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 Another Random Document on
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our rulers can spare time from the discussion of such petty measures
as the Ballot, for the consideration of a question which involves the
national existence, the Colonial Question is as certain again to face
us as a difficulty, as it did in 1775. Then, the system which seemed
most natural to the rulers of England was to accept the duty of the
Empire's defence, but to insist on the colonies contributing to the
cost. Unwise as this step was, the colonies being unrepresented in
the Taxing Body, it might have been borne, had it not interfered with
certain vested, although ignoble rights. The collection of the new
revenue required imperial cruisers to enforce it: and these vessels
sorely interfered with the habits and customs of the merchants of
Massachusetts, who were the most systematic smugglers. With what
petty matters are the beginnings of great revolutions entwined! The
sensuality of Henry VIII. was a means to the religious reformation of
England: the selfishness of the Boston traders was the note which
raised in America the thirst for independence. It is an easy thing to
raise a cry which shall at once carry with it the populace, and yet
smother the real issues. And this was done in Boston. Up to the
commencement of military operations, it is difficult to say which is
the least enticing subject for contemplation, the blind, unreasoning,
unaccommodating temper of the English Government, or the selfish,
partisan, ignoble motives of those who were really the prime movers
of the Revolution, although soon dwarfed and put out of sight by the
Frankenstein which their cunning had called into existence. It is
almost a relief to the student, when the sword is drawn: he has then
to deal with men, not schemers; he has then pictures to gaze at of
an earnest people fighting for independence, or, on the other hand,
an outnumbered army fighting for duty; and he has then such
figures to worship as that purest and noblest in history, George
Washington, for the proper revelation of whose character the losses
of that war's continuance may be counted to all time as a clear gain.
What a grim satire it reads as one finds this god-like man a puppet
in the hands of those who were as incapable of understanding his
greatness as of wielding his sword! Wellington in Spain, worried by
departmental idiocy in England, was an object of pity, but his
troubles are dwarfed by those under which a weaker man than
Washington would have resigned in disgust. It is pleasant to read of
the gallant way in which the Royal Artillery acquitted itself in the
American War: but no encomium from an English General has
greater value than that of Washington, who urged his own Artillery
to emulate that of his enemy: and in all the satisfaction which such
praise from Washington, as an enemy, must beget, there is mingled
a feeling of pride that it should have been in a school of war, where
Washington was a comrade, instead of an enemy, that he had taken
the first lessons in the science of which he proved so great a master.
It is to be regretted that the silence of the one country's historians
on the subject of the American War is not compensated by the
undoubted loquacity and grandiloquence of the other's. The student
is equally baffled by the former, and bewildered by the latter.
Perhaps the pride and boasting of the young country is natural:
perhaps it was to be expected that ere long the fact would be
forgotten that without the assistance of France and Spain to distract
England, their independence could never have been achieved; but
when coupled with this forgetfulness, comes an exaggeration of
petty encounters into high-sounding battles, and of defeats like that
of Bunker's Hill into something like victories, to be celebrated by
national monuments, the student may smile complacently at the
enthusiasm of the conquerors, but must regret the dust which is
thrown in his eyes by their boasting and party-feeling.
There are fortunately two comparatively temperate writers, who
were contemporary with the war, and took part in it on opposite
sides, Stedman and Lee,—the latter being the officer who
commanded the celebrated Partisan Legion (as it was called), on the
American side; and in endeavouring to arrive at the truth as to the
war, the student cannot do better than adhere to them.
The war, like the siege of Gibraltar, divides itself into epochs. The
first, and most northerly, embraces Massachusetts and Canada; the
second concentrates itself round New York, with the episode of
Saratoga; and the third and last, derives its main interest from the
operations in the South, culminating in the disastrous capitulation of
Yorktown. In tracing the services of the Artillery during the various
stages, we shall have a glimpse of nearly every operation of
importance which occurred during the war.
Although the 4th Battalion was not the only representative of the
Royal Artillery in America during the war—the 1st and 3rd Battalions
also being represented—its commanding officers, Colonels
Cleaveland and Pattison, who served on the Staff of the Army as
Brigadiers, were in command of the Artillery on the Continent; and,
therefore, in tracing the services of the corps, the records of the 4th
Battalion form the best groundwork. When hostilities commenced, in
Massachusetts, the head-quarters of the battalion were in Boston.
