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The document provides information about the third edition of the textbook 'Economics' by N. Gregory Mankiw and Mark P. Taylor, highlighting its updates and features tailored for UK and European students. It emphasizes the book's engaging writing style, real-world relevance, and the inclusion of new case studies and digital resources for both instructors and students. Additionally, it mentions the authors' credentials and the pedagogical strengths of the text in making economics accessible to all learners.

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100% found this document useful (12 votes)
855 views54 pages

(Ebook PDF) Economics 3rd Edition by Mark P. Taylor Download

The document provides information about the third edition of the textbook 'Economics' by N. Gregory Mankiw and Mark P. Taylor, highlighting its updates and features tailored for UK and European students. It emphasizes the book's engaging writing style, real-world relevance, and the inclusion of new case studies and digital resources for both instructors and students. Additionally, it mentions the authors' credentials and the pedagogical strengths of the text in making economics accessible to all learners.

Uploaded by

monjaleoba43
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© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
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“Mankiw & Taylor’s Economics is a superb book for all students
approaching this subject for the first time. The book is both intuitive,
with plenty of examples enabling students to link economic theory and
facts, and rigorous, with analytical supplements and extensive exercises
allowing students to go into depth if they wish to. This book will make
students love this subject and it is simply excellent.”
Dr Gaia Garino, Principal Teaching Fellow in Economics, University of Leicester, UK

“A very well written and modern text, covering a wide and exhaustive range of
topics to be taught in introduction to economics classes. The accessible language and
approach is ideal for all students including those to whom English is a second language,
and a key pedagogical strength of the book is the many examples which show students
how to apply key economics topics within their everyday lives.”

Economics
Prof. Erich Ruppert, Faculty of Economics, Business and Law, University of Aschaffenburg, Germany

Now firmly established as one of the leading economics principles texts in the UK and Europe, this exciting, new third edition
by N. Gregory Mankiw (Harvard University) and Mark P. Taylor (Warwick University), has undergone some significant
restructuring and reorganization to more directly match economics students’ course structures and learning and assessment
needs. There are new sections covering microeconomic and macroeconomic topics and concepts in more depth, whilst at
the same time retaining the book’s reputation for clarity, authority and real world relevance.

New to the third edition:


> In direct response to user feedback, the chapter structure has been reorganized to better map to typical UK
and European course structures
> Brand new Case Studies, In the News features, and examples throughout
> Supplementary maths content provided separately
> Enhanced lecturer and student digital support resources including articles from The Economist with associated
discussion questions linked to every chapter and new assessment practice questions which can be used for
tutorial discussion and assignments
> New coverage on information and behavioural economics, business cycles, supply-side policies the role of
empirical evidence, and economic rent
> Fully updated to reflect the economic arguments which have surfaced following the financial crisis
> Fresh, modern text design with accessible layout and approach

About the Authors

Mankiw
Taylor
N. Gregory Mankiw, Professor of Economics, Harvard University, USA
Mark P. Taylor, Professor of Economics and Dean of Warwick Business School, University of Warwick, UK

N. Gregory Mankiw Mark P. Taylor

Economics
Economics is essential reading for all students taking introductory economics modules on undergraduate courses and within
an economics component of postgraduate and MBA courses.

For your lifelong learning solutions, visit www.cengage.co.uk


Purchase your next print book, e-book or e-chapter at www.cengagebrain.com

93795_cvr_ptg01_hires.indd 1 12/20/13 5:13 PM


CONTENTS vii

PART 12 29 A macroeconomic theory of the open


economy 622
INTEREST RATES, MONEY AND
Supply and demand for loanable funds and for
PRICES IN THE LONG RUN 519 foreign currency exchange 622
Equilibrium in the open economy 625
24 Saving, investment and the financial How policies and events affect an open
system 519 economy 628
Financial institutions in the economy 520 Conclusion 634
Saving and investment in the national income
accounts 527
The market for loanable funds 530
Conclusion 535 PART 14
SHORT-RUN ECONOMIC
25 The basic tools of finance 539 FLUCTUATIONS 637
Present value: Measuring the time value
of money 539 30 Business cycles 637
Managing risk 541 Trend growth rates 638
Asset valuation 548 Causes of changes in the business cycle 645
Conclusion 554 Business cycle models 646
Conclusion 650
26 The monetary system 558
The meaning of money 559 31 Keynesian economics and IS-LM
The role of central banks 565 analysis 655
The European Central Bank and the The Keynesian cross 655
Eurosystem 566 The multiplier effect 659
The Bank of England 567 The IS and LM curves 665
Banks and the money supply 568 General equilibrium using the IS-LM model 667
Conclusion 579 From IS-LM to aggregate demand 669
Conclusion 675
27 Money growth and inflation 583
The classical theory of inflation 584 32 Aggregate demand and aggregate
The costs of inflation 594 supply 679
Conclusion 599 Three key facts about economic fluctuations 679
Explaining short-run economic fluctuations 680
The aggregate demand curve 682
The aggregate supply curve 686
PART 13 Two causes of economic fluctuations 691
THE MACROECONOMICS OF OPEN New Keynesian economics 697
ECONOMIES 605 Conclusion 698

28 Open-economy macroeconomics: Basic 33 The influence of monetary and fiscal


concepts 605 policy on aggregate demand 702
The international flows of goods and capital 606 How monetary policy influences aggregate
The prices for international transactions: Real demand 702
and nominal exchange rates 609 How fiscal policy influences aggregate
A first theory of exchange rate determination: demand 709
Purchasing power parity 612 Using policy to stabilize the economy 713
Conclusion 618 Conclusion 716
viii CONTENTS

34 The short-run trade-off between inflation 37 The financial crisis and sovereign
and unemployment 721 debt 782
The Phillips curve 721 Bubbles and speculation 782
Shifts in the Phillips curve: The role of The sovereign debt crisis 793
expectations 724 Austerity policies – too far too quickly? 797
The long-run vertical Phillips curve as an
argument for Central Bank independence 730
Glossary 805
Shifts in the Phillips curve: the role of supply
Index 814
shocks 732
Credits 820
The cost of reducing inflation 734
Inflation targeting 739
Conclusion 740

35 Supply-side policies 745


Shifts in the aggregate supply curve 745
Types of supply-side policies 749
Conclusion 756

PART 15
INTERNATIONAL
MACROECONOMICS 759
36 Common currency areas and European
monetary union 759
The euro 760
The single European market and the euro 760
The benefits and costs of a common
currency 762
The theory of optimum currency areas 765
Is Europe an optimum currency area? 768
Fiscal policy and common currency areas 772
Conclusion 777
ABOUT THE AUTHORS

AUTHORS
N. GREGORY MANKIW is Professor of Economics at Harvard University. As a student, he studied eco-
nomics at Princeton University and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). As a teacher he has taught
macroeconomics, microeconomics, statistics and principles of economics. Professor Mankiw is a prolific writer
and a regular participant in academic and policy debates. In addition to his teaching, research and writing,
Professor Mankiw has been a research associate of the National Bureau of Economic Research, an advisor to
the Federal Reserve Bank of Boston and the Congressional Budget Office. From 2003 to 2005, he served as
chairman of the US President’s Council of Economic Advisors and was an advisor to Presidential candidate Mitt
Romney during the 2012 US presidential election. Professor Mankiw lives in Wellesley, Massachusetts, with his
wife Deborah, their three children and their border terrier Tobin.

