Neal-Dittersdorf RLSC 12.3
Neal-Dittersdorf RLSC 12.3
INTRODUCTION
Since the beginning of this century, public schools have been teaching
children about sexuality. By the 1940's, some form of sex education was
prevalent in most American public schools.' Only during the last fourteen
years, however, have parents2 waged a constitutional battle against public
school sex education courses.
Perhaps the impetus to the parents' legal struggle was the gradual
metamorphosis in sex education curricula. Through the 1940's, sex educa-
tion affirmed the traditional values of most parents. Courses concentrated
on sex within the traditional family 3unit and moralistically mapped out
proper and improper sexual behavior.
By the early 1970's, sex education had been transformed into its present
nonjudgmental and individualistic form. 4 Rather than focusing solely on sex
within the marital unit, sex educators were providing information on a wide
range of sexual alternatives. Students were encouraged to make their own
moral decisions based on the information provided in the classroom. Tradi-
tional parents might have been antagonized by the diversity and free moral
choice emphasized in modern sex education curricula. 5
In the 1970's, parents, sensing that the courses had drifted from their
traditional moorings, took to the courts to challenge them. Most of the
parents' complaints alleged that sex education violated their rights of par-
enthood and the free exercise of their religion. They demanded that the
curricula be abolished. 6 Although these challenges have consistently been
rejected, only the free exercise claims have received a full and searching
1. Penland, Sex Education in 1900, 1940 and 1980: A Historical Sketch, 5 J. Sch.
Health 305 (1981).
2. The first recorded challenge was Cornwell v. State Bd. of Educ., 314 F. Supp. 340
(D. Md. 1969), aff'd, 428 F.2d 471 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 400 U.S. 942 (1970).
3. See Penland, supra note 1, at 307.
4. Id.
5. See J. Hottois & N. Milner, The Sex Education Controversy 3-5 (1975).
6. See, e.g., Cornwell v. State Rd. of Educ., 314 F. Supp. 340 (D. Md. 1969), aff'd, 428
F.2d 471 (4th Cir.), cert. denied, 400 U.S. 942 (1970); Citizens for Parental Rights v. San
Mateo County Bd. of Educ., 51 Cal. App. 3d 12, 124 Cal. Rptr. 68 (1977); Medeiros v.
Kiyosaki, 52 Hawaii 436, 478 P.2d 314 (1970).
591
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review by the courts. 7 In fact, one recently reported suit alleged only viola-
tion of religious rights, 8 perhaps in response to this cursory treatment of
parental rights. Yet the parental right is of constitutional dimension.
The Constitution protects a parent's right to raise her children. In 1923,
the United States Supreme Court recognized that parents have a constitu-
tional right to "establish a home and bring up children." ' Although the
constitutional source of this right is unclear, the modern Court has consist-
ently reaffirmed the cardinal constitutional right of parenting. Courts have
grounded the rights of parenthood in the fourteenth amendment's guarantee
of due process, 10 the penumbras of the Bill of Rights," or more generally, in
2
the right of privacy derived from these sources.'
Whatever its source, this right allows parents to direct the "education
of children under their control.' 1 3 Parental rights thus prevent the state
from prohibiting the teaching of German, 14 requiring public, rather than
private, school attendance, 15 and prosecuting parents who teach a Sunday-
school sex education course. 16 The parental right is not absolute, however.
The state has a substantial interest in the welfare of children.17 Conse-
quently, parents' rights have given way to state interests in using audio-
visual equipment 8 and corporal punishment 9 in schools. On some occa-
sions, parental rights must also be curtailed in the face of countervailing
interests of the child.20 Thus, parent, state, and child share sometimes
competing interests in the child's welfare.
This Note will attempt a more thorough and sensitive analysis of a
claim that sex education violates parental rights. Until recently, all parents'
suits sought to eliminate the curricula entirely. 21 Recently, some parental
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challenges to other public school curricula have sought only to have their
children excused from specific classes.22 Making these classes optional might
be more appealing to some parents, educators, and courts than curricula
abolition. Consequently, this Note will assess attempts by parents not only
to abolish sex education curricula, but, alternatively, to have their children
excused from such courses.