General Gage, who commanded the troops, had failed to conciliate
the colonial representatives. On the 25th February, 1775, he sent a
party of infantry and marines to seize some guns which he
understood were in the town of Salem; but on their arrival, they
found that the guns had been removed. On the evening of the 18th
April, in the same year, he sent a similar body—about 900 strong—to
the town of Concord on a like errand, and here the first blood of the
war was shed. Great mismanagement was displayed on the part of
the English commander, and a very decided hostility on the part of
the colonists, ultimately rendering a retreat necessary. The troops
commenced retiring on Lexington, under an incessant, although
irregular fire from the militia and peasantry; and luckily, on their
arrival at that town, they met a reinforcement under Lord Percy, sent
to their assistance, and accompanied by two field-guns. This was the
first appearance of the Royal Artillery in the war. Under the fire of
the guns, the troops were able to continue their retreat
comparatively unmolested; but before they reached Boston, they
had sustained a loss of no less than 273 killed, wounded, and
prisoners. This number was considered sufficient to justify the
Americans in honouring the conflicts which occurred, by the high-
sounding titles of the "Battles of Concord and Lexington." Effective
as the fire of the English guns was, complaints were made, probably
in self-defence, by the commanding officer of the troops, that the
Artillery were inadequately supplied with ammunition on the
occasion. A strong remonstrance was immediately addressed by
Colonel Cleaveland to the Master-General of the Ordnance, stating
the true facts. "I find it has been said in England, that ammunition
was wanting for the two guns which went with the Brigade to
Lexington—that they had only 24 rounds per gun. I had a waggon
with 140 rounds on the parade, and Lord Percy refused to take it,
saying it might retard their march, and that he did not imagine there
would be any occasion for more than was on the side boxes."[32]
On the 17th June, 1775, the Battle of Bunker's Hill, as it is called,
although Breed's Hill was the real scene of operations, (Bunker's Hill,
which was intended to be fortified, being considerably more distant
from Boston,) was fought; and in the batteries on Cop's Hill, and
with the guns actually on the field, five companies of the 4th
Battalion were present—Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8. Eight field-guns were
actually in action; but twelve accompanied the attacking force—four
light 12-pounders, four 5½-inch howitzers, and four light 6-
pounders. The attack was made under the fire of the guns, "The
troops advancing slowly, and halting at intervals to give time for the
Artillery to produce some effect."[33] In these words, the recently
exploded traditions are apparent, which wedded the Artillery to the
infantry during an engagement, instead of allowing it independent
action. One statement is made by Stedman, generally a most
accurate writer, which it is difficult to reconcile with Colonel
Cleaveland's official report. "During the engagement," writes the
former, "a supply of ball for the Artillery, sent from the Ordnance
Department in Boston, was found to be of larger dimensions than
fitted the calibres of the field-pieces that accompanied the
detachment; an oversight which prevented the further use of the
Artillery." In opposition to this statement, Colonel Cleaveland's report
to the Master-General may be quoted. "At Bunker's Hill, I sent sixty-
six rounds to each gun, and not more than half was fired."[34] Had
the reason been that given by Stedman, Colonel Cleaveland was too
truthful a man to omit mentioning it. The Battle of Bunker's Hill was
the Inkermann of the American War. The British lost 1054 killed and
wounded; the enemy admitted a loss of 449. The latter had the
advantage of an elevated and entrenched position; the former
fought in heavy marching order—on a hot summer day—and had to
ascend a steep hill in the face of a heavy and continuous fire. The
loss fell most heavily on those who met hand to hand; the Artillery
met with but little casualty. According to the 4th Battalion records,
Captain-Lieutenant Lemoine, Lieutenant Shuttleworth, and nine
matrosses were wounded; according to Colonel Cleaveland's MSS.,
this number was increased by Captain Huddlestone, whom he
includes among the wounded.
The English plan of attack was faulty, and the defence of the
Americans was admirable; but these facts merely rendered the
victory of the English troops more creditable. It was a barren victory
—perhaps, even, an injurious one. It did not save Boston from the
blockade, which from this day became more thorough, and it
certainly encouraged the American militia, who found with what
effect they could fight against those regular troops from whom they
had hitherto shrunk a little, with a species of superstitious dread.
But it was not the less a complete victory, a soldiers' victory, by
sheer hard and close fighting; and, even more, an officers' victory—
for at one time nothing but the energy and gallantry of the officers
would have rallied the troops, reeling under a tremendous fire.
In the meantime, the rebels or patriots, as they were called
respectively by enemies and friends, resolved to invade Canada.
Nos. 3 and 6 Companies of the 4th Battalion were scattered over the
provinces, and on the lakes, in detachments. On the 3rd May, 1775,
a small body of the Americans, (who had already possessed
themselves of artillery,) attacked with success Crown Point and
Ticonderoga. In November, the posts of Chambly and St. John were
also taken, and with the exception of one officer and eight men, the
whole of No. 6 Company was now captive, and remained so until
exchanged on the 7th April, 1777. Two men belonging to the
company were killed at St. John. The capture of these posts placed
at the disposal of the Americans a quantity of guns, ammunition,
and stores, of which they had stood sorely in need: and the supply
was largely increased by the fortunate capture of an ordnance
transport from Woolwich, heavily laden with a valuable cargo.
On the 25th September, an ill-judged and unsuccessful attack was
made on Montreal by a small force of rebels, in which their
commander was taken prisoner; but later in the year—a more
formidable demonstration being made by a force under General
Montgomery—the Commandant, General Carleton, withdrew to
Quebec: and Montreal fell into the enemy's hands. Part of No. 3
Company was made prisoner on this occasion.