MARK P. TAYLOR is Dean of Warwick Business School at the University of Warwick and Professor of
International Finance. He obtained his first degree in philosophy, politics and economics from Oxford University
and his Master’s degree in economics from London University, from where he also holds a doctorate in econom-
ics and international finance. Professor Taylor has taught economics and finance at various universities (including
Oxford, Warwick and New York) and at various levels (including principles courses, advanced undergraduate and
advanced postgraduate courses). He has also worked as a senior economist at the International Monetary Fund
and at the Bank of England and, before becoming Dean of Warwick Business School, was a managing director at
BlackRock, the world’s largest financial asset manager, where he worked on international asset allocation based
on macroeconomic analysis. His research has been extensively published in scholarly journals and he is today
one of the most highly cited economists in the world. Professor Taylor lives with his family in a 15th-century farm-
house near Stratford upon Avon, Warwickshire, where he collects clocks and keeps bees.

CONTRIBUTING AUTHOR
ANDREW ASHWIN has over 20 years experience as a teacher of economics. He has an MBA and is currently
researching for a PhD investigating assessment and the notion of threshold concepts in economics. Andrew is an
experienced author, writing a number of texts for students at different levels and journal publications related to his
PhD research, and learning materials for the website Biz/ed, which was based at the University of Bristol. Andrew
was Chair of Examiners for a major awarding body for business and economics in England and is a consultant for
the UK regulator, Ofqual. Andrew has a keen interest in assessment and learning in economics and has received
accreditation as a Chartered Assessor with the Chartered Institute of Educational Assessors. He is also Editor of
the Economics, Business and Enterprise Association (EBEA) journal. Andrew lives in Rutland with his wife Sue
and their twin sons Alex and Johnny.

ix
PREFACE

T he third edition of Economics has a different look to the previous two editions. Feedback from users, both
students and instructors, has resulted in some reorganization of the material and some new sections cover-
ing more depth in both micro- and macroeconomic issues. Readers should note that this edition adapts Greg
Mankiw’s best-selling US undergraduate Economics text to reflect the needs of students and instructors in
the UK and European market. As each new edition is written, the adaptation evolves and develops an identity
distinct from the original US edition on which it is based.
We have tried to retain the lively, engaging writing style and to continue to have the novice economics stu-
dent in mind. Economics touches every aspect of our lives and the fundamental concepts which are introduced
can be applied across a whole range of life experiences. ‘Economics is a study of mankind in the ordinary
business of life.’ So wrote Alfred Marshall, the great 19th-century British economist, in his textbook, Principles
of Economics. As you work through the contents of this book you would be well advised to remember this.
Whilst the news might focus on the world of banking and finance, tax and government policy, economics
provides much more than a window on these worlds. It provides an understanding of decision making and the
process of decision making across so many different aspects of life. You may be considering travelling abroad,
for example, and are shocked at the price you have to pay for injections against tropical diseases. Should you
decide to try and do without the injections? Whilst the amount of money you are expected to give up seems
high, it is a small price to pay when you consider the trade-off – the potential cost to you and your family of
contracting a serious disease. This is as much economics as monetary policy decisions about interest rates and
firm’s decisions on investment.
Welcome to the wonderful world of economics – learn to think like an economist and a whole new world
will open up to you.

Maths for Mankiw Taylor Economics is available for purchase as a supplementary resource carefully explaining
and teaching the maths concepts and formulae underlying many of the key chapter topics.

x
SUPPLEMENTS

DIGITAL SUPPORT RESOURCES


Dedicated Instructor Resources
To discover the dedicated instructor online support
resources accompanying this textbook, instructors
should register here for access:
http://login.cengage.com
Resources include:
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Instructor access
Instructors can access CourseMate by registering at
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local Cengage Learning EMEA representative.

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Instructors can use the integrated Engagement Tracker in CourseMate to track students’
preparation and engagement. The tracking tool can be used to monitor progress of the class as
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Student access
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Multiple hasself-test
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Interactive eBook digital purchase from your CengageBrain account homepage.
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Multiple choicewebsites
and self-test questions
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xi
xii Supplements

G Instructor access
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G Case Studies Instructors can access Aplia by registering at http://login.cengage.com or by
speaking to their local Cengage Learning EMEA representative.
G Discussion questions
G Instructor resources
Links to useful websites
Cengage Learning EMEA’s Aplia is a fully tailored online learning and assessment
solution which offers an easy to use course management system to save
Instructor access
Instructors can access Aplia by registering at http://login.cengage.com or by
speaking to their local Cengage Learning EMEA representative.

Instructor resources
Cengage Learning EMEA’s Aplia is a fully tailored online learning and assessment
solution which offers an easy-to-use course management system, to save
instructors valuable time they’d otherwise spend on routine assignment setting and marking. To date, Aplia
has been used by more than 1,000,000 studentsat
1 000 000 students atover
over11,300 institutions.
300 institutions.
Student access
ECONOMICS
On the recommendation of their instructor, students can purchase Aplia by searching for TITLE OF BOOK
on www.cengagebrain.co.uk

Student resources
Aplia is dedicated to improving learning by increasing student effort and engagement, and provides
detailed explanations for every question to help students stay focused,
focussed,alert
alertand
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thinkingcritically.
critically.The
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core
elements of an Aplia course include:
G Subject-relevant experiments
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G Personalised customer support
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Michael Barrow, University of Sussex, UK Jassodra Maharaj, University of East London, UK


Brian Bell, London School of Economics, UK Paul Melessen, Hogeschool van Amsterdam, The
Thomas Braeuninger, University of Mannheim, Netherlands
Germany Jørn Rattsø, Norwegian University of Science &
Eleanor Denny, Trinity College Dublin, UK Technology, Norway
Gaia Garino, University of Leicester, UK Frédéric Robert-Nicoud, University of Geneva,
Chris Grammenos, American College of Switzerland
Thessaloniki, Greece Jack Rogers, University of Exeter, UK
Getinet Haile, University of Nottingham, UK Erich Ruppert, Hochschule Aschaffenburg, Germany
Luc Hens, Vrije Uni, Belgium Noel Russell, University of Manchester, UK
William Jackson, University of York, UK Munacinga Simatele, University of Hertfordshire, UK
Colin Jennings, King’s College London, UK Robert Simmons, University of Lancaster, UK
Sarah Louise Jewell, University of Reading, UK Alison Sinclair, University of Nottingham, UK
Arie Kroon, Utrecht Hogeschool, The Netherlands

xiii
PART 1
INTRODUCTION TO
ECONOMICS

1 TEN PRINCIPLES OF
ECONOMICS

WHAT IS ECONOMICS?
The word economy comes from the Greek word oikonomos, which means ‘one who manages a house-
hold’. At first, this origin might seem peculiar. But, in fact, households and economies have much in
common.
A household faces many decisions. It must decide which members of the household do which tasks
and what each member gets in return: Who cooks dinner? Who does the laundry? Who gets the extra slice
of cake at tea time? Who chooses what TV programme to watch? In short, the household must allocate
its scarce resources among its various members, taking into account each member’s abilities, efforts and
desires.
Like a household, a society faces many decisions. A society must decide what jobs will be done and
who will do them. It needs some people to grow food, other people to make clothing and still others to
design computer software. Once society has allocated people (as well as land, buildings and machines)
to various jobs, it must also allocate the output of goods and services that they produce. It must decide
who will eat caviar and who will eat potatoes. It must decide who will drive a Mercedes and who will take
the bus.