This analysis must begin with a critical evaluation of the parental right
involved. The parental right, as developed by the courts, will be shown to be
a collection of prerogatives and interests traditionally given constitutional
status by the courts. The cases concerning these prerogatives and the extent
to which each is implicated in the sex education issue, will be examined and
discussed.
The analysis next turns to a delineation of the interests and rights
against which those of the parents must be balanced: the interests of the
state and the rights of the child. The state interests enumerated must always
be weighed against the parental right. As will be seen, however, it is not
always clear that a child's interests are not synonymous with its parents'.
This Note will construct a threshold test to determine whether children's
rights should be thrown into the calculus and will show that in the area of
sex education children's rights do indeed pass this threshold.2
The next step is to weigh the parents' rights against these interests. The
preferred standard of review is a flexible and sensitive balancing test.2 4 The
weight of state interests required to justify sex education increases as the
weight of parental rights increases. The weight of these parental rights in
turn increases as the state intrudes deeper into the crucial activities of
parenthood.
Finally, this Note will examine the judicial decisions which have denied
parents' challenges to sex education. This will demonstrate the inadequacy
of the current treatment of the parental rights issue and suggest an alterna-
tive analysis. The suggested approach, a sensitive balancing of the interests
of parent, child, and state, reveals that a parental challenge to the sex
education curriculum itself must fail. However, when proper attention is
paid to these constitutional parental interests, the parents' right to remove
their children from sex education classes must be upheld.
II
PARENTAL INTERESTS BURDENED BY SEx EDUCATION
The first question is whether placing a child in sex education classes
burdens the parent's right to raise her child. To make this determination, we
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25. See Note, The Constitution and the Family, 93 Harv. L. Rev. 1156, 1180-83 (1980).
26. 385 F. Supp. 395 (D.N.H. 1974).
27. Id. at 404.
28. Id.
29. Of course, these must still be balanced against state interests. But here we are only
determining whether or not parental rights are burdened; that is, whether there is in fact
anything to balance against state interests.
30. 268 U.S. 510 (1925).
31. Id. at 534-35.
32. 321 U.S. 158 (1944).
33. Id. at 160-63.
34. Id. at 164-65. The Court found, however, that these interests were outweighed by
those of the state. Id. at 166-71.
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More recently, lower federal courts have recognized that public school
education often interferes with the parent's control over her child's values.
In Davis v. Page,35 for instance, Apostolic Lutherans unsuccessfully sought
to have their children excused from class during audio-visual presentations.
By compelling attendance, the school interfered with the parents' right to
protect their children from a device they believed was immoral. Hence,
equally powerful religious and parental rights were at stake.30 Thus, al-
though the parental interests were held to be outweighed by state interests,
those parental interests were, at least, acknowledged.
In Moody v. Cronin,31 parents successfully vindicated their right to
have children excused from co-educational physical education classes. Co-
educational classes, ruled the court, interfered with the efforts of the par-
ents, Pentacostal Christians, to teach their children the value of modesty.33
Again, both the rights of parenting and religion were burdened. 39
In fact, as moral values in our society often have a religious base, most
of the cases in this area intertwine the parental right of control with the
parents' free exercise rights. However, there is authority for the proposition
that parents retain control over their children's secular, as well as religious,
values. 40 In what might be considered dicta, the Supreme Court's opinion in
Wisconsin v. Yoder4 l recognized a secular parental right to teach values. In
holding unconstitutional a statute compelling high school attendance at
approved schools, the Court recognized a "cardinal constitutional right" of
parenthood, independent of religious rights, which includes control over the
child's values. 42 Amish parents adhere to the virtues of community welfare,
separatism and spiritual rather than worldly satisfaction. By compelling
high school attendance, and thus exposing impressionable youngsters to the
contrary values of individualism, competition, and worldly success, the state 43
interfered with the parent's right to control her child's value development.
Admittedly, the primacy of the parents' free exercise rights may have
rendered the parental control rights unnecessary to the holding. This would
make the secular parental rights recognition mere dicta. Whether or not this
35. 385 F. Supp. at 400-01. Again the parents' claim was rejected not because parental
rights were not violated, but because state interests were paramount.