The siege of Quebec was the next episode in the Canadian part of
the war. It was totally unsuccessful; and the gallant commander of
the Americans—General Montgomery, who had fought under Wolfe
at the same place—was killed. The Artillery present in Quebec
belonged to No. 3 Company, 4th Battalion; but they were very few in
number. They were under the command of Captain Jones, whose
services on the occasion received the highest praise. A sort of
blockade of the town was kept up by General Montgomery's
successor—Arnold,—but it was indifferently conducted; and as soon
as a man-of-war was able to get up through the ice, General
Carleton sallied out and routed the American forces in a most
thorough manner. Very little more was done in Canada during the
war. The loyalty of the inhabitants was unmistakable; and it cannot
fail to surprise one who remembers for how very brief a time the
French Canadians had been under British rule. Even later in the war,
when the French fleet came to render active assistance to the
Americans, and the Admiral appealed to the French colonists to rise,
his appeal was unsuccessful. Either the British rule had already
become popular, because, on the whole, kind and just; or the
sympathies of the French Canadians—although, perhaps, not with
the English—were still more averse from the American cause, which
was associated in their minds with the old New England enemies
who had waged with them such an incessant border-warfare. The
loyalty of Canada is one of the marvels of English history. It seems
unalienable, as it certainly is unselfish. Tested, sixteen years after its
conquest, by the great American War; and again in the present
century by the second American War; tried sorely by a too paternal
Colonial Office, which retarded its advancement, its hindrance made
all the more plain by the spectacle, across the frontier, of the
American Republic attaining a marvellous wealth and development;
exposed to risk from enemies whom it did not know, and in quarrels
in which it had no share, merely on account of its connection with
England; suffering, without indemnity, loss of life and of treasure by
invasion from lawless banditti, who thought to strike England
through her dependency; chilled by neglect, and depressed by words
which, if they had any meaning at all, insinuated that she was a
burden to the parent, and half suggested to her to take her leave,
and to quit the Empire of which she had been so staunch a member;
—tested, tried, endangered, suffering, and neglected, the loyalty of
Canada remains undimmed. It is, as has been said, a marvel! Let
England take heed that she do not underrate this treasure of a
people's tried affection.
In the meantime, while Canada had been invaded by the rebels,
their army, under Washington, had gradually surrounded Boston,
and established a very thorough blockade—causing great hardship
and suffering to the troops. On the 2nd and 3rd of March, 1776,
they established batteries to the east and west of the town, which
the Royal Artillery vainly endeavoured for fourteen days to silence;
and ultimately it was decided to evacuate Boston, and retire to
Halifax, Nova Scotia, to prepare for an attack upon New York later in
the year, and with large naval and military reinforcements from
England.
The evacuation of Boston was conducted in good order, and without
loss. Washington ceased firing on the troops, on receiving notice
from the English general—Howe—that if the bombardment
continued, he would set fire to the town, to cover his retreat; and
the men, guns, and stores, were placed on board the transports with
regularity, and without interruption—but not without great labour.
Colonel Cleaveland reported to the Board of Ordnance, that on the
evening of the 6th March, 1776, he had received orders to use every
despatch to embark the Artillery and stores. "The transports for the
cannon, &c., which were ordered to the wharf, were without a sailor
on board, and half stowed with lumber. At the same time, most of
my heavy cannon, and all the Field Artillery, with a great quantity of
ammunition, was to be brought in from Charleston, and other distant
posts. I was also obliged to send iron ordnance to supply their
places, to keep up a fire on the enemy, and prevent their breaking
ground on Forster Hill. On the fifth day, most of the stores were on
board, with the exception of four iron mortars and their beds,
weighing near six tons each. With great difficulty I brought three of
them from the battery, but on getting them on board the transport,
the blocks gave way, and a mortar fell into the sea, where I
afterwards threw the other two.... Two of my transports were
manned with four marines, and a few Artillery, who understand
something of sailing." The guns which were left in the town were the
oldest, and were left for use, if necessary, in covering the final
embarkation of the troops. One hundred and fifty vessels were
employed in transporting the army and its stores to Halifax; and with
the army were Nos. 1, 2, 4, 5, and 8 Companies of the 4th Battalion,
Royal Artillery, under Colonel Cleaveland, who, having recently
received the Army rank of Colonel, received also now the local rank
of Brigadier. During the last few months of his stay in Boston, he had
been much occupied in planning the Artillery share in the coming
summer campaign, and in making the necessary demands on the
authorities at home. He obtained permission to purchase 700 horses
at Halifax and Annapolis; and a remonstrance made by him about
the "wretches whom he had to hire as drivers" at two shillings per
day, succeeded in procuring for him a draft of trained drivers from
England. Four companies of the 3rd Battalion had joined before he
left Boston, but not before he was sorely in need of their services,
for he literally had not a relief for the men whom he had to keep
constantly on duty. Two more companies were ordered from England
to the South; four companies under Colonel Phillips were ordered to
Canada, to take part ultimately in Burgoyne's wild expedition; and
two more were embarked for service along the coast in bomb-
vessels. A large number of 3-pounders, mounted on wheel-carriages
devised by Captain Congreve, had arrived, and a larger number was
promised. They were found infinitely more convenient than those
Colonel Cleaveland already had, and arranged so as to be carried on
the backs of horses and mules. Captain Congreve's ingenuity
displayed itself in many ways, and called forth repeated expressions
and letters of praise and commendation from Colonel Cleaveland.