The Economic Problem


These decisions can be summarized as representing the economic problem. There are three questions
that any society has to face:
● What goods and services should be produced?
● How should these goods and services be produced?
● Who should get the goods and services that have been produced?
The answer to these questions would be simple if resources were so plentiful that society could produce
everything any of its citizens could ever want, but this is not the case. Society will never have enough

1
2 PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMICS

resources to produce the goods and services which will satisfy the wants and needs of its citizens. These
resources can be broadly classified into three categories:
● Land – all the natural resources of the earth. This includes things like mineral deposits such as iron ore,
gold and copper, fish in the sea, coal and all the food products that land yields. David Ricardo (1817) in
his book On the Principles of Political Economy and Taxation referred to land as the ‘original and indes-
tructible powers of the soil’.
● Labour – the human effort both mental and physical that goes in to production. A worker in a factory pro-
ducing precision tools, an investment banker, a road sweeper, a teacher – these are all forms of labour.
● Capital – the equipment and structures used to produce goods and services. Capital goods include
machinery in factories, buildings, tractors, computers, cooking ovens – anything where the good is not
used for its own sake but for the contribution it makes to production.

land all the natural resources of the earth


labour the human effort both mental and physical that goes in to production
capital the equipment and structures used to produce goods and services

Scarcity and Choice


What resources society does have need to be managed. The management of society’s resources is
important because resources are scarce. Scarcity means that society has limited resources and therefore
cannot produce all the goods and services people wish to have. Just as a household cannot give every
member everything he or she wants, a society cannot give every individual the highest standard of living
to which he or she might aspire.
Economics is the study of how society manages its scarce resources and attempts to answer the
three key questions we noted above. In most societies, resources are allocated through the combined
actions of millions of households and firms through a system of markets. Economists:
● Study how people make decisions: how much they work, what they buy, how much they save and how
they invest their savings.
● Study how people interact with one another. For instance, they examine how the multitude of buyers
and sellers of a good together determine the price at which the good is sold and the quantity that is sold.
● Analyse forces and trends that affect the economy as a whole, including the growth in average income,
the fraction of the population that cannot find work and the rate at which prices are rising.

scarcity the limited nature of society’s resources


economics the study of how society manages its scarce resources

Although the study of economics has many facets, the field is unified by several central ideas. In the
rest of this chapter we look at the Ten Principles of Economics. Don’t worry if you don’t understand them
all at first, or if you don’t find them completely convincing. In the coming chapters we will explore these
ideas more fully. The ten principles are introduced here just to give you an overview of what economics is
all about. You can think of this chapter as a ‘preview of coming attractions’.

HOW PEOPLE MAKE DECISIONS


There is no mystery to what an ‘economy’ is. Whether we are talking about the economy of a group
of countries such as the European Union (EU), or the economy of one particular country, such as India,
or of the whole world, an economy is just a group of people interacting with one another as they go
about their lives. The economy refers to all the production and exchange activities that take place every
day – all the buying and selling. The level of economic activity is how much buying and selling goes on in
the economy over a period of time.
CHAPTER 1 TEN PRINCIPLES OF ECONOMICS 3

the economy all the production and exchange activities that take place every day
economic activity how much buying and selling goes on in the economy over a period of time

Because the behaviour of an economy reflects the behaviour of the individuals who make up the eco-
nomy, we start our study of economics with four principles of individual decision making.

Principle 1: People Face Trade-offs


The first lesson about making decisions is summarized in an adage popular with economists: ‘There is no
such thing as a free lunch.’ To get one thing that we like, we usually have to give up another thing that we
also like. Making decisions requires trading off the benefits of one goal against those of another.
Consider a student who must decide how to allocate her most valuable resource – her time. She can
spend all of her time studying economics which will bring benefits such as a better class of degree; she
can spend all her time enjoying leisure activities which yield different benefits; or she can divide her time
between the two. For every hour she studies, she gives up an hour she could have devoted to spending
time in the gym, riding a bicycle, watching TV, napping or working at her part-time job for some extra
spending money.
Consider parents deciding how to spend their family income. They can buy food, clothing or a family
holiday. Or they can save some of the family income for retirement or perhaps to help the children buy a
house or a flat when they are grown up. When they choose to spend an extra euro on one of these goods,
they have one less euro to spend on some other good.
When people are grouped into societies, they face different kinds of trade-offs. The classic trade-off is
between spending on defence and spending on food. The more we spend on national defence to protect
our country from foreign aggressors, the less we can spend on consumer goods to raise our standard
of living at home. Also important in modern society is the trade-off between a clean environment and a
high level of income. Laws that require firms to reduce pollution raise the cost of producing goods and
services. Because of the higher costs, these firms end up earning smaller profits, paying lower wages,
charging higher prices, or some combination of these three. Thus, while pollution regulations give us the
benefit of a cleaner environment and the improved levels of health that come with it, they have the cost
of reducing the incomes of the firms’ owners, workers and customers.
Another trade-off society faces is between efficiency and equity. Efficiency means that society is get-
ting the most it can (depending how this is defined) from its scarce resources. Equity means that the
benefits of those resources are distributed fairly among society’s members. In other words, efficiency
refers to the size of the economic cake, and equity refers to how the cake is divided. Often, when govern-
ment policies are being designed, these two goals conflict.

equity – the property of distributing economic prosperity fairly among the members of society

Consider, for instance, policies aimed at achieving a more equal distribution of economic well-being.
Some of these policies, such as the social security system or unemployment insurance, try to help those
members of society who are most in need. Others, such as income tax, ask the financially successful to
contribute more than others to support government spending. Although these policies have the benefit of
achieving greater equity, they have a cost in terms of reduced efficiency. When the government redistrib-
utes income from the rich to the poor, it reduces the reward for working hard; as a result, people work less
and produce fewer goods and services. In other words, when the government tries to cut the economic
cake into more equal slices, the cake gets smaller.
Recognizing that people face trade-offs does not by itself tell us what decisions they will or should
make. A student should not abandon the study of economics just because doing so would increase the
time available for leisure. Society should not stop protecting the environment just because environmental
regulations reduce our material standard of living. The poor should not be ignored just because helping
4 PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMICS

them distorts work incentives. Nevertheless, acknowledging life’s trade-offs is important because people
are likely to make good decisions only if they understand the options that they have available.

A typical supermarket shelf offering a


variety of cereals. What are the trade-offs
an individual faces in this situation?

SELF TEST Does the adage ‘there is no such thing as a free lunch’ simply refer to the fact that someone has
to have paid for the lunch to be provided and served? Or does the recipient of the ‘free lunch’ also incur a cost?

