climate, and technology.
The Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) is the legal framework within the WTO that
governs how trade disputes between member countries are resolved. Often regarded as the
“crown jewel” of the WTO, the DSU provides structured procedures and a rule-based
approach to ensure consistency, fairness, and enforceability in resolving conflicts arising
from alleged breaches of WTO agreements.
Mechanism of DSU
1. Consultations: The first step involves mandatory consultations between the
disputing parties. This is a diplomatic process aimed at resolving the issue without
formal adjudication.
2. Panel Formation: If consultations fail, a panel of independent trade law experts is
established. The panel examines the evidence, hears both sides, and produces a
report with findings and recommendations.
3. Appellate Review: Either party may appeal the panel's decision to the Appellate
Body. The appeal process is limited to issues of law and legal interpretation.
4. Adoption and Compliance: Once the Appellate Body (if involved) issues its ruling, it
is adopted by the Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) unless all WTO members oppose it.
The losing party must comply or negotiate compensation. If not, retaliatory
measures (e.g., tariffs) can be authorized.
1. Appellate Body Paralysis: Since 2019, the United States has blocked appointments
to the Appellate Body, rendering it non-functional. As of now, the WTO lacks a final
adjudication mechanism, undermining enforcement.
2. Lengthy Procedures: Dispute resolutions can take years, which delays justice and
leaves trade uncertainty unresolved.
3. Compliance Gaps: Some powerful states ignore rulings, eroding credibility.
Reform Debates
● Restoring the Appellate Body: There's consensus on its revival, but debates
continue over transparency, term limits, and scope of judicial review.
The DSU was created to enforce discipline in the world trade order and protect weaker
economies from being bullied. Yet, as the paralysis of its Appellate Body shows, even the
strongest legal instruments can falter under geopolitical strain. The debate now lies in
whether the WTO can reinvent its legal machinery for a multipolar world or if it risks
becoming obsolete.
→ Should the WTO shift toward more political mediation and less legalism, or is judicial
neutrality the only safeguard in an era of trade wars?
Despite comprising the majority of WTO members, developing countries often find
themselves at a structural disadvantage within the legal architecture of the WTO. This
section explores how these countries engage in WTO litigation, their challenges, landmark
victories, and ongoing reform demands to make the system more equitable.
● Underrepresentation: Between 1995 and 2015, over 60% of all WTO disputes were
initiated by a few major players—mainly the US, EU, Canada, and Japan. Least
Developed Countries (LDCs) initiated fewer than 1% of cases.
● Legal Resource Gap: Developing countries often lack trained trade litigators, data
analysis teams, and the financial resources to sustain long disputes.
Key Structural Challenges
1. High Cost of Litigation: Mounting a single WTO dispute can cost over $1 million
USD, often out of reach for smaller economies.
2. Fear of Retaliation: Smaller countries fear backlash from economically dominant
defendants, discouraging formal complaints.
3. Technical Complexity: WTO law involves deep technical knowledge in economics,
agriculture, intellectual property, etc., which many developing country officials are
not trained in.
● Legal Aid Fund Expansion: Creation of a WTO-wide pooled litigation fund for
LDCs.
● Bias Review Mechanism: Proposals exist to allow review of bias in panel and
Appellate Body decisions.
For WTO law to be truly global, it must empower the voices of those historically left out.
Legal equality without economic and technical parity can entrench existing hierarchies.
→ Should the WTO mandate automatic legal aid and representation for LDCs in disputes? Or
should law follow capacity, letting geopolitics dictate trade justice?
The intersection of international environmental law and WTO law has become one of the
most debated legal battlegrounds of the 21st century. As global concerns about climate
change, pollution, and biodiversity rise, countries have adopted environmental trade
measures—some of which have sparked WTO disputes. This section explores the core
conflicts, key case law, and legal doctrines governing this clash.
○ Outcome: WTO Appellate Body ruled that while the objective was valid
under Article XX(g), the US violated chapeau of Article XX due to
discriminatory enforcement.
○ Impact: Cemented the need for even-handed application of environmental
rules.
○ Issue: France banned asbestos imports. Canada challenged under TBT and
GATT.
○ Ruling: Ban was allowed under Article XX(b) due to health risks.
○ Finding: WTO allowed the ban under Article XX(b), though Brazil had to
apply it consistently.
○ Legal issue: Whether such taxes are protectionist or fall under GATT XX(g).
Trade and environmental goals need not conflict—yet WTO’s legal doctrine must evolve or
risk irrelevance in the green century.
→ Should WTO rules be rewritten to prioritize climate change mitigation? Or should
environmental policy stay in UNEP/Paris and not “pollute” trade law?
The Appellate Body (AB) of the WTO, once hailed as the crown jewel of the multilateral
trading system, has been in a state of dysfunction since 2019. This crisis, triggered by the
United States' persistent refusal to approve new judges to the Body, has effectively
paralyzed the WTO’s ability to enforce its rulings. The dispute has implications not only for
dispute resolution but also for the future authority of the WTO as a rules-based system.
● Judicial overreach: The U.S. claims that the AB has often interpreted WTO
agreements in ways that go beyond what member states agreed to.
● Delays in rulings: Many AB decisions have exceeded the 90-day time limit set by the
WTO, undermining procedural discipline.
Implications:
● Erosion of Binding Dispute Resolution: With only one judge remaining (three are
needed to hear a case), the AB cannot function. This weakens enforcement of WTO
rules.
Legal Tensions:
The U.S. has argued that the WTO’s dispute system should serve its members, not behave
like an international court expanding its own power. Critics, however, contend that the U.S.
is attempting to weaken multilateralism in favor of power-based bargaining, undermining
weaker nations’ ability to hold stronger ones accountable.
