Center for International Forestry Research

Report Part Title: Conclusions and recommendations

Report Title: Dynamics of the charcoal and indigenous timber trade in Zambia
Report Subtitle: A scoping study in Eastern, Northern and Northwestern provinces
Report Author(s): Davison J. Gumbo, Kaala B. Moombe, Mercy M. Kandulu, Gillian
Kabwe, Marja Ojanen, Elizabeth Ndhlovu and Terry C. H. Sunderland
Center for International Forestry Research (2013)

Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/resrep02214.11

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5 Conclusions and
recommendations

5.1 Introduction are far greater than authorities admit. Since there
is no effective monitoring of charcoal or timber
This study was prompted by the need to activities in protected and open customary forests,
understand the production and trade of charcoal these activities are not sustainable and concerns
and timber in Zambia, and the impact of the about their contribution to deforestation and
industries on forests, people and livelihoods. forest degradation in Zambia continue to grow
Charcoal and timber have been extracted from (GRZ 2010).
Zambia’s forests for many years, but few studies
and research have aimed at understanding There have been calls from both government and
their contribution to livelihoods and their civil society to curb charcoal production and to
implications for sustainable forest management. exercise greater control over the indigenous timber
Assertions have been made that both charcoal and industry; it is presumed that both are major causes
timber production methods are inefficient and of deforestation and forest degradation. It is also
contribute significantly to forest degradation and assumed that charcoal use as an energy source is
deforestation. It is correct to say that the impacts increasing; the national energy policy indicates
of charcoal production have been exacerbated that charcoal accounts for 70% of energy used by
by reduced controls, limited monitoring and Zambians (MEWD 2008). Even households with
ineffective law enforcement. Similar limitations access to electricity use charcoal as it is cheaper
apply in the case of timber production, but the FD and allows them to cook during periods of power
could address these issues by ensuring adherence outages, low supply and load shedding.
to the stipulations of the various licences. Partial
attempts to curb the rate of forest degradation due Evidence of unauthorised production,
to charcoal and timber production have centred on transportation and trade in charcoal can be
reducing the number of licences issued, delaying deduced by the manner of transactions. For
their issuance and, in some cases, cancelling example, transportation of the product to towns
concession licences. The extents to which charcoal and district markets takes place either early in the
and timber production and trade contribute to morning, late at night or over weekends when
deforestation are not well documented. monitoring and controlling authorities are off
duty. The proliferation of informal production and
Both charcoal and timber contribute to security trade has been attributed to inadequate human and
of income and livelihoods of rural and peri-urban financial resources in the Forest Department. To
households. Therefore, it is important to study control this industry and ensure it contributes to
production of, and trade in, these commodities. In national development, it is necessary to study and
so doing, more effective and efficient methods of document production and marketing processes,
production might be put in place. This will help and then to share findings widely.
ensure that forests are sustainably managed and
that policy frameworks clearly stipulate the roles Very little has been done towards understanding
of forest users and institutions mandated with the extent of indigenous timber production and
forest management. In this way, the contribution its past effects on forests. Valuable timber species
of these products to GDP can be ascertained and such as Baikiaea plurijuga are declining; in districts
their contribution to local livelihoods enhanced. such as Kaoma, merchantable sizes became
Although production of these two products is increasingly scarce between 1985 and 1996 (JICA
currently restricted, levels of informal production 1996). This has prompted government and civil

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 Dynamics of the charcoal and indigenous timber trade in Zambia | 53

