CHAPTER 14

Sociology of Disaster

Thomas E. Drabek

Disasters have impacted human societies a society or a subsystem such as a commu-

throughout history. While volcanic erup- nity to incur human and/or physical losses
tions, floods, hurricanes, and other such or significant disruption of some essential
events have been described over the cen- functions like shelter, food or public safety
turies, it was not until Voltaire discussed the (Perry and Quarantelli 2005). While explic-
impacts of the Lisbon earthquake (Novem- itly recognizing that such events vary across
ber 1, 1755; 70,000 killed) that a social sci- a wide variety of characteristics, e.g., scope,
entific perspective rooted within social and agent, predictability, duration, suddenness,
cultural contexts framed an analysis. This and the like, most researchers differentiate
paradigm reflected a new cultural context three “types” of disasters: (1) natural, (2)
wherein “the bonds of traditional religious technological, and (3) conflict-based.
authority were being challenged by a grow-
ing enthusiasm for intellectual freedom and
for reason” (Dynes 2000: 97–98). Early Studies and Emergent
Most sociological research on disaster has Research Centers
been framed within commonly used defini-
tions that include the following key ideas, On December 6, 1917, at 9:06 in the morn-
that is, disasters are accidental or uncontrol- ing, a French munitioner ship rammed a
lable events, actual or threatened, that cause Belgian ship near the docks of Halifax, Nova
Scotia. The munitioner was loaded with
trinitrotoluene (TNT). A massive explosion
I wish to thank Ruth Ann Drabek for her work on this occurred that killed nearly 2,000 people and
article. Partial support was provided by the University injured 9,000 others (Drabek 2013: 58). As he
of Denver through the John Evans Professorship Pro-
had done following the Titanic ship disaster
gram. Any opinions, findings, conclusions or recom-
mendations expressed in this article are those of the (1912), Samuel Henry Prince, a young Epis-
author and do not necessarily reflect the views of the copal priest, assisted in the recovery effort.
University of Denver. Shortly thereafter he enrolled in a doctoral
139
140 the cambridge handbook of sociology, volume 2

program at Columbia University. His disser- the University of Delaware, where both
tation (1920) was the first truly sociological Dynes and Quarantelli continue to pro-
study of disaster. vide limited direction despite their retire-
Following World War II, under the direc- ments. Haas left OSU in the mid-1970s and
tion of Charles E. Fritz, the first con- teamed briefly with Gilbert F. White, a
tinuing set of field studies were initiated social geographer, who had relocated from
through the National Opinion Research the University of Chicago to the Univer-
Center (NORC) housed at the Univer- sity of Colorado. They initiated the Nat-
sity of Chicago. One NORC graduate stu- ural Hazards Research and Applications
dent, Enrico Quarantelli, focused on the Information Center, which also continues
social dimensions of panic behavior (1954) today as an important driving force in haz-
and studied a series of public myths about ards research and policy formulation. White
disaster response (1960). Other students influenced public policies related to usage
picked different topics, such as the pro- of flood-prone and other high-risk locations
cesses whereby the public assigned blame to and was instrumental in the creation of the
people who they thought caused or wors- National Flood Insurance Program. Gradu-
ened the disaster (Bucher 1957). Later, Fritz ates of both of these centers initiated sus-
(1961) summarized the results of this multi- tained research programs (e.g., Mileti 1999;
year project in a chapter that appeared in Drabek 2013) and formal institutional units
a widely used social problems text edited at other universities and organizations, e.g.,
by Robert Merton and Robert Nisbet. Mak- Hazard Management Group within Oak
ing use, for the first time, of empirical Ridge National Laboratory; Hazard Reduc-
research conducted after numerous disas- tion and Recovery Center, Texas A&M Uni-
ters with different “causes,” e.g., airplane versity. Similar centers have been developed
crash, tornadoes, floods, etc., he described in Italy, Japan, Australia, Germany, and else-
several important aspects of disasters. Fritz where.
emphasized the commonality of conver- Research findings and conclusions from
gence behavior, or the movement of people scholars working within these centers and
toward sites of disasters immediately after independently at other locations have been
they occur, and the development of emer- synthesized and/or summarized in several
gent norms that initiate an “altruistic mood” works. Most important among these are the
immediately after disasters. These interpre- following: Barton 1969; Dynes 1970; Drabek
tations were in direct contrast to alterna- 1986; Dynes et al. 1987; Rodríguez et al.
tive expectation sets that continued to guide 2006. In contrast to these more technical
many emergency planners for decades, i.e., syntheses, others have published materials
images of mass hysteria and the need for designed to assist emergency management
immediate governmental actions focused on professionals. Examples include Drabek and
command and control, looting prevention Hoetmer (1991), and Waugh and Tierney
and other public security measures. (2007).
Shifts in areas of public policy occurred In 1995, the Federal Emergency Man-
following Fritz’s relocation to the National agement Agency (FEMA) initiated the
Academy of Sciences, where he recruited FEMA Higher Education Project to facili-
a series of expert panels whose publica- tate the development of courses and degree
tions had some impact, especially in hur- programs within colleges and universities,
ricane warning and evacuation planning, whereby students could become introduced
e.g., Moore et al. 1963. Policy applications to disaster and hazard research and the
were expanded greatly in 1963 when the emerging profession of emergency man-
Disaster Research Center was established agement (Drabek 1996). By 2014, over 200
at the Ohio State University by Russell such programs were operational. Seeing a
Dynes, Enrico Quarantelli and J. Eugene new market, publishing companies began to
Haas. In 1985 the Center was relocated to recruit textbook authors, e.g., Haddow et al.
 sociology of disaster 141