Current Developments:
But the U.S. has not lifted its block, leaving the system in limbo.
The Appellate Body crisis reveals fundamental tensions between sovereignty, legitimacy,
and institutional constraint. As global trade becomes more contested and multipolar, can a
binding multilateral system survive without enforceable rules? Or is a shift toward more
flexible, decentralized, or plurilateral mechanisms inevitable?
● "This house believes the WTO Appellate Body should be permanently replaced with
an arbitration-based model."
● "The U.S. position on the Appellate Body undermines the rule of law in global trade."
Since joining the WTO in 2001, China has transformed from a marginal trading economy
into the world’s largest exporter and second-largest economy. Its membership has brought
significant gains in global trade volumes and investment, but also mounting tensions over
the compatibility of its state-led economic model with WTO norms.
Key Themes:
However, critics argue that China’s implementation has been selective, and it continues to
maintain opaque state control over key sectors via state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and
non-market practices.
Despite losing some disputes, China often complies with the letter but not the spirit of
WTO rulings, exploiting ambiguities in WTO law.
● Sought developing country status, gaining benefits like longer timelines and more
subsidies.
● There's concern about dual circulation (China’s inward economic pivot) and export
dumping.
The U.S.-China trade war, Section 301 tariffs, and the decoupling trend are direct
responses to the perceived limits of WTO enforcement against China.
China rejects many of these proposals, accusing the West of protectionism and economic
containment.
Conclusion:
China’s rise has both energized and destabilized the WTO. It benefits enormously from the
system while often challenging its norms. The fundamental question is:
Can the WTO evolve to incorporate different economic models, or must it enforce
conformity to liberal capitalism?
● “Can the WTO survive with China as a core member without reforming its rules?”
2. Panel Establishment (45 days) – If talks fail, a 3-member panel is formed.
4. Appellate Body Review (2–3 months) – Optional appeal on legal grounds.
● Rule-based: Law over power – even small states like Ecuador or Antigua have won
cases against powerful economies like the U.S.
● Precedent Building: Though not formal stare decisis, prior rulings are highly
persuasive.
● The Appellate Body (AB), which hears appeals, was paralyzed in 2019 when the U.S.
blocked appointments to its members.
● Without the AB, panel rulings can be appealed “into the void”, freezing
enforcement.
● Asymmetric Capacity:
○ Smaller states may win rulings but lack the leverage to enforce them.
Conclusion:
The DSS is still functional, but the Appellate Body paralysis is eroding credibility. Without
restoration or reform, the WTO risks becoming a zombie institution—alive in name but
dead in enforcement.
Introduction
The World Trade Organization (WTO) Appellate Body (AB) has long served as the
cornerstone of the multilateral dispute settlement mechanism. Established to ensure that
disputes between members are resolved based on legal principles rather than political
muscle, the AB was instrumental in fostering trust in the rules-based global trading
system. However, starting in the late 2010s, a series of events—primarily led by the United
States—led to a crisis that ultimately paralyzed the AB. This chapter dissects the origins of
the crisis, its legal and institutional implications, and the broader risks it poses to
multilateralism and the rule of law in global trade.
The Appellate Body was created in 1995 under Article 17 of the Understanding on Rules and
Procedures Governing the Settlement of Disputes (DSU). It comprises seven members who
serve four-year terms and adjudicate appeals on panel reports concerning WTO law. The
body was intended to provide consistency in legal interpretation and safeguard the
credibility of dispute settlement outcomes.
For over two decades, the AB handled hundreds of disputes with efficiency and legal
coherence, contributing significantly to WTO jurisprudence and trust in the system.
The AB crisis began when the United States—under both the Obama and Trump
administrations—refused to agree to the appointment or reappointment of AB members.
By December 2019, the body lacked the quorum of three members necessary to adjudicate
cases. The main U.S. grievances included:
1. Judicial Overreach: The U.S. claimed the AB routinely interpreted WTO agreements
beyond the clear meaning of texts, creating "new obligations" for members.
2. Delays in Rulings: The AB often failed to issue decisions within the prescribed
90-day window.
3. Term Extensions: The AB allowed members to continue serving on cases beyond
their term expiry, which the U.S. viewed as unauthorized.
4. Binding Precedent: Although WTO law does not formally recognize precedent, the
AB’s approach increasingly mimicked common-law systems, setting de facto
precedent.
These criticisms were not universally accepted but were sufficient to justify a unilateral
blockade by the U.S.
Future Implications
1. Systemic Risk to the WTO: Without a reliable dispute mechanism, the WTO risks
becoming irrelevant.
3. Legitimacy Crisis: If legal obligations can be ignored or appealed into voids, the
rule of law erodes, replaced by economic power politics.
4. Opportunity for Reform: Paradoxically, the crisis has mobilized discussions on
reforming not just the AB, but the entire WTO governance structure.
The WTO Appellate Body crisis is not merely a legal stalemate—it is a test of whether the
global community is willing to preserve a rules-based multilateral trading order or
surrender to the logic of unilateralism and economic nationalism. As WTO members
prepare to reform or reinvent the dispute system, the debate must consider not just
procedural tweaks but the philosophical balance between sovereignty, justice, and global
economic interdependence. Will the AB be restored with legitimacy, or is the age of
cooperative dispute settlement over? This is the defining question of our times in
international economic law.
The Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) of the World Trade Organization (WTO) is
often referred to as the "crown jewel" of the multilateral trading system. At the heart of
this mechanism lie two crucial institutions: the Panels and the Appellate Body. These
entities serve as the judicial arms of the WTO, ensuring that member states adhere to
agreed rules and resolve disputes in a structured and rules-based manner.