society to believe that logging contributes to forest preferring to sell their timber to merchants and
degradation and deforestation, although little concessionaires. Illegal production is promoted by
documentation exists on its impacts, especially some merchants who hire villagers to cut logs for
with regard to tree recovery. Further research a designated fee without obtaining the necessary
linked to proper monitoring of the production, clearances beforehand. Largely incapacitated
consumption and marketing of indigenous timber by lack of equipment and capital, pit sawyers
is needed. are the group most affected by bureaucracy
surrounding licences and, as a consequence, most
There is growing concern that gaps in policies of them operate illegally. The study found that
governing these processes are inadvertently forest products are often exported together with
promoting and perpetuating informal production manufactured goods, making the trade difficult
of, and trade in, charcoal and timber. Ineffective to monitor or to determine whether charcoal and
law enforcement, use of a centralised licensing timber were a legal component of the export.
system and limited field inspections are promoting Further studies on the domestic trade and export
poor management of production processes. of charcoal and timber will be required if their
This study looked at policies affecting charcoal potential contributions to national development
and timber production and trade. It noted existing and GDP are to be ascertained.
policies and acts dealing with trade, energy,
environment and customs that influence how
these products are managed. These specific policies 5.3 Methods and tools revisited
and acts need to be harmonised with forestry
policy and legislation if production and trade This study sought to identify and analyse social,
of charcoal and timber are to be efficiently and economic and environmental issues pertaining
sustainably managed. to charcoal and timber production and trade in
Zambia, as well as to understand its contribution
to the regional charcoal and timber trade. To
5.2 Findings achieve this goal, it was necessary to use a set of
complementary methods and tools outlined below.
This scoping study has shown that most charcoal A scoping study is heavily reliant on literature,
is traded and consumed within Zambia’s urban observations and interviews. Existing literature
areas and district centres. Although export bans was extensively reviewed and emerging themes
have been imposed, observations in border towns were validated in the field through interviews and
and at border posts show that almost half of the observations. The team also conducted limited
haulage trucks crossing these borders carry between investigations in seven border towns and five
one and three ~50 kg bags of charcoal each, often study districts. There was insufficient time for
declared as being for domestic use. Informal more comprehensive fieldwork, the bulk of which
cross-border charcoal traders, often in collusion was undertaken by field-based researchers using
with cross-border haulage drivers, also fall into a checklist (Annex 2). As local residents, they
this category. The quantity of charcoal leaving the found it easy to address the issues under study.
country in this way is probably enormous and the The survey period coincided with the Zambian
ban on exports is probably ineffectual. In addition, general election, and this affected people’s outlook
Zambia’s borders are porous; families extend across on charcoal, which had acquired a political flavour.
borders and share gifts such as charcoal. A study Six district validation meetings were held, bringing
on the regional charcoal trade might lead to its together chiefs, councillors, charcoal and timber
inclusion within trade agreements. Enforcing trade producers, government officials and other local
bans on a commodity used throughout the region leaders. Preliminary results were presented and
runs the risk of driving the trade underground and comments received.
promoting corruption.

Export of timber is allowed, but there is a ban 5.4 Revisiting specific objectives and
on round wood (both indigenous and exotic outputs of the study
species); exportation of planks is promoted instead.
Production is currently dominated by pit sawyers The Terms of Reference for this study appear in
operating in registered groups; most also export, Appendix 1. For the sake of completeness, we are

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54 | Davison J. Gumbo, Kaala B. Moombe, Mercy M. Kandulu, Gillian Kabwe, Marja Ojanen, Elizabeth Ndhlovu and Terry C.H. Sunderland

revisiting each objective to ensure the study’s found. Reductions in species such as Baikiaea
major findings have been clearly articulated. The plurijuga have caused alarm (JICA 1996; UNEP-
following recommendations have been suggested. WCMC 2000). Unscrupulous timber merchants
hire untrained villagers to cut logs, often cutting
stems less than 30 cm in diameter, which is against
5.4.1 Identify and characterise charcoal the law. While there are bans and restrictions on
and timber production flows and trade timber and charcoal export, they have not been
trends in Zambia (objective a) effective in controlling the impact of these activities
on forests. There is a body of research showing
The team was required to present information that miombo species will eventually regenerate
on product flows (charcoal as well as timber) following disturbance (Kambewa et al. 2007;
from source to market in selected districts in the Syampungani 2008; Chidumayo 2010). However,
Eastern, Northern and Northwestern provinces this work has largely focused on former charcoal
of Zambia. Identification of, and information production sites and not other areas such as
on, the industry’s key stakeholders and their agricultural expansion that indicate general drivers
respective roles in the charcoal and timber trade of vegetation disturbance. Although miombo
in the above districts were also required. In the woodlands do not occur in some districts, it is
following sections, some specific findings are believed that most logged areas are likely to recover
outlined. given that removal of merchantable timber does
not cause too much damage (Chidumayo 2010).

Charcoal and timber production Current trends show that both charcoal and timber
production can cause irreparable harm to forests
The contribution of the charcoal and timber unless sustainable approaches are adopted, and
industry to livelihoods in Zambia is reasonably monitoring and reporting systems put in place by
well documented (Mickels-Kokwe 2005; the FD.
Puustjärvi et al. 2005; Jumbe et al. 2008). Both
charcoal and timber production have severe Recommendations
implications for the survival of indigenous forests.
They affect forest cover and species survival, i. Schemes aimed at promoting sustainable
contribute to accelerated soil erosion and siltation charcoal production should be adopted
of surface water bodies, diminish the value of and supplemented by alternative feedstock
forests through the loss of NTFPs and reduce the for charcoal production, such as sawdust
capacity of forests to sequester CO2. and bamboo.
ii. Areas of long-term charcoal production
It is therefore unsurprising that the GRZ such as Cholowa and Malata in Nyimba (E)
categorised charcoal production as one of and Kagoro in Katete (E) should be studied
the leading causes of deforestation and forest so that management lessons learned can
degradation in the country (ECZ 2006; GRZ inform the design of sustainable charcoal
2010; GRZ 2011). This study made the following production strategies.
observations: iii. Following Syampungani (2008) and
• Charcoal production is now widespread and Chidumayo (2010), further research is
the commodity is sold along most roads in the recommended in different woodland types to
country, signalling that more forests are being, explore the impacts of charcoal production and
and will continue to be, affected until there is the potential for woodland recovery.
a deliberate policy shift. iv. Using remotely sensed data, concession
• Larger forms of transport (i.e. 10–30-tonne management plans and records, as well as
trucks) are now moving charcoal, indicating ground truthing, vegetation changes at selected
that it can now be transported in bulk far sites should be measured both before and
from its origin. after logging.
v. In the light of climate change, increased
Commercial timber stocks are declining in community participation, REDD+, carbon
districts where the favoured timber species are markets and other initiatives, a better