2009; McEntire 2007; Phillips and Morrow sociologists have conducted major research
2008; Lindell et al. 2007. projects in this area, however. Rather, work
As the number of empirical studies of in this area most often consists of cri-
disaster increased, new professional journal tiques of federal experiments like the color-
opportunities became sustainable. While coded national alert system or fear- mon-
researchers continue to publish in standard gering activities designed to legitimate anti-
sociology journals, their work frequently terrorism programs (see Lustick 2008; Tier-
appears in these more specialized outlets, ney 2006). Most sociological studies can be
e.g., International Journal of Mass Emergen- clustered into one of the four phases of dis-
cies and Disasters; Disasters: The Journal aster response.
of Disaster Studies, Policy and Management;
Australian Journal of Disaster Management;
Preparedness
Journal of Emergency Management and Dis-
aster Prevention and Management: An Inter- Some families are more prepared to con-
national Journal. front disaster than others. Their actions
reflect the constraints of wealth, education,
and history. Surveys have demonstrated that
Major Research Areas and families in poverty will do little or noth-
Key Findings ing to prepare their households. Participa-
tion in various educational programs, how-
In 1932, Lowell Carr provided an organiz- ever, increases the likelihood that families
ing framework for disaster research which will have a reunification plan and take
other scholars used to frame and synthe- basic actions like securing hot water tanks
size their work and that of others (Carr or stocking food and water. These pro-
1932). Disaster events reflected a series of grams usually provide information about
sequential phases including warning, evacu- major community hazards, specific recom-
ation, impact, and recovery. Gradually, civil mended actions including storage of emer-
defense planners began to create a broader gency equipment such as flashlights and bat-
approach that ultimately became known as teries, water and food, and family evacu-
“comprehensive emergency management” ation procedures. Typically, people living
(CEM). In 1979, the National Governors in communities that experience events or
Association (NGA), whose members had alerts more frequently will evidence greater
become disappointed at fragmented federal levels of family preparedness (Mileti and
agency responses, proposed that this frame- Darlington 1995).
work be adopted nationally, so that key When disaster warnings are issued,
planning functions could be identified for numerous studies have documented that
local government officials (National Gov- disbelief, not panic, is the initial response. If
ernors Association 1979). The CEM frame- people do anything, they will seek to con-
work notes that, while every disaster has firm the warning information. Often they
its unique qualities, four key comprehensive will consult a media outlet or contact fam-
emergency management functions can be ily or friends (Drabek 2013: 65–67, 97–101).
identified: (1) preparedness, including warn- The characteristics of the people or demo-
ing and evacuation; (2) response; (3) recov- graphic groups receiving the warnings pat-
ery; and (4) mitigation. These somewhat tern responses in clearly defined ways. For
parallel the disaster “phases” identified by example, males typically deny the threat
Carr. far longer than females or primary-school
Since the terrorist attacks of September aged-children. Racial minorities tend to dis-
11, 2001, another CEM function has been trust public officials more and hence are
added that often is referred to as “detec- less likely to evacuate their residences, as
tion,” “threat assessment,” or “infrastruc- are those over sixty-five years of age (Lin-
ture security,” e.g., airport screening. Few dell and Perry 2004). The characteristics of
142 the cambridge handbook of sociology, volume 2