WTO Panels
Procedure
When a dispute arises and consultations fail, a complaining member may request the
establishment of a panel. The panel follows a structured process:
The panel’s findings are not binding until adopted by the DSB, unless appealed.
Appellate Body
Appeals Process
Once a panel report is issued, either party may appeal. The AB reviews:
● Interpretation of WTO law
The Appellate Body typically delivers its final report within 90 days. Once adopted by the
DSB, its ruling becomes binding.
Since 2017, the Appellate Body has faced a crisis, primarily due to the United States
blocking appointments of new members, citing concerns over judicial overreach and
procedural delays. By December 2019, the body was paralyzed due to insufficient
members to hear appeals (minimum of 3 required). This led to a “void” in the appeals
system, with disputes being stuck at the panel stage or entering legal limbo.
● Time-limited rulings
Pre-Debate Conclusion
The functioning of WTO panels and the Appellate Body lies at the core of the global
trading order’s credibility. As the multilateral system faces political resistance and
institutional paralysis, especially regarding appeals, the central debate for future trade
diplomacy is whether the WTO can evolve its dispute system to balance sovereignty,
efficiency, and legalism. Will reform revive the system—or must nations seek alternatives
outside the WTO framework?
4.4 WTO Jurisprudence and the Evolution of Legal Norms in Trade Law
The World Trade Organization (WTO) has become one of the most influential international
bodies in shaping the legal architecture of global trade. While often regarded as a forum for
negotiation and dispute settlement, the WTO's judicial branch—especially the Appellate
Body—has played a central role in interpreting, refining, and even expanding upon the legal
norms underpinning international economic relations. This process has led to what many
scholars refer to as “WTO Jurisprudence”—a growing body of case law and interpretative
reasoning that gives texture, predictability, and legal coherence to the multilateral trading
system.
Although WTO law is primarily codified in its agreements (e.g., GATT 1994, GATS, TRIPS),
the way these provisions are applied and interpreted by panels and the Appellate Body has
essentially transformed them into living instruments. WTO panels and the Appellate Body
have developed methods of treaty interpretation based on the Vienna Convention on the
Law of Treaties (VCLT), particularly Articles 31 and 32, which emphasize the “ordinary
meaning,” “context,” and “object and purpose” of treaty texts.
This implicit respect for precedent contributes to the evolution of legal norms. For
example, repeated interpretations of “like products” under GATT Article III have shaped an
increasingly nuanced understanding of non-discrimination in domestic regulation.
Similarly, the jurisprudence around “necessity” tests and the “chapeau” of GATT Article XX
has added layers of sophistication to the legal balancing of trade and non-trade values.
WTO jurisprudence has also advanced the legalism of international trade politics. Through
binding dispute resolution, member states are constrained by rules and legal
interpretations rather than unilateral economic power or political maneuvering. This
transformation from power-based to rules-based governance enhances the legitimacy of
the trading system.
However, it also raises concerns about the scope of judicial activism. Critics argue that the
Appellate Body sometimes engages in legal overreach—interpreting texts beyond their clear
terms or effectively rewriting the agreements. The backlash from the United States, which
ultimately blocked appointments to the Appellate Body, stems in part from such criticisms
of judicial overreach.
WTO jurisprudence has influenced legal reasoning in areas beyond trade. For instance,
interpretations of national treatment, most-favored-nation obligations, and exceptions for
environmental and public health concerns have been referenced in investment arbitration,
regional trade agreements (RTAs), and even domestic court decisions. WTO rulings have
also interacted with other branches of international law, including human rights law,
environmental law, and intellectual property law.
The crisis of the Appellate Body—sparked by political gridlock and accusations of judicial
activism—threatens the continuity and expansion of WTO jurisprudence. As of 2025, the
Appellate Body remains dysfunctional, and interim solutions like the Multi-Party Interim
Appeal Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) have emerged to fill the gap. However, these
measures are limited in scope and legitimacy.
The evolution of WTO jurisprudence now depends on member consensus over the proper
role of legal interpretation in global trade governance. Whether the WTO will return to a
functioning appellate mechanism or transform into a more political institution remains an
open question.
WTO jurisprudence stands at the crossroads of international law, trade politics, and
institutional legitimacy. On the one hand, its evolution has brought coherence, fairness,
and predictability to global trade. On the other hand, it has raised legitimate questions
about the balance between legal interpretation and state sovereignty. As we approach the
future of trade governance, we must ask: Should WTO adjudicators be empowered to refine
the law, or should their role be limited to strict textual interpretation? And how can we
preserve the rule of law in trade without provoking institutional paralysis?
The Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) is often referred to as the "crown jewel" of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) framework. It provides a structured, legalistic, and
binding process for resolving trade disputes between member states. The DSU ensures that
trade conflicts are managed through dialogue, adjudication, and compliance rather than
unilateral retaliation or trade wars, upholding the rule-based multilateral trading system.
I. Origin and Legal Foundation
The DSU was established as Annex 2 of the Marrakesh Agreement, which created the WTO
in 1995. It replaced the weaker, less enforceable dispute settlement mechanisms of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1947. Unlike GATT’s consensus-based
approach, which allowed any party (including the losing one) to block decisions, the DSU
introduced a negative consensus rule, making it nearly automatic for dispute panels and
Appellate Body reports to be adopted unless all WTO members agree otherwise.
The DSU process follows a set sequence designed to encourage diplomatic resolution
before legal adjudication:
1. Consultations (Article 4): The first step, where parties must attempt to resolve the
dispute bilaterally. If unsuccessful within 60 days, a panel can be requested.
3. Panel Report (Article 12): After examination, the panel circulates its report. If not
appealed within 60 days, it becomes binding.
4. Appeal (Article 17): Either party may appeal to the Appellate Body on issues of law.
The decision of the Appellate Body is final.
