“To what extent can the nation-state model account for the diversity of nation-state model may struggle

ay struggle to accommodate political communities that

political communities in the contemporary world?” do not fit the homogenous, territorially bounded ideal. For example, the
Maldivian claim to Minicoy Island, despite its current Indian administration,
The nation-state model, characterised by the alignment of political
reflects a shared linguistic, cultural, and historical identity that transcends
sovereignty with a unified national identity, has been a dominant framework
formal state boundaries, challenging the simplistic territorial assumptions of
in International Relations since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. It assumes a
the nation-state model.
clear connection between the state as a political entity and the nation as a
cultural or ethnic community. However, this model is often critiqued for its Postcolonial scholars like Partha Chatterjee further complicate the nation-
inability to fully capture the diversity and complexity of political communities state model by emphasising the fragmented and hybrid nature of
in the contemporary world. While the nation-state remains a powerful postcolonial identities. In his work, Chatterjee argues that nationalism in
organising principle, it struggles to accommodate the plural, fragmented, and former colonies often develops as a form of resistance to colonial
often overlapping identities that define modern societies, especially in domination but remains internally divided along lines of class, caste, and
postcolonial and multicultural contexts. ethnicity (Chatterjee, 1993). Mohammed Ayoob's 'subaltern realism' similarly
highlights how postcolonial states face unique internal security challenges
A foundational perspective on the nation-state comes from Max Weber, who
that make the traditional nation-state model less applicable (Ayoob, 1995).
defined the state as the entity that successfully claims a monopoly on the
These perspectives underscore that for many societies, nationhood is not a
legitimate use of physical force within a given territory (Weber, 1919). This
coherent or stable identity but a contested and evolving process, further
view underpins the classical understanding of nation-states as unified,
complicating the universality of the nation-state model.
centralised political entities. Ernest Gellner similarly argued that the rise of
modern nation-states was closely linked to the demands of industrial society, Additionally, the concept of the 'state-nation' as articulated by Stepan, Linz,
which required culturally homogeneous populations for eNicient economic and Yadav oNers an important alternative to the nation-state framework. This
integration (Gellner, 1983). However, this classical model has faced model recognises that stable democracies can emerge in politically diverse
significant critique for being overly Eurocentric and for failing to account for societies by embracing rather than suppressing cultural pluralism. For
the diverse political realities of the Global South, where the processes of instance, India, often cited as the largest democracy in the world, is a classic
state formation and nation-building often diverge sharply from Western state-nation, maintaining political stability despite deep linguistic, religious,
experiences (Ayoob, 1995). and regional diversity. This approach contrasts sharply with the more rigid
nation-state model, oNering a more flexible and inclusive framework for
In contrast, theorists like Benedict Anderson have challenged the essentialist
understanding political communities.
notion of nations as fixed entities, instead describing them as 'imagined
communities' (Anderson, 1983). Anderson argues that nations are socially In conclusion, while the nation-state model has provided a powerful
constructed through shared symbols, language, and narratives, often framework for understanding political organisation, it is increasingly
facilitated by print capitalism and mass media. This perspective highlights challenged by the realities of cultural pluralism, overlapping identities, and
the fluid and contingent nature of national identity, suggesting that the transnational solidarities. The enduring relevance of this model will depend
on its ability to adapt to a world in which political boundaries are less clear, more of an ideal type than a widespread reality. This disconnect challenges
identities are more fluid, and sovereignty is increasingly contested. As the assumption that cultural homogeneity is essential for state stability and
globalisation continues to reshape political landscapes, it may be that the legitimacy.
nation-state, once considered the pinnacle of political organisation, will need
Postcolonial contexts further complicate this picture. Many newly
to evolve or risk obsolescence in a multipolar, interconnected world.
independent states in Asia and Africa adopted the nation-state model,
To what extent is the nation-state still a relevant and useful category for despite their deep internal diversity. Partha Chatterjee (1993) argues that
understanding global politics today? postcolonial nationalisms are inherently hybrid, blending precolonial,
colonial, and indigenous elements. For instance, India presents a compelling
The concept of the nation-state, a political entity where the cultural
example of a 'state-nation' as defined by Stepan, Linz, and Yadav (2011).
boundaries of the nation align with the territorial boundaries of the state, has
Unlike the classic nation-state, which seeks cultural homogeneity, a state-
long been central to the study of international relations. Rooted in the
nation institutionalises diversity through mechanisms like asymmetrical
Westphalian model of sovereign statehood that emerged in 1648, this
federalism and linguistic pluralism. This approach allows multiple national
framework assumes a clear link between state sovereignty and national
identities to coexist within a single democratic framework, challenging the
identity. However, as global political dynamics evolve, this model has come
Western ideal of a unified national identity. The Maldives provides another
under increasing scrutiny. The emergence of plurinational states, the
relevant case: while the Maldivian nation shares strong cultural and linguistic
persistence of internal diversity, and the rise of supranational institutions
ties with the people of Maliku (Minicoy Island), the island remains part of
have all challenged the universality of the nation-state as the primary unit of
India, highlighting the ways in which colonial legacies disrupt neat
analysis. This essay argues that while the nation-state remains significant for
alignments between nation and state. These examples illustrate that the
understanding political order, it is increasingly inadequate as a universal
nation-state model often fails to capture the complex realities of sovereignty
framework, given the diverse forms of political organisation that exist today.
and identity in the Global South.