36. Id. at 399.
37. 484 F. Supp. 270 (C.D. Ill. 1979).
38. Id. at 276.
39. Id. Note that the court was considering two independent rights: the parental right to
direct the child's religious and educational upbringing, and the parents' own free exercise
rights.
40. See Note, supra note 25, at 1351-52. Even were this not the case, these cases are still
relevant to establishing a parental right of control in the sex education context, as many of
the challenges to these curricula are based on religious grounds. See, e.g., Unitarian Church
West, 337 F. Supp. at 1253-56.
41. 406 U.S. 205 (1972).
42. Id. at 234.
43. Id. at 210-11, 235.
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recognition was necessary to the holding, however, the fact remains that the
Court clearly declared that the teaching of "moral standards,"44 is an "en-
during American tradition" that is constitutionally protected.
Public school education inherently burdens the parent's prerogative
over her child's values. In the area of sex education specifically, parents may
wish to provide values to guide their children's choices between sexual
involvement and restraint, openness and modesty, traditional and alterna-
tive activities. These choices influence how the child functions as an individ-
ual, a mate, and a member of society.
While advocates of sex education may contend that such classes are
value-free, even those courses designed only to provide information neces-
sarily transmit values. 45 This disturbs many parents. Simple openness about
sexuality conflicts with traditional values of privacy, intimacy, and modesty
which many parents espouse. In addition, nonjudgmental discussions imply
that sexuality is a matter of personal free choice, unfettered by the moral
taboos in which many parents still believe. 40 Finally, the courses advocate a
pragmatic morality in which sexuality dilemmas are resolved by a rational
consideration of the consequences.47 This form of situation ethics is adverse
to the traditional emphasis on absolute moral and religious ethics. 48 Thus,
by transmitting contrary values, schools interfere with the parental preroga-
tive over the child's moral development.
At least one federal court has recognized that sex education involves the
parent's prerogative over her child's values. In Unitarian Church West v.
McConnell,49 parents were teaching sex education in Sunday schools, using
explicit, but not obscene, materials. 50 The local district attorney threatened
prosecution under the state's anti-obscenity laws. The court recognized and
respected the parents' wish to educate their children in "the facts of life
within a proper ethical, moral, and religious context," and it enjoined the
state's prosecution. 5' By attempting to prohibit the course, the state had
tried to frustrate the parents' efforts to shape their children's values, a
52
course the court would not permit.
44. Id. at 232-33; see also Burt, The Constitution of the Family, 1979 Sup. Ct. Rev. 329,
332-41 (insisting that the "conservative justices" are preserving parental authority in a
society where authority is otherwise crumbling). On the issue of parents' secular right of
control, see also Pierce, 268 U.S. at 534-35.
45. See J. Hottois & N. Milner, supra note 5, at 3-5.
46. For example, parents may view homosexuality as objectionable. (Note that this is
not necessarily the position of the author.) Many courses, in contrast, might imply that the
individual is free to choose according to his individual psyche and preference.
47. J. Hottois & N. Milner, supra note 5, at 3.
48. Meyer, 262 U.S. at 390.
49. 337 F. Supp. 1252 (E.D. Wis. 1972), aff'd, 474 F.2d 1351 (7th Cir.), vacated on
other grounds and remanded, 416 U.S. 932 (1973).
50. Id. at 1253-56.
51. Id. at 1258.
52. See id. Again, both the rights of parenting and religion were involved.
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80. Id.
81. Bellotti 443 U.S. at 644; see also Prince, 321 U.S. at 166.
82. This is in keeping with the notion that the contemporary validity of values protected
by substantive due process must be continually evaluated. Note, supra note 25, at 1179-80.
83. See Yoder, 406 U.S. at 213.
84. Davis, 385 F. Supp. at 400-01.
85. Yoder, 406 U.S. at 222.
86. American Medical Association, Human Sexuality 151 (1972).
87. Id.
88. H. Kilander, Sex Education in the Schools 14-15 (1970).
89. See notes 93-96, 100-02 and accompanying text infra.
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prerogatives over the child's values, behavior, and family individuality. Sex
education further threatens the presumption of parental authority, although
evidence that parents are not acting in their children's best interests in
obtaining sex education may weaken this last protection of parental rights.