warning messages also influence community alter their anticipated actions. With the
response profiles. The core qualities that popularization of mobile phones, the pop-
increase evacuation compliance are speci- ulation routinely uses this technology and
ficity, precision as to when the threat will social media outlets like Facebook, Twit-
arrive, the geographical boundaries at risk, ter, etc. These technologies and their conse-
and the nature of the threat. Finally, mes- quences define an important new research
sages that contain specific instructions for agenda.
what people should do have been found to Communities tend to reveal an elabo-
be most effective (Mileti et al. 1981). rate division of labor among government
Most people evacuate their homes or and non-governmental organizations. Amer-
work places and seek shelter with relatives ican society is comparatively decentral-
or friends. Those fleeing to public shelters ized, when compared to other nations.
tend to be poor and/or of minority group Disaster changes the task environment
status (Peacock et al. 1997). Family pets so that high levels of agency autonomy
frequently complicate evacuation decisions, can result in fragmented responses, what
since most people do not wish to leave their some analysts have labeled “organized-
animals. Announced provisions for pets at disorganization” (Drabek 2013: 175–199).
shelters will result in higher levels of evacu- Despite years of documentation and exten-
ation compliance. Once families leave, there sive training in multi-organizational coor-
is great pressure on public officials to per- dination, these patterns of decentralized
mit returns home as soon as possible, often responses continue to be documented, e.g.,
before public safety requirements are met. the 9/11 World Trade Center attacks (2001)
(Kendra and Wachtendorf 2006) and the
Aurora theater shooting (July 20, 2012)
Response
(Tri Data Division 2014). While progress
In contrast to false images of hysteria, has been made through implementation
anti-social behavior, and non-rational inac- of emergency operations centers (EOCs),
tion, the research evidence clearly por- interoperable emergency radio systems, cell
trays human responses after disaster impacts phones, and other technologies, human
tending to be positive and active. People are factors continue to produce fragmented
quick to take actions they perceive as pro- responses. Research has documented the
tective and will reach out to help others problem and pointed toward solutions,
despite personal risk or injury. Every dis- but implementation remains problematic
aster studied has documented instances of in most communities. When disaster is
heroic behavior by some of the survivors, less frequent, the implementation costs in
and typically a few individuals engage in both training and equipment may not be
life-saving actions and become publically viewed as cost-effective. In a changing world
identified as heroes. Disaster scenes are thus of increased threats reflecting population
filled with unofficial volunteers who engage increases, greater densities in high-risk areas,
in a wide range of actions intended to help expanded terrorist activity, climate change,
survivors physically, financially, or emotion- and other factors, increased funding for
ally. Widespread convergence occurs shortly emergency management capabilities seems
after any disaster, and this convergence necessary.
reflects personnel, information, and physi-
cal items ranging from emergency response
Recovery
equipment to media broadcast vans. Media
outlets, despite urging people to stay away Depending on the scope, intensity, and
from impacted areas, actually increase inter- other characteristics of a disaster event and
est in the event and stimulate others to go to the relative structural capabilities of the
the impacted areas to assist or satisfy their impacted community and external resource
curiosity. Some of the curious discover that units, recovery times vary widely. Many
their assistance may be helpful and thereby families experience what some observers
 sociology of disaster 143

have labeled “the bitch phase” once the from repairing infrastructure (e.g., bridges
altruistic mood and informal help sources and dams), curbing building in high-risk
dissipate and they confront the realities areas (e.g., flood, wildfire, or earthquake-
of bureaucracy associated with insurance prone areas), enhancing disease monitor-
companies, city building permits, and the ing and control (e.g., Ebola outbreaks),
like. Complicated bureaucratic structures and working to prevent potential terrorist
often slow down government assistance and attacks (e.g., airport security), to increas-
impede recovery efforts (Lansford et al. ing regulation of technologies (e.g., nuclear
2010: 82–98). power plants, off-shore oil drilling), and
Seeking closure in some form or another the like. All of these activities reflect the
becomes paramount, including attending to differential perceptions of risk for varying
the dead, construction of memorials, and stakeholder and community groups. Like
assisting children, some of whom will have different responses to warnings, these per-
nightmares and others sleep disturbances. ceptions are constrained by social factors.
Divorce and marriage rates oscillate in the For example, females typically reveal higher
short term after disasters, as some will fear levels, especially if potential impacts
put off these life-changing acts until dam- may affect children (Drabek 2013: 253). Sim-
aged homes are fixed and other home and ilarly, older individuals may know more
work patterns re-established. Within a year, about the flood history of their community,
both patterns normalize once the “catch- but their level of acceptable risk expands
up” is completed. The same is true for over time as does their sense of skepti-
short-term increases in alcohol consump- cism about both so-called “experts” and gov-
tion, use of prescription drugs like tranquil- ernment programs and regulations (Drabek
izers, and other use patterns reflecting short- 1986: 327–331). Poorer sectors of the com-
term coping behavior. These, like increased munity often reflect more fatalistic inter-
kin interactions – a vital source of short- pretations of risk. Hence, attitudes toward
term help – gradually return to prior pat- future disasters that may be defined as “Acts
terns, although some evidence indicates that of God” dovetail with suspicion and distrust
kin relationships are strengthened over the when local activists initiate new regulations
years after disaster. such as those prohibiting mobile housing in
Some studies (Erikson 1976) have docu- designated flood-prone areas.
mented extensive and long lasting trauma. Meanwhile, centralized and computer-
These have been limited, however, to ized banking systems, air traffic control, and
instances of extreme destruction and losses even basic utility networks for energy and
of community networks. But even in water have increased societal vulnerability
these cases, new interpretations have indi- to both terrorist attack and various natural
cated that three decades later processes disasters (Perrow 2007). Drabek (2013: 273–
of healing and community resilience have 298) proposed that emergency management
mitigated the traumas (Schwartz-Barcott professionals must redefine their vision so
2008). Resilience is the dominant theme in as to become community change agents
research on disaster recovery. The most pro- with two clear goals: (1) implementing
found change noted in many of the studies strategies designed to increase community
reflects altered life perspectives – decrease resilience, including increased engagement,
in materialistic ambitions and increased empowerment, cohesiveness, and social
appreciation of family and personal ability capital, and (2) actively seeking to decrease
to cope with future tragedy. community vulnerabilities. Emergency
management professionals reduce threats
to communities by advocating policies and
Mitigation
procedures designed to reduce the degrees
Long before disaster strikes, some commu- of centralization in community systems
nity members will have advocated various and encroachment into high-risk locations,
approaches to risk reduction. These vary increase programs of threat detection and
144 the cambridge handbook of sociology, volume 2