Principle 2: The Cost of Something is What You Give Up to Get It


Because people face trade-offs, making decisions requires comparing the costs and benefits of alternat-
ive courses of action. In many cases, however, the cost of some action is not as obvious as it might first
appear.
Consider, for example, the decision whether to go to university. The benefit is intellectual enrichment
and a lifetime of better job opportunities. But what is the cost? To answer this question, you might be
tempted to add up the money you spend on tuition fees, books, room and board. Yet this total does not
truly represent what you give up to spend a year at university.
The first problem with this answer is that it includes some things that are not really costs of going to
university. Even if you decided to leave full-time education, you would still need a place to sleep and food
to eat. Room and board are part of the costs of higher education only to the extent that they might be
more expensive at university than elsewhere. Indeed, the cost of room and board at your university might
be less than the rent and food expenses that you would pay living on your own. In this case, the savings
on room and board are actually a benefit of going to university.
The second problem with this calculation of costs is that it ignores the largest cost of a university
education – your time. When you spend a year listening to lectures, reading textbooks and writing essays,
you cannot spend that time working at a job. For most students, the wages given up to attend university
are the largest single cost of their higher education.
The opportunity cost of an item is what you give up to get that item. When making any decision, such
as whether to go to university, decision makers should be aware of the opportunity costs that accompany
each possible action. In fact, they usually are. University-age rugby, basketball or golf players who can earn
large sums of money if they opt out of higher education and play professional sport are well aware that
their opportunity cost of going to university is very high. It is not surprising that they often decide that the
benefit is not worth the cost.

opportunity cost – whatever must be given up to obtain some item; the value of the benefits foregone (sacrificed)
CHAPTER 1 TEN PRINCIPLES OF ECONOMICS 5

SELF TEST Assume the following costs are incurred by a student over a three-year course at a university:
● Tuition fees at €9,000 per year = €27,000 ● Accommodation, based on an average cost of €4,500 a year =
€13,500 ● Opportunity cost based on average earnings foregone of €15,000 per year = €45,000 ● Total cost =
€85,500 ● Given this relatively large cost why does anyone want to go to university?

Principle 3: Rational People Think at the Margin


Decisions in life are rarely straightforward and usually involve problems. At dinner time, the decision you
face is not between fasting or eating as much as you can, but whether to take that extra serving of pizza.
When examinations roll around, your decision is not between completely failing them or studying 24 hours
a day, but whether to spend an extra hour revising your notes instead of watching TV. Economists use the
term marginal changes to describe small incremental adjustments to an existing plan of action. Keep
in mind that ‘margin’ means ‘edge’, so marginal changes are adjustments around the edges of what you
are doing.

marginal changes small incremental adjustments to a plan of action

In many situations, people make the best decisions by thinking at the margin. Suppose, for instance,
that you were considering whether to study for a Master’s degree having completed your undergraduate
studies. To make this decision, you need to know the additional benefits that an extra year in education
would offer (higher wages throughout your life and the sheer joy of learning) and the additional costs that
you would incur (another year of tuition fees and another year of foregone wages). By comparing these
marginal benefits and marginal costs, you can evaluate whether the extra year is worthwhile.
Individuals and firms can make better decisions by thinking at the margin. A rational decision maker
takes an action if and only if the marginal benefit of the action exceeds the marginal cost.

Principle 4: People Respond to Incentives


Because people make decisions by comparing costs and benefits, their behaviour may change when
the costs or benefits change. That is, people respond to incentives. When the price of an apple rises, for
instance, people decide to eat more pears and fewer apples because the cost of buying an apple is higher.
At the same time, apple farmers decide to hire more workers and harvest more apples, because the benefit
of selling an apple is also higher. As we shall see, the effect of price on the behaviour of buyers and sellers
in a market – in this case, the market for apples – is crucial for understanding how the economy works.
Public policymakers should never forget about incentives, because many policies change the costs or
benefits that people face and, therefore, alter behaviour. A tax on petrol, for instance, encourages people
to drive smaller, more fuel efficient cars. It also encourages people to switch and use public transport
rather than drive, or to move closer to where they work. When policymakers fail to consider how their
policies affect incentives, they often end up with results they did not intend. For example, the UK govern-
ment provided tax relief on business premises that were not being used as an incentive to the owners to
find new uses or owners for the buildings. The government decided to remove the tax relief and sugges-
ted that in doing so there would now be an incentive for owners of premises to get them back into use
as quickly as possible so that they avoided losing the tax relief. Unfortunately, as the new policy came
into being the economy was going through a severe recession. It was not easy for owners of premises to
find new tenants let alone get new businesses created in these empty properties. Some property owners
decided that rather than have to pay tax on these properties it was cheaper to demolish them. Is this the
outcome the government wanted? Almost certainly not.
This is an example of the general principle that people respond to incentives. Many incentives that
economists study are straightforward and others more complex. No one is surprised, for example, that
people might switch to driving smaller cars where petrol taxes and thus the price of fuel is relatively high.
6 PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMICS

Yet, as the example of the removal of tax allowances on empty business premises shows, policies can
have effects that are not obvious in advance. When analysing any policy, we must consider not only the
direct effects but also the indirect effects that work through incentives. If the policy changes incentives, it
will cause people to alter their behaviour.

SELF TEST Many people across the EU are without work and claiming benefits. Governments throughout the
EU are trying to cut spending but find themselves having to spend more on welfare benefits for the unemployed.
What sort of incentives might governments put in place to encourage workers off welfare and into work? What
might be the unintended consequences of the incentives you identify?

HOW PEOPLE INTERACT


The first four principles discussed how individuals make decisions. As we go about our lives, many of our
decisions affect not only ourselves but other people as well. The next three principles concern how people
interact with one another.

Principle 5: Trade Can Make Everyone Better Off


America and China are competitors to Europe in the world economy. In some ways this is true, because
American and Chinese firms produce many of the same goods as European firms. Toy manufacturers
compete for the same customers in the market for toys. Fruit farmers compete for the same customers
in the market for fruit.
Yet it is easy to be misled when thinking about competition among countries. Trade between Europe
and the United States and China is not like a sports contest, where one side wins and the other side loses
(a zero-sum game). In fact, the opposite is true: trade between two economies can make each economy
better off.
To see why, consider how trade affects your family. When a member of your family looks for a job, he or
she competes against members of other families who are looking for jobs. Families also compete against
one another when they go shopping, because each family wants to buy the best goods at the lowest
prices. So, in a sense, each family in the economy is competing with all other families.
Despite this competition, your family would not be better off isolating itself from all other families. If it
did, your family would need to grow its own food, make its own clothes and build its own home. Clearly,
your family gains much from its ability to trade with others. Trade allows each person to specialize in the
activities he or she does best, whether it is farming, sewing or home building. By trading with others,
people can buy a greater variety of goods and services at lower cost.
Countries as well as families benefit from the ability to trade with one another. Trade allows countries to
specialize in what they do best and to enjoy a greater variety of goods and services. The Japanese and the
Americans, as well as the Koreans and the Brazilians, are as much Europe’s partners in the world economy
as they are competitors.