Doubtless the favourable reports made by that officer did much to
procure for him—in 1778—from Lord Townsend, then Master-
General of the Ordnance, the new appointment of Founder and
Commandant of the Royal Military Repository. The grounds attached
to that institution are now used solely for instruction in the
management of heavy ordnance, but when it was first opened, the
sharp turns and steep inclines in the roads of the Repository
Grounds were made use of in training the drivers to turn and
manage their horses. Captain Congreve—afterwards Sir William
Congreve—was a very distinguished and able Artillery officer, but it
was not he, but his son, who invented the well-known Congreve
rocket.
The officer who went in command of the companies of Artillery
ordered for service in the South was Major Innes, an officer who
commenced his career as a matross, and ended it as Commandant
of the Invalid Battalion in 1783.
Colonel James commanded the detachments on board the bombs,
and was much praised for the accuracy of his fire at the unsuccessful
attack on Fort Sullivan, near Charlestown, South Carolina, in June,
1776. He also commenced his career as a matross—in the year 1738
—and died as a Colonel Commandant, in 1782.
Several cadets were sent out to fill vacancies as they might occur,
instead of promoting non-commissioned officers. While doing duty,
awaiting these vacancies, they received pay as Second Lieutenants.
Among the guns sent out for the campaign of 1776 were some light
24-pounders with travelling carriages, some 12-pounders, an
immense number of light 3-pounders with Congreve's carriages, and
some mortars for pound-shot. It was intended by the English
Government, that this campaign should be decisive; and the fleet,
army, and Artillery were very powerful. Lord Howe commanded the
fleet, and his brother commanded the army; and they had full
powers to treat with the rebels with a view to a cessation of
hostilities, provided they should submit. The army left Halifax in
June, 1776, and landed on Staten Island on the 3rd July; the whole
of the Artillery being disembarked by the 7th of the month. Here
they were joined by Sir Henry Clinton's forces from the South, and
by Lord Howe and his fleet from England. A large force of Hessians
and Waldeckers also joined them; and on the 22nd August, the army
crossed to Long Island without molestation. The Americans were
encamped at the north end of the island, where the city of Brooklyn
now stands—protected behind by batteries, on the left by East River,
and on the right by a marsh. A range of wooded hills separated the
two armies, the passes being in the possession of the rebels. On the
27th, the Battle of Long Island—or Battle of Brooklyn, as it is
indifferently called—was fought. The share taken by the Artillery in
this victory, was—owing to the nature of the ground, and the hurried
retreat of the Americans within their lines—but small. There were
forty guns present: six with Lord Cornwallis's brigade; fourteen with
General Clinton in the van; ten with the main body under Lord Percy;
and four 12-pounders with the 49th Regiment in rear. The loss
consisted of but three killed—Lieutenant Lovell, a sergeant, and a
bombardier. So difficult were the 3-pounder guns on truck carriages
found either to be moved or carried, that Brigadier Cleaveland sent
them on board ship, and replaced them with those mounted on
Congreve's carriages. From the loyalist farmers on Long Island, an
additional hundred horses were bought for the Artillery, and eighty
two-horse waggons, with drivers, hired for the conveyance of
ammunition and stores.
One of the greatest blots on Sir William Howe's generalship was his
omission to follow up the victory he won on Long Island. Had he
done so, his troops being flushed with victory, and the enemy being
disheartened and disunited, it is possible that he might have put an
end to the war. By means of his apathy or neglect, Washington's
troops were able to cross over to New York unmolested. Before
attacking New York, the English commander considered it desirable
to destroy a very strong redoubt, at a place called Hell Gate,
mounted with a considerable number of guns to prevent
communication, should it be attempted by the British troops, from
the East River into the Sound. Four batteries were accordingly
erected by the Royal Artillery on the opposite shore, mounting three
24-pounders, three heavy and three medium 12-pounders, and ten
small mortars. As it eventually happened, the landing of the British
in New York was made at a spot where the Hell Gate redoubt would
have been useless; but it was satisfactory to find, on entering it
afterwards, the enemy's guns dismounted, and the works so
shattered, that the troops might have marched in with little or no
impediment. In the Brigadier's report on this occasion, he said, "The
distance was near 700 yards, and though the enemy threw a
number of shells from six mortars, we had only on this occasion two
men killed, and one lost an arm. It is with infinite satisfaction that I
can say, that whenever the Artillery is employed, they have not only
the approbation of the Commander-in-Chief, but the whole army, for
their behaviour."