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 Dynamics of the charcoal and indigenous timber trade in Zambia | 55

understanding of the impacts of charcoal and sources of energy are found. With the exception
timber production on forests is needed. of the Lusaka Clean Development Mechnanism
(CDM) project (Technoshare Associates 2011),
the study did not find any energy conservation
Charcoal production – kilns initiatives on the ground. Charcoal use could be
significantly reduced if more energy conservation
Existing literature shows a wood to charcoal initiatives were put in place in urban areas. The
conversion factor for Zambia of 20–25%, issue of capacity-building and conservation
indicating considerable waste (Kalumiana and and environmental education cannot be
Shakacite 2003). This study has shown that overemphasised.
charcoal production is no longer the preserve
of experienced charcoal producers, and that Recommendations
households only require sufficient labour and
existing household equipment to start producing i. Local government authorities such as
charcoal. One factor contributing to inefficiency municipalities and district councils should be
during charcoal production is the inexperience encouraged to work with charcoal consumers
of ‘newcomer’ charcoal producers (Seboka and in their jurisdictions, while encouraging
Mequanint 2006). Given that more and more people to adopt energy-saving stoves and other
households with little or no training are now conservation measures.
producing charcoal, the stage is set for increasing ii. Previous energy consumption studies have
wood-use due to their inefficient production focused on Lusaka (Technoshare Associates
techniques. This calls for intensified capacity- 2011); it is strongly recommended that future
building and further relevant research. studies focus on Zambia’s other urban areas
to better understand charcoal demand and the
Recommendations amount of wood consumed.

i. There is a need for capacity-building

programmes to train newcomers to the industry Charcoal trade
in more efficient and effective methods of
charcoal production, in order to reduce waste. The study established that, in most of the study
ii. Greater efforts should be directed sites, the majority of charcoal is transported to,
towards improving kiln designs, based on and consumed in, district and urban centres.
environmentally sound, easily adopted Seasonality is a critical aspect affecting the
technologies. Incentives for the adoption of transport of charcoal, which in turn affects charcoal
such technologies should be provided. production. Most charcoal production in Zambia
iii. Environmental management education takes place during the dry season when agricultural
must ensure that capacity-building programmes activities are less labour-intensive. This is also
are offered, emphasising the science of energy when rural households plan for the forthcoming
conservation and using extension materials in a agricultural season. Their own charcoal
straightforward and easy to understand format. requirements – combined with cash demands such
as school fees – often force such households to
produce and sell charcoal. Charcoal is increasingly
Charcoal consumption viewed as the easiest way to earn money, which
explains its widespread production. Seasonality
Charcoal accounts for 70% of Zambia’s energy thus affects both the production and marketing of
usage, and is a major source of cooking fuel and charcoal, with more charcoal being traded during
heating for 85% of urban households. Current the dry winter than in the rainy summer months.
per capita household consumption of charcoal The scoping study established that charcoal is
in urban Lusaka is about 1.63 kg of charcoal per moved throughout Zambia and beyond its borders.
day; in both the literature and during interviews, As part of the study, the movement of charcoal was
we noted that total consumption will likely traced from source to market in district centres,
increase due to population growth. Zambia is towns and at border crossing points. The flow
urbanising at 3.2% per annum, which will increase patterns are as follows.
charcoal demand unless affordable alternative

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56 | Davison J. Gumbo, Kaala B. Moombe, Mercy M. Kandulu, Gillian Kabwe, Marja Ojanen, Elizabeth Ndhlovu and Terry C.H. Sunderland