Principle 6: Markets Are Usually a Good Way to Organize Economic Activity


The collapse of communism in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in the 1980s may be the most import-
ant change in the world during the past half century. Communist countries worked on the premise that
central planners in the government were in the best position to guide economic activity and answer the
three key questions of the economic problem. These planners decided what goods and services were
produced, how much was produced, and who produced and consumed these goods and services. The
theory behind central planning was that only the government could organize economic activity in a way
that promoted economic well-being for the country as a whole.
Today, most countries that once had centrally planned economies such as Russia, Poland, Angola,
Mozambique and the Democratic Republic of Congo have abandoned this system and are trying to develop
CHAPTER 1 TEN PRINCIPLES OF ECONOMICS 7

market economies. In a market economy, the decisions of a central planner are replaced by the decisions
of millions of firms and households. Firms decide whom to hire and what to make. Households decide
which firms to work for and what to buy with their incomes. These firms and households interact in the
marketplace, where prices and self-interest guide their decisions.

market economy an economy that addresses the three key questions of the economic problem through allocating
resources through the decentralized decisions of many firms and households as they interact in markets for goods and services

At first glance, the success of market economies is puzzling. After all, in a market economy, no one
is considering the economic well-being of society as a whole. Free markets contain many buyers and
sellers of numerous goods and services, and all of them are interested primarily in their own well-being.
Yet, despite decentralized decision making and self-interested decision makers, market economies have
proven remarkably successful in organizing economic activity in a way that promotes overall economic
well-being.

FYI
Adam Smith and the Invisible Hand
Adam Smith’s great work An Inquiry likely to prevail if he can interest self-interest into promoting general
into the Nature and Causes of the their self-love in his favour, and economic well-being.
Wealth of Nations was published in show them that it is for their own Many of Smith’s insights remain
1776 and is a landmark in economics. advantage to do for him what he at the centre of modern economics.
In its emphasis on the invisible hand requires of them. … It is not from Our analysis in the coming chapters
of the market economy, it reflected the benevolence of the butcher, the will allow us to express Smith’s
a point of view that was typical of brewer, or the baker that we expect conclusions more precisely and
so-called ‘enlightenment’ writers at our dinner, but from their regard to to analyse fully the strengths and
the end of the 18th century – that their own interest. … weaknesses of the market’s invisible
individuals are usually best left to Every individual … neither intends hand.
their own devices, without gov- to promote the public interest, nor
ernment guiding their actions. This knows how much he is promoting
political philosophy provides the it. … He intends only his own gain,
intellectual basis for the market and he is in this, as in many other
economy. cases, led by an invisible hand to
Why do decentralized market promote an end which was no part
economies work so well? Is it of his intention. Nor is it always the
because people can be counted on worse for the society that it was
to treat one another with love and no part of it. By pursuing his own
kindness? Not at all. Here is Adam interest he frequently promotes that
Smith’s description of how people of the society more effectually than
interact in a market economy: when he really intends to promote it.

Man has almost constant occasion Smith is saying that participants


for the help of his brethren, and it is in the economy are motivated by
vain for him to expect it from their self-interest and that the ‘invisible
benevolence only. He will be more hand’ of the marketplace guides this
8 PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMICS

One of our goals in this book is to understand how Smith’s invisible hand works its magic. As you study
economics, you will learn that prices are the instrument with which the invisible hand directs economic
activity. Prices reflect both the value of a good to society and the cost to society of making the good.
Because households and firms look at prices when deciding what to buy and sell, they unknowingly
take into account the social benefits and costs of their actions. As a result, prices guide these individual
decision makers to reach outcomes that, in many cases, maximize the welfare of society as a whole.

Principle 7: Governments Can Sometimes Improve Market Outcomes


If the invisible hand of the market is so wonderful, why do we need government? One answer is that the
invisible hand needs government to protect it. Markets work only if property rights are enforced. A farmer
won’t grow food if he expects his crop to be stolen, and a restaurant won’t serve meals unless it is assured
that customers will pay before they leave. We all rely on government provided police and courts to enforce
our rights over the things we produce.
Yet there is another answer to why we need government: although markets are usually a good way
to organize economic activity, this rule has some important exceptions. There are two broad reasons for
a government to intervene in the economy – to promote efficiency and to promote equity. That is, most
policies aim either to enlarge the economic cake or to change the way in which the cake is divided.
Although the invisible hand often leads markets to allocate resources efficiently, that is not always the
case. Economists use the term market failure to refer to a situation in which the market on its own fails to
produce an efficient allocation of resources. One possible cause of market failure is an externality, which
is the uncompensated impact of one person’s actions on the well-being of a bystander (a third party). For
instance, the classic example of an external cost is pollution. Another possible cause of market failure
is market power, which refers to the ability of a single person or business (or group of businesses) to
unduly influence market prices. In the presence of market failure, well designed public policy can enhance
economic efficiency.

market failure a situation where scarce resources are not allocated to their most efficient use
externality the cost or benefit of one person’s decision on the well-being of a bystander (a third party) which the decision
maker does not take into account in making the decision
market power the ability of a single economic agent (or small group of agents) to have a substantial influence on market prices

The invisible hand may also fail to ensure that economic prosperity is distributed equitably. One of the
three questions society has to address is who gets what is produced? A market economy rewards people
according to their ability to produce things for which other people are willing to pay. The world’s best
footballer earns more than the world’s best chess player simply because people are willing to pay more to
watch football than chess. That individual is getting more of what is produced as a result of his earnings.
The invisible hand does not ensure that everyone has sufficient food, decent clothing and adequate health
care. Many public policies, such as income tax and the social security system, aim to achieve a more
equitable distribution of economic well-being.
To say that the government can improve on market outcomes at times does not mean that it always will.
Public policy is made not by angels but by a political process that is far from perfect. Sometimes policies
are designed simply to reward the politically powerful. Sometimes they are made by well-intentioned
leaders who are not fully informed. One goal of the study of economics is to help you judge when a gov-
ernment policy is justifiable to promote efficiency or equity, and when it is not.

HOW THE ECONOMY AS A WHOLE WORKS


We started by discussing how individuals make decisions and then looked at how people interact with one
another. All these decisions and interactions together make up ‘the economy’. The last three of our ten
principles concern the workings of the economy as a whole.
CHAPTER 1 TEN PRINCIPLES OF ECONOMICS 9

Microeconomics and Macroeconomics


Economics is studied on various levels. The first seven principles involve the study of the decisions of
individual households and firms and the interaction of households and firms in markets for specific goods
and services. In the last three principles we are looking at the operation of the economy as a whole, which
is just the sum of the activities of all these decision makers in all these markets.
Since roughly the 1930s, the field of economics has traditionally been divided into two broad subfields.
Microeconomics is the study of how households and firms make decisions and how they interact in
specific markets. Macroeconomics is the study of economy-wide phenomena. A microeconomist might
study the effects of a congestion tax on the use of cars in a city centre, the impact of foreign competition
on the European car industry or the effects of attending university on a person’s lifetime earnings. A macro-
economist might study the effects of borrowing by national governments, the changes over time in an
economy’s rate of unemployment or alternative policies to raise growth in national living standards.

microeconomics the study of how households and firms make decisions and how they interact in markets
macroeconomics the study of economy-wide phenomena, including inflation, unemployment and economic growth