5. Adoption of Reports (Article 16): Panel and Appellate Body reports are adopted
unless there is a consensus against it.
6. Implementation and Compliance (Articles 21–22): The losing party is expected to
implement the ruling. If it fails to do so within a “reasonable period of time,” the
complainant may seek retaliatory measures (e.g., suspending concessions).
● Retaliation as a Last Resort: If compliance fails, the system permits retaliation (e.g.,
tariffs), but only after DSU authorization.
The DSU has significantly reduced trade tensions among major economies. Over 600
disputes have been brought before the WTO since 1995. Major cases include:
● US – Steel Safeguards (DS248): Where the WTO ruled against U.S. protectionist
steel tariffs.
The credibility of the WTO has heavily relied on this neutral, legalistic method of dispute
resolution.
Since December 2019, the Appellate Body has been non-functional due to the U.S. blocking
appointments, citing concerns over judicial overreach and delays. This has created a crisis
of enforceability, as appeals can now result in “appeal into the void,” stalling the dispute’s
resolution.
In response, some members (e.g., EU, Canada) formed the Multi-Party Interim Appeal
Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) to preserve two-tiered dispute settlement in a voluntary
framework.
VI. Challenges and Reform Needs
1. Restoring the Appellate Body: Without it, the legitimacy of WTO enforcement is
undermined.
2. Time Delays: Originally designed to resolve disputes in under a year, actual
durations are often much longer.
4. Balancing Sovereignty and Multilateralism: Some members feel the DSU
constrains domestic policy freedom.
The DSU represents one of the most robust international legal systems ever constructed.
Yet, its current impasse threatens the rules-based order it was built to uphold. As trade
tensions rise and power rivalries intensify, the future of multilateralism may hinge on
whether WTO members can agree on meaningful reform.
Pre-Discussion Provocation:
Is the DSU a relic of an idealistic globalism, or is it a critical institution worth saving and
modernizing? Should retaliation remain a legitimate enforcement mechanism, or do we need a
new paradigm for compliance in global trade governance?
The Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) is often referred to as the "crown jewel" of the
World Trade Organization (WTO) framework. It provides a structured, legalistic, and
binding process for resolving trade disputes between member states. The DSU ensures that
trade conflicts are managed through dialogue, adjudication, and compliance rather than
unilateral retaliation or trade wars, upholding the rule-based multilateral trading system.
The DSU was established as Annex 2 of the Marrakesh Agreement, which created the WTO
in 1995. It replaced the weaker, less enforceable dispute settlement mechanisms of the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1947. Unlike GATT’s consensus-based
approach, which allowed any party (including the losing one) to block decisions, the DSU
introduced a negative consensus rule, making it nearly automatic for dispute panels and
Appellate Body reports to be adopted unless all WTO members agree otherwise.
The DSU process follows a set sequence designed to encourage diplomatic resolution
before legal adjudication:
1. Consultations (Article 4): The first step, where parties must attempt to resolve the
dispute bilaterally. If unsuccessful within 60 days, a panel can be requested.
3. Panel Report (Article 12): After examination, the panel circulates its report. If not
appealed within 60 days, it becomes binding.
4. Appeal (Article 17): Either party may appeal to the Appellate Body on issues of law.
The decision of the Appellate Body is final.
5. Adoption of Reports (Article 16): Panel and Appellate Body reports are adopted
unless there is a consensus against it.
6. Implementation and Compliance (Articles 21–22): The losing party is expected to
implement the ruling. If it fails to do so within a “reasonable period of time,” the
complainant may seek retaliatory measures (e.g., suspending concessions).
● Retaliation as a Last Resort: If compliance fails, the system permits retaliation (e.g.,
tariffs), but only after DSU authorization.
The DSU has significantly reduced trade tensions among major economies. Over 600
disputes have been brought before the WTO since 1995. Major cases include:
● US – Steel Safeguards (DS248): Where the WTO ruled against U.S. protectionist
steel tariffs.
The credibility of the WTO has heavily relied on this neutral, legalistic method of dispute
resolution.
Since December 2019, the Appellate Body has been non-functional due to the U.S. blocking
appointments, citing concerns over judicial overreach and delays. This has created a crisis
of enforceability, as appeals can now result in “appeal into the void,” stalling the dispute’s
resolution.
In response, some members (e.g., EU, Canada) formed the Multi-Party Interim Appeal
Arbitration Arrangement (MPIA) to preserve two-tiered dispute settlement in a voluntary
framework.
2. Time Delays: Originally designed to resolve disputes in under a year, actual
durations are often much longer.
4. Balancing Sovereignty and Multilateralism: Some members feel the DSU
constrains domestic policy freedom.
The DSU represents one of the most robust international legal systems ever constructed.
Yet, its current impasse threatens the rules-based order it was built to uphold. As trade
tensions rise and power rivalries intensify, the future of multilateralism may hinge on
whether WTO members can agree on meaningful reform.
Pre-Discussion Provocation:
Is the DSU a relic of an idealistic globalism, or is it a critical institution worth saving and
modernizing? Should retaliation remain a legitimate enforcement mechanism, or do we need a
new paradigm for compliance in global trade governance?
You said:
4.6
ChatGPT said:
Introduction
The intersection of international trade and environmental protection has become one of
the most dynamic and debated aspects of WTO governance. As global trade expanded, so
too did environmental degradation, prompting questions about the WTO's role in balancing
economic development with sustainability imperatives. The WTO, while primarily a trade
body, cannot remain indifferent to the environmental consequences of liberalization.
Trade-Environment Tensions
The WTO was not initially designed to be an environmental institution. Yet, many of its
rules—especially those related to non-discrimination, tariffs, and technical barriers—can
indirectly impact environmental regulation. One of the central tensions lies in ensuring
that environmental measures do not become disguised protectionism.