The British landed on Manhattan Island, under the fire of the ships;
and in the precipitate retreat to the heights of Haarlem, the
Americans lost their artillery, and many stores, and Washington
nearly despaired of ever succeeding with such troops as he had
under his command. But it was not enough to obtain possession of
New York, unless the rebel forces could be dislodged from the
powerful position they occupied in the north of the island; and to do
this, an engagement on no small scale was necessary, and was
commenced on the 27th October, 1776. Its opening was called the
Battle of the White Plains; and viewing it from the Artillery point of
view, it may be described as follows (bearing in mind that it was
only the opening scene of a series of engagements, all intimately
connected, and resulting in the scattering of Washington's forces,
their expulsion from New York Island, and almost from the Jerseys;
the capture of Forts Washington and Lee, and the complete
command of the Lower Hudson):—The attack of the 27th October on
the White Plains commenced with a cannonade on the enemy's left
wing, with nearly thirty guns, manned by the Royal Artillery. On the
28th, the attack of the Hessian troops was covered by six light 12-
pounders; and General Knyphausen publicly thanked the officers and
men who were attached to them. In the attack on Fort Washington
in the beginning of November, the Royal Artillery had thirty-four guns
in action to cover the troops. The Guards and Light Infantry who
were engaged in the attack crossed the East River in boats under
the protection of batteries erected for the purpose. The hill they had
to ascend from their landing was exceedingly rugged and steep, and
the boats in which they crossed were exposed to the fire of two of
the American batteries. To silence these, the batteries above-
mentioned were built, and armed with four medium 12-pounders,
fourteen light 6-pounders, four howitzers, and two mortars. With
this armament, the rebel fire was soon silenced, with the exception
of one 3-pounder, which was sheltered by a rock, and which did
considerable damage. A battalion of the rebel forces which was
marching for the defence of the hill was also entirely broken and
dispersed by the well-directed fire of the Royal Artillery, under which
the Guards and Light Infantry landed, and gained the hill without
losing a man. The 42nd Regiment, which landed at another place,
was covered by four 6-pounders; and six guns advanced with Lord
Percy, from the lines at New York, and gained the heights of
Haarlem, every gun being engaged. In this attack, the Artillery is
described as having been powerful and well-served; officers and
men received public acknowledgment in General Orders, and from
the Master-General; and in answering the latter's commendations,
Brigadier Cleaveland felt justified in saying: "The officers and men
under my command have shown an unwearied application to the
service, and deserve everything I can say in their favour.... The good
opinion your Lordship is pleased to form of the conduct and superior
abilities of the British Artillery when engaged, does them the highest
honour, and I have the pleasure to inform your Lordship, that both
officers and men have been emulous during the course of the
campaign in deserving it."
The attack on the fort was too powerful to be resisted; so it
capitulated. Lord Cornwallis, with a large body of men immediately
crossed the North River, to attack Fort Lee, but it was abandoned by
its garrison on the 18th November, and all the guns and stores fell
into the hands of the English.
The English now overran the Jerseys, and the following guns were
present with the Royal Artillery during the raid: four light 12-
pounders, fourteen 6-pounders, eight 3-pounders, and two 5½-inch
howitzers. This was a very critical period for the American cause,
almost as much so as after the Battle of Long Island. "During these
operations, the New York Convention was greatly alarmed lest the
numerous forces (i.e. loyalists) of the State should rise in arms, and
openly join the British forces. Often obliged by the movements of
the armies to change its locality, that body sat successively at
Haarlem, King's Bridge, Philip's Manor, Croton River, and Fishkill;
some of the time, to guard against surprise, with arms in their
hands. A committee was appointed for inquiring into, detecting, and
defeating conspiracies. That committee had funds at its disposal, a
special armed force, and unlimited powers. Many Tories were seized
by its orders and sent into Connecticut for safe-keeping, their
personal property being forfeited to the use of the State.... Some of
the New York Militia (in Washington's camp) refused to do duty.
They were offered—they said—peace, liberty, and safety, and what
more could they ask."[35] While not underrating the energy of a
people who could attain their end in spite of such difficulties, it is
healthy reading occasionally, in the midst of flabby orations as to the
uprising of a united people, to examine passages like that just
quoted. A large substratum of loyalty existed yet, which had to be
kept down by a sort of reign of terror; and although, as we shall see,
the loyal diminished greatly in numbers as the war went on, the fact
remains that the rebellion was not a national conception, but a party
manœuvre, which secured by dexterous management the assistance
of many pure and noble men, and ultimately—assisted by war—
received the co-operation of the mass of the people. The war bound
the people together by an instinct of self-defence, apart from the
reasons which had brought it about; and once committed to a cause,
men are as ingenious in inventing, often unconsciously, arguments in
its favour, as they are enthusiastic in defending their opinions.