III
STATE INTERESTS
The state has a special interest in the health and well-being of minors.90
Because the child is both vulnerable and inexperienced, the state may inter-
vene to safeguard her welfare.1 Of course, even this special state interest
must be weighed against the impact on parental rights.92
The major objective of sex education is to promote the health and
safety of children, and primarily of adolescents. Teenage sexual activity has
spawned alarming health and social problems. A New Jersey court recently
highlighted the problem of teenage pregnancies, citing a report of the Fam-
ily Life Committee of the New Jersey State Board of Education:
In the U.S. one in five births is to a teenager between 15 and 19; in
1977 one million babies were born to girls between the ages of 10
and 18; in New Jersey in 1977, twelve thousand babies were born to
girls between 15 and 19; 60% of these girls were unmarried .... 3
The report also showed that children born to teenage mothers are more apt
to be premature, underweight, and slow to develop. Because teenage moth-
ers often have few means of support, their children are often born into
poverty. The mothers suffer as well; eighty percent drop out of school and
never return, and if they do return, they are often embarrassed and ostra-
cized. 94 A further health problem exacerbated by the increase in teenage
sexual activity is the rapid rise of veneral disease among youth.95
In short, teenage sexuality has resulted in severe health and social
crises. Educators believe that these crises are the result of ignorance about
sex. By providing information the state hopes to enable teenagers to make
90. Ginsberg, 390 U.S. at 640-43; Prince,321 U.S. at 165,168; accord, Keitzer, Privacy,
Children and Their Parents, 66 Minn. L. Rev. 459, 499-501 (1982).
91. Bellotti, 443 U.S. at 634; see Note, supra note 25, at 1199-1201 (state has strong
parenspatriaepower over the welfare of less capable members of society--especially true for
children who lack maturity).
92. See, e.g., Pierce, 268 U.S. at 534-35; accord Note, supra note 25, at 1201.
93. Smith v. Ricci, 89 N.J. 514, 517, 446 A.2d 501, 503 (1982) (citing August 1979
Report of the Family Life Committee of the New Jersey State Board of Education), appeal
dismissed sub nom. Smith v. Brandt, 103 S. Ct. 286 (1982).
94. Id. Some educators believe that the rise in teenage pregnancies alone justifies sex
education. See, e.g., Teenage Pregnancy: The Best Argument for Sex Education, 19 Curricu-
lum Rev. 130, 130-31 (1980).
95. Smith 89 N.J. at 517, 46 A.2d at 504.
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school sex educators will liberate the parents from the discomfort of fur-
nishing this information and allow the parents to do what they do best, the
inculcation of specific moral values."'108
In addition to the strong concern for health and safety and the need to
foster societal values of freedom of choice, is the state's mandate to provide
education. Public education, the cornerstone of American democracy,"0 is
"perhaps the most important function of state and local governments."' 03
While the schools may not trammel parental rights in fulfilling this state
function, 10 9 they nevertheless must be allowed significant freedom to per-
form this crucial task. 10
Not all the interests of the state, however, militate in favor of mandat-
ing sex education classes in the face of parental objection. The state has an
interest in maintaining the model of the nuclear family. According to this
model, parents are the dominant family members, and exercise authority
over their children."' In Yoder, for instance, Justice Burger, writing for the
majority, was impressed by the strength of parental authority within the
traditional Amish family."12 By exercising this authority, the Amish raise
disciplined new adults." 3 The state, claimed Burger, should not upset Amish
family institutions by leading children astray from their parents' author-
ity. 14 Likewise, in Parham v. J.R., 15 the Court worked to preserve the
family model. It felt that adversarial hearings would subvert the model by
pitting, on equal footing, parent against child"" and subverting parental
dominance.1 7 Even the dissenters in Parhamsafeguarded the family model.
By requiring only post-admission hearings, the dissenters hoped to avoid
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IV
THE CHILD'S INTERESTS
The early parents' rights cases did not balance the child's rights against
those of her parents.12 0 The Court either failed to recognize that children
may assert rights against their parents, or reflexively aligned the child and
parent against the state.12 ' The modern Court seems increasingly willing,
though still hesitant, to consider the child's separate interests when she is
122
mature enough to understand and assert them.