For example:
While the WTO lacks a specific environmental mandate, it embeds sustainability through
several avenues:
● Fossil Fuel Subsidy Reform: Subsidies distort trade and harm the environment.
WTO reform discussions now include the phasing out of such subsidies.
● Green Industrial Policy: Government support for renewable energy and clean tech
(e.g., solar panel subsidies) can violate WTO subsidy rules unless carefully designed.
● Plastic Waste Trade: The international trade in plastic waste has drawn criticism
for exporting environmental harm to poorer countries.
Hence, the WTO must ensure that sustainable trade does not deepen global inequality.
There is increasing pressure for the WTO to take a more active role in climate action. This
includes:
Some propose a “WTO Climate Waiver”, allowing countries to pursue aggressive climate
measures without violating trade rules—akin to waivers granted during emergencies.
Conclusion
Pre-Discussion Prompt:
Should the WTO become a formal actor in enforcing climate standards? Or would that
transform it into a body beyond its legitimate trade mandate?
4.7 WTO and the Global South: Persistent Asymmetries in the Global Trade Regime
The World Trade Organization (WTO), while designed to foster a rules-based global trading
system, has long faced criticism from the Global South for perpetuating asymmetries
rooted in historical inequities and structural imbalances. These disparities have created
conditions wherein developing countries, despite being formal members of the WTO,
continue to face systemic disadvantages in both negotiations and implementation of trade
agreements.
Developing countries often lack the legal, institutional, and financial capacities required to
effectively negotiate complex trade deals. In contrast, developed countries bring large
teams of experienced trade lawyers and negotiators to WTO rounds, thereby shaping rules
that often reflect their economic interests. This imbalance became apparent during the
Uruguay Round, where key intellectual property provisions and liberalization agendas
disproportionately favored advanced economies.
A major point of contention lies in the area of agriculture. Developed countries, particularly
in the European Union and the United States, continue to subsidize their agricultural
sectors heavily. These subsidies distort global markets, making it difficult for small farmers
in the Global South to compete. Meanwhile, these same countries advocate for the removal
of trade barriers in developing economies, showcasing a persistent double standard.
WTO compliance often requires developing countries to overhaul legal and administrative
frameworks, which can be a monumental task with limited resources. The Agreement on
Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) and Trade Facilitation
Agreement (TFA), for example, place significant regulatory burdens on least-developed
countries (LDCs), without adequate provisions for technical assistance or transition
periods.
The WTO includes provisions for Special and Differential Treatment, aimed at giving
developing countries flexibility in implementing obligations. However, in practice, these
measures have been weak, non-binding, or inconsistently applied. Many developing
nations argue that SDT should be legally enforceable and tailored to reflect the specific
development needs of countries at different stages of growth.
Launched in 2001, the Doha Round was billed as a "Development Round" meant to address
concerns of the Global South. However, it has been effectively stalled since 2008, primarily
due to disagreements between developed and developing countries on issues such as
agricultural subsidies and industrial tariffs. The collapse of Doha represents a missed
opportunity to rebalance the global trade system in favor of equity and inclusion.
While the WTO’s Dispute Settlement Mechanism (DSM) is one of the most advanced in
international law, access to it remains limited for developing countries. The high cost of
litigation, lengthy proceedings, and reliance on expert legal counsel disproportionately
benefit wealthier nations. Additionally, retaliatory measures—should a case be won—are
often impractical for poorer countries to enforce against more powerful economies.
Calls for WTO reform have grown louder, especially from the Global South. Key proposals
include:
The WTO, while symbolizing multilateralism, is still haunted by the ghosts of colonialism
and neoliberal economic hegemony. For the organization to remain legitimate and relevant,
it must confront the deep-rooted asymmetries that disadvantage the Global South. A
reimagined WTO—one that acknowledges historical injustices and delivers tangible
equity—could pave the way for a truly inclusive global trade order.
Article XX of GATT provides a list of general exceptions that allow members to adopt
measures contrary to GATT rules under specific justifications, including:
These exceptions are subject to the chapeau of Article XX, which requires that such
measures are not applied arbitrarily or as disguised protectionism.
Article XXI allows members to take actions they consider necessary for the protection of
essential security interests, including:
This provision gained attention in recent trade disputes, such as the US–Steel and
Aluminum tariffs case, testing the boundaries of national security justifications.
3. Balance of Payments Exceptions (Articles XII and XVIII: B)
This ensures members do not misuse economic crises as an excuse for protectionism.
GATT permits the formation of customs unions and free trade areas (FTAs), such as:
● NAFTA/USMCA
Although they violate the MFN (Most-Favoured-Nation) principle by offering better terms
to certain members, Article XXIV allows such arrangements as long as:
● Tariffs and other restrictions are eliminated on substantially all trade within the
group.
Under special circumstances, WTO members can obtain a waiver from GATT obligations by
a three-fourths majority vote. These waivers are:
While not strictly an exception, the Enabling Clause (1979) allows developed countries to
grant non-reciprocal preferential treatment to developing and least-developed countries
(LDCs), such as:
This aims to level the playing field and support integration of weaker economies into the
global trade system.
Conclusion
The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), while principally rooted in promoting
liberalized trade and non-discrimination, recognizes the necessity of exceptions to
preserve national interests, public policy concerns, and equitable trade practices. These
exceptions are pivotal in allowing Member States a degree of sovereign regulatory freedom
while operating within the multilateral trading system.
1. Whether the measure falls under the scope of one of the listed subparagraphs.
2. Whether it satisfies the chapeau of Article XX, i.e., it must not be applied in an
arbitrary or unjustifiably discriminatory manner.