The gloom of the American cause in the end of 1776 was brightened
by a surprise of some German troops at Trenton, by Washington,
who took the whole prisoners, to the number of about 1000. This
success did much to re-animate the rebels, and gave a new life to
their prosecution of the war.
The year 1777 was destined to be the most eventful year of the
whole campaign. The British had formed a plan, whose aim was as
good as its execution was foolish. Prior, however, to its
commencement, Washington made an attack on two regiments, the
17th and 55th, near Princeton, which is described in Brigadier
Cleaveland's despatch to the Board of Ordnance in the following
words:—"The most particular action that has happened since
Washington's recrossing the Delaware, was an attack made by him
with 4000 men, upon the Battalion of the 17th Regiment at
Princeton, in which action the 17th has gained great honour, and
their Lieutenant-Colonel, Mawhood, great reputation. The heavy fire
of the enemy at the first of the attack obliged the Regiment to retire,
under cover of four 6-pounders advantageously posted. Here the
Regiment formed, and made a general charge upon the enemy,
whom they forced wherever they advanced, leaving a piece of
cannon behind them. Colonel Mawhood observing the enemy
increasing greatly in their numbers, thought proper to march from
Princeton, where we were obliged to leave two 6-pounders, all the
horses belonging to the guns being shot, and the axletree of the
other carriage broke by firing." At this affair, Lieutenant Desaguliers,
and nine men of the Royal Artillery were killed. These active
movements of Washington had the effect of making both General
Howe and Lord Cornwallis withdraw their forces from Trenton and
Princeton, and spend the rest of the winter near New York,—on Long
Island, and in the neighbouring parts of New Jersey.
The plan of operations formed by the British Commanders under
instructions from home is well and succinctly described by the
American writer, Lee: "It contemplated the annihilation of resistance
in all the country between the Lakes and Albany; undisturbed
possession of the Hudson River (thus severing the Union), and the
conquest of Pennsylvania, whose capital (Philadelphia) was the
metropolis of the American States." To carry out this plan, it was
resolved that one British army should march from Canada, and
another from New York, whose meeting would complete the
separation of the Eastern from the Western States, north of New
York. Two blunders were committed in this scheme. The first was the
appointment of General Burgoyne to command the northern force,
instead of General Carleton, who was well acquainted with the
country; the second was the employment of a northern army at all.
New York was in English hands, and the mastery of the sea was as
yet undisputed. Had New York been made the base of operations,
and an army been sent up the Hudson, with its communications with
New York maintained by the navy, the separation of the States
would have been assured. But when General Burgoyne with his 7000
men left Canada, and plunged into the American forest, he cut his
communications with the base of his operations, and his case
became more hopeless every mile he advanced. That it was not
want of gallantry, but infamous strategy, which brought on the
Sedan-like Convention of Saratoga, may be seen by the most cursory
study, and is eloquently acknowledged in the following words by
Lee, who, though an enemy, was not blind to the courage of his
opponents:—"Where is the General who ever more prodigally risked
his life in his country's cause, than the unfortunate Burgoyne?
Where the army which more bravely executed its leader's will, than
did that which he conducted? What danger was avoided? What
effort unessayed? What privation not submitted to? What difficulties
not encountered? But all terminated in disaster; and the army, from
whose prowess so much was expected, yielded to its equal in
courage, to its superior in number." The American army, under
General Gates, was a little over 13,000 strong; Burgoyne's force did
not exceed 5700|at the date of the capitulation. The interest to the
Artilleryman, in the details of this expedition, is unaffected by its
disastrous termination. From commencement to termination, order-
books,[36] despatches, and regimental records, speak in terms of
enthusiasm of the courage of the Artillery, and their gallant
commander—Major-General Phillips—who, although only a
Regimental Major, held the higher Army rank by brevet, and was
second in command of the whole force. Of the service of the Artillery
at the Battle of Stillwater, Cust, in his 'Annals of the Wars,' writes,
"The Artillery did wonders;"—and of the retreat of the 7th October,
the same author says, "Phillips and Riedesel were now ordered to
cover the retreat, and the troops retired, hard pressed, but in good
order; the Artillery, under Major Williams, doing good execution, but
all the horses having been disabled, six of the guns were obliged to
be abandoned." Stedman, in his account of the Battle of Stillwater,
says, "During the action, Major-General Phillips contrived to convey
through a thick part of the wood, some British Artillery, which was of
essential service. Captain Jones of this corps, who fell in this action,
was particularly distinguished." But the most valuable comment is
that made by General Phillips himself, after the termination of the
campaign; in a report made by him from Albany on the 22nd
October, 1777, to Lords Townsend and Amherst. "I have to report to
you, my Lords, that the Corps of Artillery which I commanded has
acted during the campaign with the greatest spirit, and has received
the entire approbation of General Burgoyne, and the applause of the
army. In the action of the 19th September, the Artillery was of
infinite use; and a brigade commanded by Captain Jones, with
Lieutenants Hadden and Reid, was particularly engaged, and
maintained their post to the last, although in doing of it every man,
except five, was either killed or wounded. Captain Jones was killed.