Microeconomics and macroeconomics are closely intertwined. Because changes in the overall eco-
nomy arise from the decisions of millions of individuals, it is impossible to understand macroeconomic
developments without considering the associated microeconomic decisions. For example, a macro-
economist might study the effect of a cut in income tax on the overall production of goods and services
in an economy. To analyse this issue, he or she must consider how the tax cut affects the decisions of
households concerning how much to spend on goods and services.
Despite the inherent link between microeconomics and macroeconomics, the two fields are distinct. In
economics, it may seem natural to begin with the smallest unit and build up. Yet doing so is neither neces-
sary nor always the best way to proceed. Because microeconomics and macroeconomics address differ-
ent questions, they sometimes take quite different approaches and are often taught in separate courses.
A key concept in macroeconomics is economic growth – the percentage increase in the number
of goods and services produced in an economy over a period of time, usually expressed over a quarter
and annually.

economic growth the increase in the amount of goods and services in an economy over a period of time

Principle 8: An Economy’s Standard of Living Depends


on its Ability to Produce Goods and Services
Table 1.1 shows gross domestic product per capita (head) of the population in a number of selected
countries expressed in U.S. dollars. It is clear that many of the advanced economies have a relatively high
income per capita; in Norway it is an enviable $98,102, the Netherlands $50,087 and Germany $43,689.

gross domestic product per capita (head) the market value of all goods and services produced within a country in
a given period of time divided by the population of a country to give a per capita figure

Moving away from the prosperous economies of Western Europe, we begin to see differences in
income and living standards around the world that are quite staggering. For example, average income
in Yemen was $1,361 whilst in Afghanistan average income is just over a half a per cent of the size of
per-capita income in Norway.
10 PART 1 INTRODUCTION TO ECONOMICS

Gross Domestic Product Per Capita, Current Prices US dollars 2011


TABLE 1.1
Afghanistan 576
Austria 49,707
Belgium 46,469
Benin 802
Bolivia 1,421
China 5,445
Estonia 16,556
Finland 49,391
Germany 43,689
Hungary 21,732
Italy 36,116
Japan 45,903
Kenya 808
Netherlands 50,087
Norway 98,102
Portugal 22,330
Russian Federation 13,089
Spain 32,244
Sweden 56,927
Switzerland 80,391
Turkey 10,498
United Kingdom 38,818
United States 48,442
Yemen 1,361

Not surprisingly, this large variation in average income is reflected in various other measures of the
quality of life and standard of living. Citizens of high-income countries have better nutrition, better health
care and longer life expectancy than citizens of low-income countries, as well as more TV sets, more
gadgets and more cars.

standard of living refers to the amount of goods and services that can be purchased by the population of a country.
Usually measured by the inflation-adjusted (real) income per head of the population

Changes in the standard of living over time are also large. Over the last 5 years, economic growth in
Albania has grown at about 4.68 per cent per year, in China at about 10.5 per cent a year but in Latvia the
economy has shrunk by around 1.4 per cent over the same time period (Source: World Bank).
What explains these large differences in living standards among countries and over time? The answer
is surprisingly simple. Almost all variation in living standards is attributable to differences in countries’
productivity – that is, the amount of goods and services produced from each hour of a worker’s time. In
nations where workers can produce a large quantity of goods and services per unit of time, most people
enjoy a high standard of living; in nations where workers are less productive, most people must endure a
more meagre existence. Similarly, the growth rate of a nation’s productivity determines the growth rate
of its average income.

productivity the quantity of goods and services produced from each hour of a worker or factor of production’s time

The fundamental relationship between productivity and living standards is simple, but its implications
are far-reaching. If productivity is the primary determinant of living standards, other explanations must be
of secondary importance. For example, it might be tempting to credit trade unions or minimum wage laws
for the rise in living standards of workers over the past 50 years. Yet the real hero of workers is their rising
productivity.
Another Random Scribd Document
with Unrelated Content
Its casements, diamond-disked with glass,
Look down upon a terrace old,
Where urns, unkempt with ragged grass,
Foam o'er with hoary cold.
The snow rounds out each stair of stone;
The frozen fount is hooped with pearl;
Down desolate walks, like phantoms blown,
Thin, powdery snow-wreaths whirl.

And to each rose-tree's stem, that bends


With silvery snow-combs, glued with frost,
It seems each summer rosebud sends
Its airy, scentless ghost.
A stiff Elizabethan pile,
With bleakness chattering in its panes,
Where, rumbling down each chimney-file,
The mad wind shakes his reins.

Lone in the northern angle, dim


With immemorial dust, it lies;
Where each gaunt casement's stony rim
Stares eyelike at the skies.
Drear in the old pile's oldest wing,
Hung round with mouldering arras, where
Tall, shadowy Tristrams fight and sing
For shadowy Isolts fair.

Beside a crumbling cabinet


A tarnished lute lies on the floor;
A talon-footed chair is set,
Grotesquely, near the door.
A carven, testered bedstead stands
With rusty silks draped all about;
And, like a moon in murky lands,
A mirror glimmers out
A mirror glimmers out.

Neglected, locked that chamber, where


In dropping arras dimly clings
The drowsy moth; and, frightened there,
The lost wind sighs and sings
Adown the roomy flue, and takes
And swings the ghostly mirror till
It seems some unseen hand that shakes
Its frame then leaves it still.

A starving mouse forever gnaws


Behind a panel; and the vines,
That on the casement tap like claws,
Lattice the floor with lines.—
I have been there when blades of light
Stabbed each dull, stained, and dusty pane;
Once I was there at dead of night—
I dream of it again....

She grew upon my vision as


Heat grows that haunts the summer day;
In taffetas, like glimmering glass,
She stood there dim and gray.
And will-o'-wisp-like jewels bound
Faint points of light round neck and wrist;
And round her slender waist was wound
A zone of silver mist.

And icy as some winter land


Her pale, still face; o'er which the night
Hung of her raven hair; her hand
Was beautiful and white.
Before the mirror moaningly
She wrung her hands and palely pressed
Her brow.—And did I dream, or see,
That blood was on her breast?
And then she vanished.—Like a breath,
That o'er the limpid glass had passed,
Her presence passed; and cold as death
She left me and aghast.
Yes, I've been there when spears of light
Pierced thro' each stained and sunlit pane;
Once I was there at dead of night—
I dream of it again.
THE MIRROR
An ancient mirror hangs
Within an ancient Hall;
In a lonely room where th' arrased gloom
Scowls from the pictured wall.

A mystic mirror, framed


In ebon, wildly carved,
That seems to stare on the shadows there,
Like something lean and starved.

A mirror, where one sees


In the broad, good light of day,
Like crimson torches, at the window arches,
Red roses swing and sway.

And a part o' the garth is seen,


With its quaint stone-dial plate,
That, gray and old, green-stained with mold,
Stands near the lioned gate.

These it reflects all day,


And at night one star of blue,
That the nightingale, where the rose is pale,
Lifts its passionate love-song to.

The nightbird sings below;


The stars hang bright above;
And the roses soon in the sultry moon
Shall palpitate with love.

The nightbird sobs below;


The roses blow and bloom;
Through mullioned panes the moonlight rains
In the dim, unholy room.

Grim ancestors that stare,—


Stiff t h d d h ht d
Stiff, starched and haughty,—down
From the oaken wall of the noble hall,
Put on a sterner frown.