Article XXI permits Members to take any action they consider necessary for the protection
of their essential security interests, particularly:
● Taken in pursuance of obligations under the United Nations Charter for the
maintenance of international peace and security.
Recent jurisprudence, such as Russia – Transit (DS512), clarified that Article XXI is not
self-judging, and its invocation is subject to panel review to assess good faith and objective
criteria.
These provisions allow developing and developed Members alike to impose trade
restrictions to protect their external financial position and balance-of-payments. Such
measures must be temporary, nondiscriminatory, and consistent with the principles of the
GATT. The Balance-of-Payments Committee under the WTO oversees such measures.
● Duties and regulations are eliminated on substantially all trade among members of
the RTA;
● Duties and regulations on trade with non-members are not higher or more
restrictive than before the agreement.
Thus, Article XXIV acts as a controlled exception to the MFN principle, allowing
preferential treatment within RTAs under strict disciplines.
The exceptions under GATT illustrate the dynamic tension between trade liberalization
and sovereign regulatory autonomy. While the rules-based system aims to limit
protectionism, the exceptions provide necessary flexibility. However, these must be invoked
judiciously to avoid undermining the system’s credibility. For litigators and trade
diplomats, mastering the nuances of these exceptions is crucial in shaping both defensive
and offensive strategies at the WTO dispute settlement body.
The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 is the legal cornerstone of the
multilateral trading system under the World Trade Organization (WTO). It incorporates,
updates, and supersedes the original GATT 1947 provisions and forms one of the key
annexes to the Marrakesh Agreement establishing the WTO.
● GATT 1994 is not a new agreement but rather a reinterpretation and enhancement
of GATT 1947.
● It includes:
○ The provisions of GATT 1947, as they existed on 1 January 1995.
3. Legal Characteristics
● Binding Nature: GATT 1994 provisions are enforceable under the WTO Dispute
Settlement Understanding (DSU).
● Hierarchy: While GATT 1994 is fundamental, it coexists with other WTO agreements
(e.g., GATS, TRIPS) which have equal legal standing under the WTO umbrella.
● Interpretation: WTO panels and the Appellate Body rely on Vienna Convention on
the Law of Treaties (VCLT) principles when interpreting GATT provisions.
● GATT 1994 is inseparable from the WTO Agreement. It functions within the broader
legal framework of:
6. Significance
● It has been vital in reducing trade barriers, promoting transparency, and laying the
groundwork for the modern dispute resolution system.
The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994 is a foundational legal text in the
WTO framework. While GATT 1947 laid the groundwork for multilateral trade, GATT 1994
incorporated and updated these rules under the WTO. This section enumerates the key
provisions of GATT 1994 and outlines its legal jurisdiction within the WTO system.
○ Permits customs unions and free trade areas under strict conditions.
○ GATT 1947,
○ Legal instruments adopted between 1947 and 1994,
○ Protocols of Accession,
○ Schedules of Concessions,
○ Core legal pillar alongside GATS (services) and TRIPS (IP rights).
○ Panel and Appellate Body sometimes rely on VCLT principles, especially for
treaty interpretation (Articles 31–33 VCLT).
○ Limited, but some provisions apply to measures with a trade effect even if
taken outside the territory (e.g., export bans).
Conclusion
GATT 1994 remains the cornerstone of WTO trade in goods. Its provisions are detailed,
far-reaching, and enforced with legal precision. Together with its dispute resolution
mechanisms, GATT not only disciplines tariff measures but also regulates non-tariff
practices, internal taxation, subsidies, dumping, and even regional agreements. Its legal
jurisdiction forms the spine of global trade jurisprudence.
Background
In 1995, Japan's taxation system on alcoholic beverages became the subject of dispute when
the European Communities, Canada, and the United States filed complaints under GATT
1994 and the WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU). The crux of the dispute
centered around differential internal taxes imposed by Japan on imported alcoholic
beverages such as vodka and whisky as compared to domestically-produced shōchū, a
traditional Japanese distilled beverage.
○ The panel and Appellate Body examined how to interpret "like" and "directly
competitive" alcoholic beverages.
● The Panel Report (released July 1996) found that Japan's tax structure violated GATT
Article III:2, as it discriminated against imported alcoholic beverages.
● Japan contended that the distinction in taxes was based on alcohol content,
traditional practices, and production costs.
● The Appellate Body upheld the Panel’s findings, offering critical legal clarification
on:
○ The need to assess protective intent or effect via objective criteria, rather
than subjective government motives.
● This case solidified GATT Article III:2 as a substantive limit on WTO members'
taxation discretion.
● It emphasized objective market-based criteria over subjective state reasoning.
● The decision demonstrated the WTO’s role in regulating internal policies that
affect trade.
● It signaled the strength and clarity of the Dispute Settlement Body and Appellate
Review system post-1995.
Scholarly Reflections
● Scholars noted this case as a landmark in WTO jurisprudence, offering early and
robust clarification of national treatment under GATT 1994.
Introduction
The term "like products" appears in several provisions of the GATT 1994, including:
Each context requires a distinct legal analysis, though the core issue remains: are the
products so similar that differential treatment is discriminatory?
WTO panels and the Appellate Body have developed a set of four non-exhaustive and
non-cumulative criteria to determine "likeness." These were first outlined in the Japan –
Alcoholic Beverages II case and remain influential:
1. Physical Properties
○ Example: Whether two alcoholic drinks are both grain-based or distilled can
be relevant.
2. End-Uses
○ If products are substitutable for the same use, they are more likely to be
considered “like.”
In this case, Japan taxed imported alcoholic beverages such as vodka and gin at a higher
rate than traditional Japanese products like shochu. The Appellate Body found that despite
differences in taste and alcohol content, the imported and domestic products were “like”
under Article III:2, first sentence, due to their similar end-uses and interchangeability in
consumer perception.