prevention, increase construction standards, documented the subtle and not-so-subtle

and increase maintenance and infrastructure negative impacts of Hurricane Katrina,
renewal programs. Community vulnerabil- for example: family displacement, spouse
ity must also be reduced through efforts abuse, and child adjustment to “perma-
to decrease economic inequalities, and nent temporariness” (Weber and Peek 2012;
reduce discrimination of all types including Fothergill and Peek 2014; David and Enarson
race, ethnicity, religion, gender, and sexual 2012). Dimensions of vulnerability require
identity differences. further study both for theory expansion and
program insight for those seeking to help in
New Directions the aftermath of future disasters.

Understanding Resilience
While many have noted the gap between
sociological theory and disaster studies, one Through links to theories of social capital,
exception is the work of Kreps and his Aldrich (2012) provided documentation that
associates (1994). They have identified spe- underscored the impact of social connec-
cific linkages between disaster field data tions on community recovery. After exten-
and themes introduced by Simmel, Gid- sive study of the recovery processes that
dens, Alexander, and others. Through anal- occurred after Hurricane Katrina, Lansford
yses of microsystems that have emerged and his colleagues concluded that “social
during actual disaster responses, they have capital instills in the community a foun-
provided insight into the processes of order dational level of trust. This trust is the
and action that have been constrained by community’s strength against hazards and is
both preparedness programs and percep- what enables it to become socially resilient”
tion of need. While every disaster is unique, (Lansford et al. 2010: 56). As more research
there are common patterns of response in this area is completed, it can inform
and recovery, but future conceptual preci- efforts directed at enhancing community
sion is required so that the limits of gen- resilience. Further studies like those com-
eralization can be established with greater pleted by Aldrich (2012), combined with the
rigor across specific taxonomic niches of vulnerability analyses by Peek, Fothergill,
social systems (Erikson 1994). Future ana- Enarson, and others, can pave the way
lysts must focus on popular culture as it for a greatly enhanced understanding of
reflects disaster (Webb et al. 2000) includ- the structural origins and consequences of
ing emergent memorials, permanent mon- disaster.
uments, folk tunes, and a host of other
consequences that assist in community heal- Improving Warning Systems
ing processes (Quarantelli and Davis 2011).
The National Weather Service has imple-
During the next decade sociologists focused
mented tornado and hurricane warning sys-
on disaster must address at least four addi-
tems that have saved thousands of lives
tional core research areas: (1) Vulnerability
during the past two decades. Sociologi-
Analyses; (2) Understanding Resilience; (3)
cal research on warning and evacuation
Improving Warning Systems; and (4) Emer-
responses has guided the design of these
gency Management Applications.
systems. But failures still happen and new
research is required to document these and
Vulnerability Analyses
identify the gaps that resulted in death and
Future research must also focus on struc- injury (Committee on Disaster Research in
tural dimensions of social vulnerability the Social Sciences 2006). Equally impor-
(Wisner et al. 2005), especially as reflected tant is the rapidly changing social land-
in children, minority groups, and women scape, especially reflective of the adoption
(Enarson et al. 2006; Phillips and Mor- of social media venues, use of internet-based
row 2008). Pioneering explorations have mobile text message applications, and rapid
 sociology of disaster 145

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