The old, hoarse castle-clock


Coughs midnight overhead—
And the rose is wan and the bird is gone
When walk the shrouded dead.

Then from their frames, it seems,


The portraits' shadows flit;
By the mirror there they stand and stare
And weep or sigh to it.

In rare rich ermine, earls


And knights in gold and vair,
With a rapiered throng of courtiers long
Pass with a stately stare.

With jewels and perfumes,


In powder, ruff, and lace,
Tall ladies pass by the looking-glass
Each sighing at her face.

What secret does it hide,


This mirror, gaunt and tall,
In this lonely room, where th' arrased gloom
Scowls from the pictured wall?
THE HALL OF DARKNESS
Within her veins it beats
And burns within her brain,
As year by year more sad and sear
Grow barren hill and plain.

Ah! over young is she


Who bears within her breast
More pain and woe than women know,
And all of love's unrest.

Seven towers of shaggy rock


Rise black to ragged skies,
From out a fen where bones of men
Stare with their empty eyes.

Eternal sunset pours,


Around its warlock towers,—
From out its urn of beams that burn,—
Long fire-cloudy flowers.

On bat-like turrets high,


And owlet battlements,
Huge condors dream and vultures scream
As at the battle's scents.

Within the banquet-hall,


A bride, rich-robed and pale,
She sits at board with men o' the sword
Cased all in silver mail.

Their visors barred are drawn;


Their hands are gauntletéd;
And one, behold! in glittering gold
Sits at the table's head.

Wild music echoes through


Th h ll di i
The hollow-sounding air—
It seems, at least, a wedding feast
With richness everywhere.

Wild music oozes from


The ceiling, groined with white
Pure pearl, and floors, like mythic shores,
Of limpid chrysolite.

Silent they sit at feast,


And she, whom he sits near,—
He in gold mail,—why is she pale,
As one with grief and fear?

The heav'ns grow slaughter-red,


Grow blood-red west and east;
Seven casements high that frame the sky
Flare on the blood-red feast.

Gaunt torches tall they seem,


Red revel-torches seven;—
And then, behold! the hour is tolled;
A great bell strikes eleven.

Silence.—The light, that makes


Each plate a splash of fire,—
Gold-splintered,—dims; and softer swims
The music of each lyre.

Grave Silence, like a king,


At that strange feast has place;
Grave Silence still as God's own will
Within the deeps of space.

She leans to him in gold,


And to him seems to say—
"The night grows late, my love! Why wait?
Ah God! would it were day!
Ah God! would it were day!

"Would it were day, ah God!


How long is it till dawn?—
Why wear this mask?—Undo thy casque!
The midnight hour comes on!"

Silent he sits, severe;


Then one sonorous tower,
Owl-swarmed, that looms in glaring glooms,
Tolls slow the midnight hour.

Three strokes; the knights arise,


The silence from them flung,
Like waves that mock some hoarse sea-rock,
Wild laughter moves each tongue.

Six strokes; and wailing out


The music hoots away;
The fiery glimmer of heaven grows dimmer,
The red turns ghostly gray.

Nine strokes; and, dropping mold,


The crumbling Hall is lead;
The plate is rust; the feast is dust;
The banqueters are dead.

Twelve strokes pound out and roll;


The vast Hall heaves and waves
With things that crawl from floor and wall—
Spawn of a thousand graves.

Then rattling in the night


His golden visor slips—
In rotting mail a death's-head pale
Kisses her loathing lips.

Then over all a voice


e o e a a o ce
Crying above the strife—
"Death is the Groom: this Hall, the Tomb:
The Bride, behold, is Life!"
WHAT DREAMS MAY COME
I have lain for an hour or twain
Awake, and the tempest is beating
On the roof and the sleet on the pane,
And the winds are three enemies meeting;
And I listen and hear it again,
My name, in the silence, repeating.

Then dumbness of death; and, moon-gray,


In the darkness a light like a bubble,
From which, like a single white ray,
Comes a woman in loveliness double;
Her face is the breaking of day,
Her eyes are the night and its trouble.

I move not; she lies with her lips


At mine; and I feel she is drawing
My life from my heart to their tips,
My heart where the horror is gnawing;
My life in a hundred slow sips,
My soul with her gaze overawing.

She binds me with merciless eyes;


She drinks of my blood; and I hear it
Drain up with a shudder and rise
To the lips, like a serpent's, that steer it;
And she lies, and she laughs as she lies,
Saying, "Lo! thy affinitized spirit."

I pray—and a gate, as of swords,—


'Mid torments and tortures huge-grated,
Clangs iron deep under; and words
Are heard as of sins that awaited
A fiend who lashed into their hordes,
And a demon who lacerated.

I pray—and lie clammy and stark,


As a something mounts higher and higher,
Up, out of damnation and dark,
With hobbling of hoofs that is dire;
A devil, whose breath is a spark,
Whose face is of filth and of fire.

"To thy body's corruption! thy grave!


Thy hell! from which thou hast stolen!"
He snarls; and the night, like a wave,
Engulfs them with darkness wild swollen.—
Can it be that in sleep I'm a slave
Of a thing neither flesh nor eidolon?
THAT HOUR
When she was dead, a voice—she knew not whose—
Said to her: "Soul that fell,
To cheer thee there in Hell,
Of all thy life's lost happiness now choose.

"Ask what thou wilt, thou, who hast walked 'mid flowers
And songs the easy way
Of pleasure day by day,
Ask what thou wilt of all thy lived-out hours."

And then she thought: "Oh, shall it be when there,


A blameless maiden, I,
Dreaming, watched love draw nigh,
And felt his kiss rose-sweet on mouth and hair?

"Or shall it be when, that white night, his fingers


Smoothed from my brow the curls,
And fell, like unstrung pearls,
His words of passionate love whose memory lingers?

"Or shall it be when over earth and sea


I heard the sweet unrest
Within his ardent breast,
His heart that beat alone for me, for me?

"Or shall it be when, in his belting arms,


Soul gazed on kindred soul,
And love had won the goal
Of his desire, and his were all my charms?

"No! no! not these! that hour he left me lost!


Stunned, fallen and despised
Before the world he prized,
When—God forgive me!—when I loved him most!"
EPILOGUE
Beyond the moon, within a land of mist,
Lies the dim Garden of all Dead Desires,
Walled round with morning's clouded amethyst,
And haunted of the sunset's shadowy fires;
There all lost things we loved hold ghostly tryst—
Dead dreams, dead hopes, dead loves, and dead desires.

Sad are the stars that day and night exist


Above the Garden of all Dead Desires;
And sad the roses that within it twist
Deep bow'rs; and sad the wind that through it quires;
But sadder far are they who there hold tryst—
Dead dreams, dead hopes, dead loves, and dead desires.

There, like a dove upon the twilight's wrist,—


Soft in the Garden of all Dead Desires,—
Sleep broods; and there, where never a serpent hissed,
On the wan willows music hangs her lyres,
Æolian dials by which phantoms tryst—
Dead dreams, dead hopes, dead loves, and dead desires.

There you shall hear low voices; kisses kissed,


Faint in the Garden of all Dead Desires,
By lips the anguish of vain song makes whist;
And meet with shapes that art's despair attires;
And gaze in eyes where all sweet sorrows tryst—
Dead dreams, dead hopes, dead loves, and dead desires.