In Yoder, the majority did not consider the child's independent inter-
ests because the Amish children manifested no objection to remaining home
after the eighth grade.1 23 But Justice Burger cautioned that the holding did
not cover situations in which children do object:
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interests, the court did not consider their independent rights. 131 In Moody v.
Cronin, the court declined to consider the interests of high school students
because there was no conflict between parent and child over the propriety of
32
physical education classes.1
In cases examining the procreative-choice rights of minors, the Su-
preme Court has drawn a more distinct line between mature and immature
minors. These cases involve a conflict between parental authority, rein-
forced by the state, and the child's independent right to decide not to
become pregnant. 133 The state may reinforce jaarental authority by requiring
34
parental notice and consent to abortions performed on immature minors.1
Mature minors, however, have a right to choose abortion unfettered by
state-enforced parental consent. 35 The Court defines maturity only in terms
of the girl's ability to make an informed decision, in consultation with her
physician, independently of her parents' wishes.13 The rest is left to ad hoc
determination:
The nature of both the State's interest in fostering parental
authority and the problem of determining "maturity" makes clear
why the State generally may resort to objective, though inevitably
arbitrary, criteria such as age limits, marital status, or membership
in the Armed Forces for lifting some or all of the legal disabilities
of minority. Not only is it difficult to define, let alone determine,
maturity, but also the fact that a minor may be very much an adult
in some respects does not mean that his or her need and opportu-
nity for growth under parental guidance and discipline has ended.
As discussed in the text, however, the peculiar nature of the abor-
tion decision requires the opportunity for case-by-case evaluations
37
of the maturity of pregnant minors.
The procreative rights cases, coupled with Davis v. Page and Moody v.
Cronin, indicate that, since Yoder, the courts have adopted Justice
Douglas's position considering the independent interests of those children
mature enough to assert their own rights.
This maturity threshold sensitively protects the often competing poli-
cies behind the constitutional protection of the family. To allow the imma-
ture child to stand against her parents would subvert the family interests
protected by the Constitution. Parents' control over their child's values and
131. Id.
132. 484 F. Supp. at 276.
133. See, e.g., Planned Parenthood v. Danforth, 428 U.S. 52 (1976).
134. Bellotti v. Baird, 443 U.S. 622 (1979) (consent).
135. Id. at 642-43.
136. Id. at 643.
137. Id. at 643-44 & n.23. The opinion reserves the decision on such "grave" and
"indelible" measures as termination of pregnancy to mature minors. Although the gravity of
the decision influenced the Court, it is the maturity of the child which is the threshold
between subordination to parental authority and the freedom to decide.
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behavior is greatest when the child is in the early stages of development. The
family model of parental authority is closer to empirical reality when the
child cannot reasonably assert her own interests. In such a situation, pitting
the immature child against the parents would topple the family model. 38
Likewise, the sociological premise that parents act in their children's best
interests is most valid when the child is young and requires the greatest
attention and care. Finally, the immature child cannot articulate her own
interests; thus, the state, either judicially or legislatively, must do it for her.
Yet this state interference in the family would threaten family individuality
by standardizing the perceived interests of children.
In contrast, allowing the mature child to assert her interests poses a
much lesser threat to constitutionally protected parental interests. First,
parents have been given time, prior to this age of maturity, to control the
child's development. Second, the validity of the parental model decreases as
the child matures and becomes, by definition, more independent and less
susceptible to her parents' authority. Third, the mature child generally needs
less nurturing and attention from her parents than the immature child; thus,
the consequences for the child of disrupting the parent-child relationship at
this stage are less severe. Fourth, the mature child is capable of articulating
her own interests. Because the state need not interfere, there is less risk of
standardizing children. In sum, by considering the interests of the mature
minor, the court can vindicate the rights of the child while simultaneously
posing little threat to those of the parent.