● Finding: The taxation measure was inconsistent with GATT Article III:2 because it
provided dissimilar taxation for like products.
Evolution and Flexibility of the Test
The likeness test is not a strict formula. The WTO has emphasized a case-by-case
approach, noting that the economic context, market structure, and evidence from domestic
markets all affect the outcome.
For example:
Where products are not found to be “like,” the broader standard of “directly competitive or
substitutable” (DCS) products under Article III:2, second sentence, may still apply. This
allows for scrutiny even when physical differences exist but market substitution is evident.
Conclusion
The “likeness test” is a sophisticated legal tool used to uphold the foundational GATT
principles of non-discrimination. It balances economic evidence, consumer behavior, and
market realities to determine whether differential treatment of products is justified. Its
flexible application underscores the WTO’s commitment to fairness while allowing for
national regulatory diversity.
The necessity test evolved through case law, beginning prominently with the Thailand –
Cigarettes (1990) case and further developed in Korea – Beef (2000) and Brazil –
Retreaded Tyres (2007).
The Appellate Body (AB) interprets "necessary" not as “indispensable,” but as “significantly
contributing to the objective,” subject to the following considerations:
3. Trade-Restrictiveness
How much does the measure restrict trade? The more restrictive it is, the more
justification is needed.
The WTO Panels and Appellate Body weigh these elements together in a
proportionality-style analysis. The greater the importance of the policy and the more
effective the measure, the more likely it is to be found necessary—even if it's quite
trade-restrictive.
This was clarified in Brazil – Retreaded Tyres, where the Appellate Body stated that the
necessity of a measure involves “a process of weighing and balancing a series of factors,”
and then determining if a WTO-consistent alternative exists that is “reasonably available”
and achieves the same result.
● Ambiguity and Subjectivity: The test is flexible but may be unpredictably applied.
● Burden of Proof: Once a prima facie case is made, the burden often shifts between
the complainant and the respondent regarding alternatives.
● Regulatory Chill: Some critics argue that fear of WTO challenges may discourage
countries from enacting socially progressive or environmentally friendly
regulations.
Conclusion
The necessity test and balancing approach embody the WTO's attempt to reconcile trade
liberalization with sovereign regulatory autonomy. It ensures that Members do not use
policy objectives as a disguised form of protectionism, but also guards their right to
regulate in the public interest. As global challenges—such as climate change and
pandemics—intensify, the evolving jurisprudence of necessity will remain a focal point of
WTO law and legal reform.
The Canada – Aircraft case, initiated by Brazil in 1998, is a landmark dispute that centers on
subsidies provided by the Canadian government to its civil aircraft manufacturer,
Bombardier, allegedly in violation of the Agreement on Subsidies and Countervailing
Measures (SCM Agreement). Brazil claimed that Canada's Export Development
Corporation (EDC) and Technology Partnerships Canada (TPC) programs violated Articles
1, 3, and 5 of the SCM Agreement by granting prohibited export subsidies.
Panel and Appellate Body Findings
The Panel and the Appellate Body emphasized that a “subsidy” under Article 1 consists of:
They ruled that Canada’s low-interest loans under TPC and financing from EDC did
constitute financial contributions and conferred a benefit—thus qualifying as subsidies.
The programs in question were found to be export contingent, meaning they were
conditioned on export performance—a per se violation of Article 3.1(a).
Although the Panel did not make a ruling under Article 5 (serious prejudice), the mere fact
of export contingency under Article 3 made the measures automatically prohibited,
irrespective of actual trade distortion.
It also reinforced transparency obligations and emphasized the need for countries to
justify state financing mechanisms, especially in sensitive sectors like aerospace,
agriculture, and heavy industry.
Pre-Debate/Discussion Prompt:
● Should WTO subsidy rules allow more leeway for state support in high-tech or
strategic industries like aerospace?
● Does the SCM Agreement unduly restrict the developmental policy space of
emerging economies?
to measures that restrict or limit the quantity, value, or destination of exports. These
measures can include:
● Export bans
● Export quotas
Under WTO rules, particularly the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994,
export restraints are generally discouraged or prohibited, depending on the form and
effect of the measure.
"No prohibitions or restrictions other than duties, taxes or other charges... shall be
instituted or maintained by any contracting party on the exportation or sale for
export of any product..."
● This article bans all quantitative restrictions on exports, including quotas and
bans, except for those permitted under Article XI:2 or other exceptions (e.g.,
security exceptions under Article XXI).
SCM Agreement
In cases where export restraints are used to distort the market or affect pricing
mechanisms (e.g., through dual pricing), they may be examined under the Subsidies and
Countervailing Measures Agreement, though this is complex and debated.
● Members like China have been challenged for imposing export restrictions under
Article XI (e.g., in China – Raw Materials and China – Rare Earths).
● The WTO Panel and Appellate Body found that China's export quotas and licensing
requirements on rare earths violated Article XI:1, and the justifications under
Article XX(b) and (g) were rejected due to lack of even-handedness and necessity.
Policy Concerns
● Export restraints are often used to control inflation, protect domestic industries,
or conserve natural resources.
● WTO rules strike a balance by allowing temporary measures, but permanent or
protectionist restraints violate trade norms.
● The legal burden of proof lies with the export-restricting country to show that any
exception applies.
Conclusion
Export restraints under WTO law are tightly regulated and presumed inconsistent unless
clearly justified under narrowly defined exceptions. Members must ensure that such
measures do not arbitrarily discriminate or serve disguised protectionist goals.
The system replaced the less effective GATT 1947 system, which lacked binding
enforcement. The WTO DSU has strengthened the legal rigor, transparency, and
compliance obligations of international trade law.