The nation-state concept gained prominence in Europe during the 18th and
Additionally, the rise of supranational institutions and transnational actors
19th centuries as states sought to consolidate political power by aligning
further undermines the relevance of the nation-state model. The European
cultural, linguistic, and political identities. Max Weber’s influential definition
Union, for example, represents a significant departure from the traditional
of the state as an entity with a monopoly on the legitimate use of physical
state system, with member states pooling sovereignty in ways that challenge
force within a given territory captures this drive for centralised control. Ernest
the core principles of national independence. Meanwhile, globalisation has
Gellner (1983) further argued that the nation-state is a product of
facilitated the rise of powerful non-state actors, from multinational
industrialisation, which required a culturally homogeneous population for
corporations to transnational advocacy networks, which can influence state
eNective economic and administrative coordination. However, this model,
behaviour and reshape national identities. Stephen Krasner’s (1999) concept
often seen as the archetype, fails to account for the complex, multi-ethnic
of 'organised hypocrisy' captures this tension well, describing how states
realities of most modern states. As Walker Connor (1994) notes, very few
often rhetorically aNirm sovereignty while engaging in practices that
states truly align national and state boundaries, making the nation-state
undermine it. These trends suggest that the state, as traditionally conceived, of territorially defined political units with exclusive internal authority.
is no longer the sole or even primary site of political power in many contexts. However, this model assumes a linear, uniform path of state formation that
does not account for the diverse political, cultural, and historical contexts of
Nonetheless, the nation-state continues to hold practical significance,
non-Western societies. As a result, attempts to impose this model globally
particularly as the foundational unit of international law and global
have often led to significant political and social challenges, including ethnic
governance. Sovereignty remains a powerful organising principle, enshrined
conflict, fragile statehood, and ongoing struggles for sovereignty.
in the United Nations system and reinforced through practices like border
control, citizenship, and national defence. Even in a globalised world, states First, the historical development of the nation-state in Europe contrasts
retain significant control over the lives of their citizens and the structure of sharply with the experiences of many non-Western regions. Ernest Gellner
international relations. As Mohammed Ayoob (1995) argues, for many (1983) argued that nation-states arise from the need for culturally
postcolonial states, asserting the symbols and practices of nation-statehood homogeneous populations in industrial economies, where mass literacy and
remains crucial for resisting external intervention and securing international communication are essential for economic growth. However, this model is
legitimacy. This ongoing relevance highlights the continued utility of the deeply Eurocentric, assuming that cultural homogenisation is both possible
nation-state as an analytical category, even as its limitations become more and desirable. In many parts of Africa and Asia, precolonial political systems
apparent. were often defined by overlapping forms of authority, fluid borders, and
pluralistic identities that did not fit neatly into this framework. For instance,
In conclusion, while the nation-state remains a significant framework for
the Maliku people, culturally and linguistically linked to the Maldives, were
understanding global politics, it is increasingly insuNicient as a universal
divided from their traditional homeland when the British incorporated
model. The rise of state-nations, the persistence of multinational polities,
Minicoy into India. This separation highlights the disruptive impact of
and the growing influence of supranational institutions all point to a more
Western-imposed borders on pre-existing cultural and political landscapes.
complex, pluralistic global order. Recognising these diverse forms of political
organisation is essential for capturing the full range of contemporary political Moreover, postcolonial theorists like Mohammed Ayoob have highlighted the
dynamics. As the example of Maliku and the Maldives illustrates, political and diNiculties non-Western states face in achieving the political and social
cultural boundaries often fail to align neatly, challenging the nation-state’s stability assumed by the nation-state model. In his theory of subaltern
claim to universality. realism, Ayoob argues that many postcolonial states are still engaged in the
basic tasks of state formation, such as establishing internal order and
To what extent is the nation-state model a Western construct, and how
legitimacy. Unlike European states, which consolidated their authority over
has this impacted non-Western societies?
centuries, many newly independent nations had to create national identities
The nation-state model, often viewed as the default form of political rapidly, often amidst deep social divisions and economic underdevelopment.
organisation in the modern world, is fundamentally a Western construct that This has led to persistent internal conflicts, as seen in the ongoing struggles
emerged in the wake of the Peace of Westphalia (1648). This treaty is widely over identity and autonomy in regions like Kashmir, South Sudan, and the
credited with establishing the principle of state sovereignty, creating a system Kurdish areas of the Middle East.
Furthermore, the imposition of the nation-state model has often suppressed
indigenous political systems and identities. Partha Chatterjee (1993) argues
that postcolonial nationalism is inherently fragmented, as it must
simultaneously resist colonial power while adopting many of its political
structures. This duality creates deeply hybrid national identities that cannot
be fully captured by the Western nation-state model. For example, the state-
nation model proposed by Stepan, Linz, and Yadav (2011) oNers a more
flexible approach, acknowledging that political stability can be maintained
even in deeply diverse societies like India, where multiple linguistic, religious,
and ethnic identities coexist within a single political framework.

In conclusion, the nation-state model is a distinctly Western political form

that has often failed to account for the diverse and pluralistic realities of non-
Western societies. Its imposition has created significant challenges, from
artificial borders that divide culturally coherent groups to ongoing struggles
for political legitimacy and stability. As a result, it is crucial to recognise the
limits of this model and consider alternative frameworks that better reflect
the complex, fluid nature of political and cultural identity in a global context.