Determining whether a child is mature enough to articulate her own
interests in receiving sex education is no easy task, and many factors might
be considered. The child's age is certainly relevant. Psychological and socio-
logical evidence might also be considered. For instance, widespread teenage
sexual activity, in defiance of many parents' desires, indicates that many
youth are already making their own choices on sexual matters. Indeed, the
polls indicate that most children understand their own need for information
and thus most desire some form of sex education. 3 9 This type of objective
data might be preferable to psychological evidence because of both the
emotional costs of litigating each child's maturity and the threat to the
parent-child relationship posed by such litigation. 40 Yet whether they rely
on objective or subjective data, courts must make this judgment on an ad
4
hoc basis.1 1
Once a court decides that a child is mature, it should consider her
constitutionally protected interests. Because this Note focuses on parental
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V
BALANCING THE INTERESTS
In many different contexts implicating parental, state, and child inter-
ests, the Supreme Court has balanced these competing interests."' The
difficult question is how to weight the scale. In other words, how do we
determine when the state's and child's interests are sufficient to override the
142. E.g., Tinker v. Des Moines Indep. School Dist., 393 U.S. 503, 511-14 (1964)
(Children have first amendment right of free speech which allows them to wear armbands to
school for political protest provided they neither impinge upon the rights of others nor
substantially interfere with school operations.).
143. Board of Educ. of Island Trees Union Free School Dist. Number 26 v. Pico, 457
U.S. 853 (1982).
144. But see Hirschoff, Parents and the Public Curriculum: Is There a Right to Have
One's Child Excused from Objectionable Instruction?, 50 So. Cal. L. Rev. 871, 920-23
(1977). Hirschoff contends that the right to information is not burdened by excusal because
only some children are excused. But she neglects to consider the informational rights of those
children excused.
145. San Antonio Indep. School Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1 (1973).
146. See notes 97-102 and accompanying text supra.
147. For whom else is education designed?
148. See notes 93-103 and accompanying text supra.
149. See note 96 and accompanying text supra.
150. See notes 100-02 and accompanying text supra.
151. See, e.g., Bellotti, 443 U.S. at 633-51; Parham, 442 U.S. at 600-17; Yoder, 406
U.S. at 215-34; Prince, 321 U.S. at 165-71.
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parent's rights? At first glance, the cases seem to haphazardly use the
means-ends analysis germane to equal protection claims, requiring either
compelling' 52 or permissible state interests to overcome parental rights.5
By carefully examining these cases, however, we can discern a balancing test
in which the degree of state interests required is adjusted by a number of
factors.
One factor the Court has considered is whether the burdened activity is
essential to the parenting function.'-' Protection increases as the state's
interference with the parent's ability to function as a parent increases.Y5 For
instance, the first and most crucial parental action is deciding whether or
not to give birth to a child. Consequently, the abortion decision is given
maximum protection, requiring compelling state interests to overcome an
individual's decision not to become a parent.' 56 Similarly, when a state
terminates parental rights it completely destroys the right of parenthood.14
How can a mother or father act as a parent when the family is dismem-
bered?158 Parents thus receive maximum protection when the state attempts
to terminate parental rights. 59 On the other hand, few would argue that
teaching a foreign language is crucial to parenting. Thus, the prohibition
against teaching German need only be reasonably related to legitimate state
60
ends.1
Another consideration is the presence of an additional constitutionally
protected right. In Yoder, for example, the Court indicated that even if
religious interests were ignored, the secular interests of parents warrant
protection against unconstitutional state interference.',' But the right of
parents to direct the religiousupbringing of their children must receive even
greater protection.162 When religious rights are implicated, other rights take
on added import.0 3 Thus the parents' right to control their child's religious
64
development is afforded special scrutiny.
152. See, e.g., Roe v. Vade, 410 U.S. 113, 155, 163 (1973).
153. See, e.g., Meyer, 262 U.S. at 401-03.
154. Cf. Note, supra note 25, at 1179 (A right is fundamental when it is recognized that
the "essential core" of the protected right should be free of state interference.).
155. Id. at 1353-57.
156. See, Roe, 410 U.S. at 155, 163; accord Note, supra note 25, at 1185-86.
157. See, e.g., Stanley v. Illinois, 405 U.S. 645, 651-52 (1972) (father must be provided a
formal hearing when the state seeks to remove a child from his custody); Santosky v.
Kramer, 455 U.S. 745 (1982) (a preponderance of the evidence standard for the termination
of parental rights violates the parent's fourteenth amendment rights).