1. Consultations (Article 4)
● Panel examines the facts and law and issues a final report.
● The Appellate Body (AB) consists of 7 jurists who serve 4-year terms.
● If Member fails to comply, the winning party may request retaliatory measures
(e.g., suspension of concessions).
6.8 Conclusion
The WTO dispute settlement mechanism provides a structured, impartial, and legally
enforceable way to resolve global trade conflicts. Despite challenges, it remains a model for
international adjudication, blending diplomacy and law under a multilateral framework.
7.1 GATS Architecture and Modes of Supply
The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), adopted during the Uruguay Round of
negotiations and entering into force in 1995, marked the first multilateral legal framework
to govern international trade in services under the WTO. Unlike goods, services are
intangible, often consumed and produced simultaneously, and regulated heavily at the
domestic level. The GATS represents an effort to bring coherence, predictability, and
gradual liberalization to global service markets while safeguarding national regulatory
autonomy.
A. Framework Agreement
This sets out the general obligations and disciplines applicable to all WTO Members. It
covers transparency, MFN (Most-Favoured-Nation) treatment, domestic regulation, and
progressive liberalization principles.
● MFN Obligation: Unlike GATT’s MFN principle, which is general and automatic,
GATS allows exemptions listed in a schedule.
● Transparency: Members are obligated to publish all relevant measures that affect
trade in services.
B. Annexes
● Financial services
● Telecommunications
These commitments are negotiated bilaterally but applied on an MFN basis, creating a
hybrid system of binding commitments with room for regulatory flexibility.
The GATS defines trade in services based on four Modes of Supply, categorizing the
cross-border movement of services and service suppliers. Each Mode reflects the route
through which a service can be supplied internationally.
Each mode presents unique regulatory, legal, and political challenges, especially regarding
labor mobility, taxation, and market access.
● Progressive Liberalization: Unlike GATT, GATS does not mandate full liberalization.
It envisions successive rounds of negotiations to deepen commitments over time.
3. Mode 4 Restrictions: Labor mobility remains highly restricted, undermining full
realization of GATS objectives.
V. Conclusion
GATS represents a landmark in international economic law, extending WTO disciplines into
the services domain. Its architecture is deliberately flexible, aiming to reconcile
liberalization with domestic autonomy. However, the challenge remains to deepen
commitments meaningfully while ensuring equitable benefits across all WTO Members,
particularly for the Global South. The classification into four modes of supply helps
operationalize trade in services but also reveals stark differences in access and regulation,
requiring continual dialogue and reform.
Introduction
This concept, while borrowed from GATT 1994, takes on a nuanced and more flexible role
under GATS due to the nature of services trade and its regulation through national policies
and licensing regimes.
“With respect to any measure covered by this Agreement, each Member shall
accord immediately and unconditionally to services and service suppliers of
any other Member treatment no less favourable than that it accords to like
services and service suppliers of any other country.”
Key elements:
● Applies to all covered services, regardless of whether they are listed in a Member’s
schedule of commitments
● Horizontal Obligation: Unlike market access or national treatment which apply only
to sectors a Member commits in its schedule, MFN applies across all sectors,
irrespective of specific commitments.
● "Like Services" Debate: As with GATT, the interpretation of “like” is complex and
fact-intensive. It involves the nature of the service, the mode of supply, and
competitive relationships.
Recognizing that many countries had pre-existing bilateral or regional agreements before
GATS, GATS allows Members to list specific exemptions from MFN treatment:
● Intended to be temporary
Examples:
This indirectly influenced how MFN obligations are analyzed under GATS, especially where
preferential treatment arises under existing trade agreements.
Challenges in Application
● Overlap with FTAs: Regional trade agreements (RTAs) challenge the universality of
MFN unless justified under GATS Article V.
Conclusion
MFN in GATS lays the foundational principle of non-discrimination and global uniformity
in services trade. Yet its built-in flexibilities through exemptions and regulatory
interpretations distinguish it from its GATT counterpart. As the services sector grows in
complexity and cross-border integration, the MFN obligation will remain a key point of
contention and harmonization in WTO jurisprudence.
7.3 Legal Obligations under Article II, XVI, and XVII of the
GATS
The General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), as part of the WTO framework,
establishes a multilayered set of legal obligations on member states. The three most
important substantive provisions governing service trade liberalization and regulation
include Article II (MFN), Article XVI (Market Access), and Article XVII (National
Treatment). Together, they create a legal scaffolding for service trade commitments and
regulatory discipline.
Article II: Most-Favoured-Nation (MFN) Treatment
Legal Obligation:
Key Points:
● Permits Article II exemptions at the time of entry into force of the GATS—these are
limited and scheduled.
Illustration:
Legal Obligation:
5. Measures which restrict or require specific types of legal entity or joint
venture.
Key Points:
Illustration:
Legal Obligation:
● Requires each Member, in committed sectors, to treat foreign services and service
suppliers no less favourably than its own like services and service suppliers, in
respect of all measures affecting the supply of services.
Key Points:
● Even formally identical treatment may violate Article XVII if it modifies the
conditions of competition to the disadvantage of the foreign supplier.
Illustration:
● If a country allows only local law firms to advertise while banning foreign firms
from doing so, this would be a breach of Article XVII, even if the legal text does not
mention nationality.
Conclusion
Articles II, XVI, and XVII of the GATS represent a delicate balance between liberalization
and regulatory sovereignty. While Article II sets the global baseline for non-discrimination,
Articles XVI and XVII allow Members to tailor liberalization sectorally and conditionally.
The legal obligations they impose are enforceable, nuanced, and central to the
jurisprudence and functioning of international trade in services under the WTO.