"In the affair of October 7th, Major Williams kept a battery in action,
until the Artillery horses were all destroyed, and his men either killed
or wounded; being unable to get off their guns, he was surrounded
and taken, with two officers, Lieutenants York and Howorth, the
latter wounded. Captain Blomefield, my Major of Brigade, was also
wounded on the 7th instant, at Major Williams' battery. I cannot
sufficiently commend the activity, zeal, and spirit of the officers. The
same gallant spirit remained to the last day, when the Convention
was signed. I had the honour to deliver a message to the
Lieutenant-General from the Corps of Artillery, that they were as
ready as ever to undergo any hardships, or to undertake any
difficulties, for the King's service. Under this description, allow me to
recommend the corps to your Lordship's protection, and humbly
request that you will represent their conduct to His Majesty." The
men of the Irish Artillery, who were referred to in a former chapter
as having taken part in the American War, formed part of the force
under General Phillips, and it was to their conduct during this
expedition that allusion was made by the Master-General in the
despatch there quoted.
The story of this disastrous expedition is short and simple. Having
left his Canadian quarters in June, Burgoyne invested Ticonderoga
on the 1st July, captured it on the 6th, pursued the flying garrison
with gunboats on the lakes, as well as in forced marches by land,
and utterly scattered them. Leaving the lakes in the end of July, he
marched for the Hudson; but as he already felt the want of supplies,
it was the 13th of September before he crossed that river, and took
up his position at Saratoga. On the 19th September, the Battle of
Stillwater was fought—in which the English were left masters of the
field—the 9th, 20th, 21st, 24th, 47th, and 62nd Regiments being
engaged, and behaving with the greatest valour. On the 7th of
October, a forward movement made by Burgoyne was defeated, and
it was during his retreat on that day that—as stated above—Major
Williams' battery behaved so well. Affairs were now desperate: the
Indians were deserting, and the enemy increasing in numbers every
day; supplies of all sorts were short, nor was there any means of
obtaining them; the actually effective British troops did not exceed
3500; and there was an opposing force, said to amount to 16,000
men: there was no appearance of the long-expected army from New
York under Sir Henry Clinton; and even if Burgoyne succeeded in
retreating to Canada, he might greatly embarrass Clinton, by
enabling Gates' and Washington's armies to unite; but retreat
became soon impossible. At last, with only three days' provisions
left, he opened negotiations with General Gates, and on the 17th the
Convention was signed, and this wild, baseless expedition met its
natural and disastrous termination.
This was the signal in Europe for action among England's enemies.
From this day, France and Spain made no secret of their resolution
to join the Americans; and to this extraneous evil was added the
indignation of the English people with the Government. Even those
who opposed the war were indignant with the authorities: ready
critics, although backward in assistance. The affair at Trenton was
more valuable, as far as the Americans themselves were concerned:
it came at a time of great depression, and reanimated their drooping
spirits: but as far as other nations could judge, the surrender of
Burgoyne was most important, and decided two at least to take an
active instead of a passive share in the war.
But in the mean time what were the troops doing at New York? And
in the first place, what were Colonel Cleaveland, and the companies
under his command, doing? They were becoming sadly diminished in
numbers, and the theme of all Colonel Cleaveland's letters was the
same—a cry for more men from England. "The demand for
Artillerymen," he wrote "is so great that the smallest body of infantry
wish not to move without them. I must therefore entreat your
Lordship to give us every possible addition to our Corps.... From the
small number of Artillerymen in quarters, and no assistance to be
had from the army, I am obliged to hire seamen to act as labourers,
and find they do more work than any other men I can employ."
At the very time he was writing thus, he was being pressed by the
Commander-in-Chief to increase the number of guns for the field
during the summer campaign; to form batteries of iron 24-pounders
and brass 12-pounders on travelling carriages; and to buy as many
horses as he could, instead of trusting to those which were pressed
for service as required. His patience and the wants of the army
being unable to wait for the deliberate movements of the English
Ordnance officials, he at last obtained permission from the
Commander-in-Chief to enlist three hundred men in New York,
"although," he wrote, "these will be very insufficient to man the
cannon for the field,—and we therefore most ardently wish for more
Artillery from England." He clothed the recruits with the last year's
clothing for the 4th Battalion, demanding an additional supply from
England in its room. By the correspondence of this time, it appears
that the men had no greatcoats except a few for use on sentry,
which were kept in the guard rooms. The severity of the winter
made it necessary to demand a supply, as the men were much
exposed. This appeal was made in the year 1777, and was granted
in the year 1786—the matter having taken nine years to penetrate
the official brain. Even then it was only granted in part—to the
extent of ten per company, increased two years later to fifteen, as
the idea became more comprehended by the authorities.