158. Stanley, 405 U.S. at 658.
159. E.g., Santosky, 455 U.S. at 748.
160. Meyer, 262 U.S. at 400.
161. Yoder, 406 U.S. at 234.
162. Id.
163. See, e.g., Murdock v. Pennsylvania, 319 U.S. 105 (1943) (free speech rights of
those spreading religious beliefs are greater than those disseminating commercial informa-
tion).
164. The Court also accorded greater weight to the parental rights because of the
parents' religious beliefs in Prince,321 U.S. at 165. The federal district court followed suit in
Moody, 484 F. Supp. at 276.
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VI
Tm SEx EDUCATION CASES
The sex education cases decided to date have failed to carefully balance
the interests of parent, child and state. The first reported challenge to sex
165. Note, Parental Rights: Educational Alternatives and Curriculum Control, 36
Wash. & Lee L. Rev. 277, 284 (1979).
166. Davis, 385 F. Supp. at 395.
167. 406 U.S. at 221-31.
168. Id.
169. See id. at 218-19.
170. 385 F. Supp. at 400-01.
171. Id.
172. Compelling Amish children to attend high school threatens the entire effort to keep
the children as members of the separatist society. See 406 U.S. at 218-19. On the other hand,
the use of audio-visuals threaten but one tenet of the parent's faith, albeit an important one.
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education was dismissed on the ground that plaintiff had offered no case
law in support of her theory that parents have an exclusive right to teach
their children about sex. 7 3 Another early challenge, Medeiros v. Kiy-
osaki,174 further demonstrates the inadequate attention to parents' rights
which characterizes these decisions. In Medeiros, the Hawaii Supreme Court
could discern no parental right of control.175 According to the court, the
seminal parents' rights cases-Meyer v. Nebraska7" and Pierce v. Society of
Sisters 77--protect only "the explicit freedoms of speech and press. 178
Thus, sex education courses do not violate a constitutional right to parent-
hood since, according to the court, no separate right of parenthood exists. 79
Yet it is clear that Meyer v. Nebraska and Pierce v. Society of Sisters do
indeed stand for the protection of parental rights. In both of those cases, the
Supreme Court expressly upheld a parent's right to raise her children. The
Medeiros court's construction of Meyer and Pierce, in contrast, is based on
Justice Douglas's assertion in Griswold v. Connecticut60 that these cases
might be viewed as first amendment cases, prohibiting the state from con-
tracting "the spectrum of available knowledge."' 18 But in a subsequent
right to privacy case, Roe v. Wade,8 s2 Douglas himself recognized that the
right to raise children is independent of freedom of information concerns. 83
Indeed, in still other cases, the Court has held that the state may reinforce
parental authority by restricting the flow of information to minors.'z If
Meyer and Pierce indeed rest solely on free speech grounds, parents would
not be allowed to restrict the child's access to information.
In Medeiros, the Hawaii Supreme Court also determined that, even if a
parental right of control did exist, the Hawaii sex education program posed
no threat to that right, 85 since parents could withdraw their children from
the program by submitting a written excuse.1 68 Also, parents could pre-
screen the films used in the course and withdraw their children from specific
classes. 187 Because these policies enabled parents to limit or prevent their
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VII
RESOLUTION
A. Suing to Abolish the Program
As this Note has explained, public school education significantly bur-
dens the parental prerogatives over a child's value development and behav-
ior. Both prerogatives are important to effective parenting. Sexual values
are especially important to the child's development, and thus to the child's
parents. Any choice in the area of sexual lifestyles is necessarily personal,
making family individuality in this choice another interest significant to
parenting.
The abolition of sex education, however, is not crucial to these parental
interests. Admittedly, preventing children from receiving sex education and
thus giving the parents exclusive control over the child's sexual values and
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attain all of its goals. Some, like the sex education of those children who are
removed, may have to be sacrificed. Likewise, nothing in the Constitution
guarantees parents complete control over the children's education. In some
instances parental interests in the child's values, individuality, and behavior,
may have to be compromised. Excusal allows both state and parent to
pursue their goals, while sacrificing as little of their interests as possible.
VIII
CONCLUSION
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