Thither we go, dreamer and realist,


Bound for the Garden of all Dead Desires,
Where we shall find, perhaps, all Life hath missed,
All Life hath longed for when the soul aspires;
All Earth's elusive loveliness at tryst—
Dead dreams, dead hopes, dead loves, and dead desires.
POEMS OF MYTH AND
ROMANCE

TO
MY FRIEND
WILLIAM WARWICK THUM
PROEM

There is no rhyme that is half so sweet


As the song of the wind in the rippling wheat;
There is no metre that's half so fine
As the lilt of the brook under rock and vine;
And the loveliest lyric I ever heard
Was the wildwood strain of a forest bird.—
If the wind and the brook and the bird would teach
My heart their beautiful parts of speech,
And the natural art that they say these with,
My soul would sing of beauty and myth
In a rhyme and a metre that none before
Have sung in their love, or dreamed in their lore,
And the world would be richer one poet the more.
MYTH AND ROMANCE
I
When I go forth to greet the glad-faced Spring,
Just at the time of opening apple-buds,
When brooks are laughing, winds are whispering,
On babbling hillsides, or in warbling woods,
There is an unseen presence that eludes:—
Perhaps a Dryad, in whose tresses cling
The loamy odors of old solitudes,
Who from her beechen doorway calls, and leads
My soul to follow; now with dimpling words
Of leaves; and now with syllables of birds;
While here and there—is it her limbs that swing?
Or restless sunlight on the moss and weeds?

II
Or, haply 'tis a Naiad now who slips,
Like some white lily, from her fountain's glass,
While from her dripping hair and breasts and hips
The moisture rains cool music on the grass.
Her have I heard and followed, yet, alas!
Have seen no more than the wet ray that dips
The shivered waters, wrinkling where I pass;
But in the liquid light, where she doth hide,
I have beheld the azure of her gaze
Smiling; and, where the orbing ripple plays,
Among her minnows I have heard her lips,
Bubbling, make merry by the waterside.

III
Or now it is an Oread—whose eyes
Are constellated dusk—who stands confessed,
As naked as a flow'r; her heart's surprise,
Like morning's rose, mantling her brow and breast:
She, shrinking from my presence, all distressed
She, shrinking from my presence, all distressed
Stands for a startled moment ere she flies,
Her deep hair blowing, up the mountain crest,
Wild as a mist that trails along the dawn.
And is 't her footfalls lure me? or the sound
Of airs that stir the crisp leaf on the ground?
And is 't her body glimmers on yon rise?
Or dogwood blossoms snowing on the lawn?

IV
Now 'tis a Satyr piping serenades
On a slim reed. Now Pan and Faun advance
Beneath green-hollowed roofs of forest glades,
Their feet gone mad with music: now, perchance,
Sylvanus sleeping, on whose leafy trance
The Nymphs stand gazing in dim ambuscades
Of sun-embodied perfume.—Myth, Romance,
Where'er I turn, reach out bewildering arms,
Compelling me to follow. Day and night
I hear their voices and behold the light
Of their divinity that still evades,
And still allures me in a thousand forms.
REVERIE
What ogive gates from gold of Ophir wrought,
What walls of Parian, whiter than a rose,
What towers of crystal, for the eyes of thought,
Hast builded on dim Islands of Repose?
Thy cloudy columns, vast, Corinthian,
Or huge, Ionic, colonnade the heights
Of Dreamland, looming o'er the soul's deep seas;
Piled melodies of marble, that no man
Has ever reached, except in fancy's flights,
Templing the presence of perpetual ease.

Oft, where o'er plastic frieze and plinths of spar,—


In glimmering solitudes of pillared stone,—
The twilight blossoms with one violet star,
With thee, O Reverie, I have stood alone,
And there beheld, from out the Mythic Age,
The rosy breasts of Cytherea—fair,
Full-cestused, and suggestive of what loves
Immortal!—rise; and heard the lyric rage
Of sunburnt Poesy, whose throat breathes bare
O'er leopard skins, fluting among his groves.

Oft, where thy castled peaks and templed vales


Cloud—like convulsive sunsets—shores that dream,
Myrrh-fragrant, over siren seas whose sails
Gleam white as lilies on a lilied stream,
My soul has stood. Or by thy sapphire sea,
In thy arcaded gardens, in the shade
Of breathing sculpture, oft has walked with thought,
And bent, in shadowy attitude, its knee
Before the shrine of Beauty that must fade
And leave no memory of the mind that wrought.

Who hath beheld thy caverns where, in heaps,


The wine of Lethe and Love's witchery,
In sealéd amphoræ a sibyl keeps?
In sealéd amphoræ a sibyl keeps?
World-old, a grape filled with the soul of thee.
No wine of Xeres or of Syracuse!
No fine Falernian and no vile Sabine!
The stolen fire of a demigod,
Whose bubbled purple heavenly feet did bruise
In crusted vats of vintage, when the green
Flamed into autumn, on the Samian sod.

Oh, for the deep enchantment of one draught!


The reckless ecstasy of classic earth!—
To make me godlike as the gods that laughed
In eyes of mortal brown, a mighty mirth
Of deity delirious with desire!
To make me one with roses of the shrines,
The splashing wine-libation or the blood,
And all the young priest's dreaming! To inspire
My very soul with beauty till it shines
Star-like amid life's starry brotherhood!

Would I might slumber in the old-world shades,


Where poesy could touch me, as some bold
Wild-bee a pulpy lily of the glades,
Barbaric-covered with the kerneled gold;
And feel the glory of the Golden Age
Less godly than my purpose, strong to dare
Death with the young immortal lips of Love:
Less lovely than my soul's ideal rage
To mate itself with Music and declare
Itself part meaning of the stars above.
LETHE
I
There is a scent of roses and spilt wine
Between the moonlight and the laurel-coppice;
The marble idol glimmers on its shrine,
White as a star, among a heaven of poppies.
Here all my life lies like a spilth of wine.
There is a mouth of music like a lute,
A nightingale that singeth to one flower;
Between the falling flower and the fruit,
Where love hath died, the music of an hour.

II
To sit alone with memory and a rose;
To dwell with shadows of whilom romances;
To make one hour of a year of woes
And walk on starlight, in ethereal trances,
With love's lost face fair as a moon-white rose.
To shape from music and the scent of buds
Love's spirit and its presence of sweet fire,
Between the heart's wild burning and the blood's,
Is part of life and of the soul's desire.

III
There is a song to silence and the stars,
Between the forest and the temple's arches;
And down the stream of night, like nenuphars,
The tossing fires of the Mænads' torches.—
Here all my life waits lonely as the stars.—
Shall not one hour of all those hours suffice
For resignation God hath given as dower?
Between the summons and the sacrifice
One hour of love th' eternity of an hour?
One hour of love, th' eternity of an hour?

IV
The shrine is shattered and the bird is gone;
Dark is the house of music and of bridal:
The stars are stricken and the storm comes on;
Beneath a wreck of roses lies the idol,
Sad as the memory of a joy that's gone.—
To dream of perished gladness and a kiss,
Waking the last chord of Love's broken lyre,
Between remembering and forgetting, this
Is part of life and of the soul's desire.

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