By the 1st of June, 1777, an extra supply of four hundred horses
was obtained; the batteries were all ready, and by the middle of the
month the campaign commenced. The object of Sir William Howe
was to draw off Washington from a strong position which he held,
enabling him to prevent his opponents from rendering assistance to
Burgoyne, and also from advancing on Philadelphia. Every feint was
attempted without success; and at last the British General resolved
on a genuine invasion of some part south of New York, which would
compel Washington to move. During the month of June, only one
engagement of any importance took place, at Westfield, between
the British under Lord Cornwallis and 3000 Americans under Lord
Stirling, in which the latter were defeated with a loss of three guns.
At this action, the detachments of Artillery who were present
belonged to the 4th Battalion. By the way, a peculiar service for the
Royal Artillery to perform is mentioned by Stedman as having been
carried out on the 6th July in this year. "The American galleys were
destroyed near Skenesborough during Burgoyne's expedition by
Captain Carter, of the Artillery, who commanded a Brigade of
gunboats. He gave chase, and pursued them with such speed, that
he captured several of their largest galleys, and obliged them to set
the remainder on fire with a considerable number of their bateaux."
On the 23rd July 1777, Sir William Howe embarked his army—
leaving Sir Henry Clinton in command at New York—and sailed for
the south. Until the 22nd August he kept his intended destination a
secret, and baffled Washington's speculations, but on that day news
came that he had entered Chesapeake Bay, so the American General
marched to meet him. On the 25th August Howe disembarked his
troops, and marched inland. To prevent the English reaching
Philadelphia, the Americans who had been within a very few miles of
their enemies, fell back, and occupied the heights beyond the
Brandywine river. On the 11th, the English attacked the American
position, moving in two columns, one under Lord Cornwallis, the
other under General Knyphausen. The former column crossed the
river at an unexpected point, and mounting the hill under a heavy
protecting fire of Artillery drove the Americans into the woods.
General Knyphausen had some severe fighting also, and ultimately
succeeded in getting across.
This was the Battle of Brandywine, in which the Americans admitted
a loss of 300 killed, 600 wounded, and 400 prisoners, besides 11
pieces of Artillery. The English had 8 officers and 74 men killed, and
a little over 400 wounded. The Royal Artillery lost 5 killed—
Lieutenant Shand, 2 sergeants, and 9 rank and file wounded. A small
engagement, equally favourable to the British, and in which the
42nd and 44th Regiments greatly distinguished themselves, took
place on the 18th September, and on the 25th Lord Cornwallis took
possession of Philadelphia. Writing from that city on the 28th
November to Lord Germaine, Sir William Howe said, "Much credit is
due to Brigadier-General Cleaveland and to the officers and men of
the Corps of Artillery."
While in Philadelphia, Brigadier Cleaveland heard that he was to be
superseded by Brigadier Pattison who had been appointed to the 4th
Battalion vice Colonel Ord, who had died in the preceding April. The
first time that General Pattison is mentioned as having taken active
part in the war was on the 22nd October, 1777, when the British
troops took possession of the Fort of Red Back—on which occasion
he commanded the Artillery: but General Cleaveland had not ceased
to do duty, for he commanded the Artillery at the successful attack
on Mud Island on the 16th November, an attack which succeeded in
"removing all the obstacles to the free navigation of the Delaware by
the British fleet."[37]
After Lord Cornwallis had entered Philadelphia, and while the great
body of the British troops were encamped under Sir William Howe,
at a village called Germantown, about six miles from Philadelphia,
Washington made a sudden attack upon them early in the morning
of the 4th October. Although at first successful, it did not long
continue so. Failure of punctual co-operation, according to Lee's
account, and the brave stand made by the 40th Regiment, soon
changed the current of events: and Washington was ultimately
obliged to retire with a loss of at least 1000 killed, wounded, and
prisoners. In speculating on the causes of this defeat, Lee uses
language such as few other American writers would use, and such
as few living Americans would care to hear. But it is perhaps all the
more valuable. "The defeat must be attributed," he says, "to the yet
imperfect discipline of the American army: to the broken spirit of the
troops, who, from day to day, and from month to month, had been
subjected to the most trying and strength-wasting privations,
through the improvidence or inability of Government: to the
inexperience of the tribe of generals, and to the complication of the
plan of assault—a complication said to have been unavoidable."
It was before superior numbers that the British evacuated Boston: to
superior numbers Burgoyne surrendered at Saratoga: and now the
superiority of numbers being in the other direction, the Americans
were defeated in every action during this part of the campaign.
Defeated, but, it must be admitted, not disheartened, for the losses
round Philadelphia were forgotten in the blaze of triumph which
accompanied the capitulation of Burgoyne's force; and the growing
intensity of the American feeling will be realized from a letter, which
will be quoted in the next chapter, written in the very place where
their losses must have been most palpably real.
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