i. Local buyers/consumers of whom act as roadside vendors. Roads such as

Charcoal producers sell their commodity to the Great North Road linking Lusaka and the
local rural households, targeting businesses, Copperbelt towns act as conduits for charcoal
teachers, nurses, development workers and other from distant areas. Long-haul truck drivers and
affluent households. They also provide or sell intercity travellers obtain most of their charcoal
charcoal for social occasions such as weddings, from roadside markets; from these markets, it is
church gatherings and funerals. Institutions transported for home consumption or moved over
such as boarding schools and hospitals tend to the border in several ways, including big intercity
use firewood and are less likely to buy charcoal. buses and haulage trucks.
At the local level, charcoal can be exchanged for
food or other goods, or else is given as a gift to iv. District centre markets
strengthen social relationships. For villages along Charcoal is sold in almost all district centres, with
the border, charcoal can also be part of cross- individual charcoal-producer households supplying
border exchanges between people of the same charcoal to markets established under the Markets
ethnic group. These include the Chewa along the and Bus Stop Act of 2007 and controlled by
Malawi-Mozambique-Zambia border and around local authorities. Katete (E) has two district-level
the Mwami, Chanida, Ukwimi and Luangwa markets supplying charcoal, but depending on
border-crossing points. Transport is usually non- their size, other centres might have more markets.
motorised. It is important to highlight that charcoal is at times
supplied by traders and not necessarily charcoal
ii. Local village markets producers themselves. In either case, charcoal
Locally produced charcoal may also be moved to brought into a district centre may be sold on a
permanent or weekly village markets where the door-to-door basis or to targeted households by
former (possibly located on a feeder road) might prior arrangement. In some cases, traders have
consist of a few retail outlets selling an assortment their own stalls where they repackage and sell
of food items or agricultural goods. Producers charcoal procured in the hinterland. In most
sell charcoal here in small quantities due to the markets, wholesalers buy charcoal from producers
limited buying power of local people, or exchange and traders, and transport the charcoal outside of
it for clothes or other commodities. Major buyers the districts.
are usually untargeted local salaried people, civil
servants or NGO personnel on missions to such v. Urban markets
villages. Weekly markets attract people from Charcoal is moved directly to urban markets
neighbouring villages and farther away, some of by producers and traders, who will also sell to
whom may include charcoal buyers. Charcoal individual households by prior arrangement
bought at such markets is largely for local home or door-to-door. As with district markets, they
consumption, but some buyers may transport may also move charcoal to designated markets
charcoal to urban areas for resale. Village markets (Markets and Bus Stop Act of 2007) and sell it to
can also be found along the border where they wholesalers, restaurants and stallholders. Bicycles
form centres for exchange. and trucks are the major modes of transport.

iii. Roadside markets vi. Border towns and crossing points

Charcoal is often moved to the roadside and Dynamics of the charcoal trade in border towns
packaged for sale in markets created specifically are very similar to other urban areas; the only
for this purpose. Such roadside markets are more difference is that some buyers might be crossing
competitive than the previous two points of sale the border with charcoal. It was observed that
as they are set up gratis and usually no levies are charcoal for the cross-border trade is often
paid. Gravel roads often act as feeder roads linking obtained from cheaper roadside markets inland. In
major highways such as the Great East Road Chililabombwe (C), it was observed that charcoal
between Lusaka and Chipata. Roadside markets are ‘poachers’ from the DRC enter Zambia to produce
frequent along these roads, except where they are charcoal that they then transport back to the DRC.
linked to an established trading centre. Charcoal The situation is similar along the Malawi-Zambia
arriving at such markets is supplied either by the border, where cross-border ethnic ties result in
charcoal producers themselves or by traders, some

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 Dynamics of the charcoal and indigenous timber trade in Zambia | 57

charcoal moving through cash purchases, as gifts a. Poverty levels are fairly constant in charcoal-
and in exchange for food. producing districts and this, coupled with
poor employment opportunities and limited
vii. Cross-border trade in charcoal options for meeting livelihood demands,
While the bulk of Zambian charcoal is consumed has turned more and more rural households
within the country, there is evidence that some to charcoal production. In Katete (E) and
of it is moved to neighbouring countries. This Chinsali (N), women have now also started
implies that Zambian charcoal production may be producing charcoal.
responding to demand in neighbouring countries b. Charcoal production is widespread throughout
rather than to local markets, especially if the price Zambia. Against a backdrop of limited
is higher. From data gathered during this study, monitoring by the FD, this development raises
it was noted that – with the exception of Mchinji questions of sustainability and control.
in Malawi – the price of charcoal in the cross- c. There are signs that species preferred for
border towns of Tunduma (Tanzania), Kasane charcoal production are declining and that
(Botswana) and Karoi (Zimbabwe) is higher by as charcoal producers are turning to previously
much as USD 0.04 per kg of charcoal. In addition, unused species and indigenous fruit trees such
policies governing trade must be reconsidered to as Uapaca kirkiana. Some areas of miombo
ensure that most, if not all, production and trade woodland have been transformed into
are formalised. Combretum/Acacia-dominated woodlands as a
result of charcoal production.
The study determined that charcoal is currently d. There are indications that some areas have
traded throughout Zambia and the region, been degraded through heavy, localised
specifically to Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania and charcoal production; trees have been removed
Zimbabwe. There is evidence that trade in charcoal from whole hillsides and stream banks,
is supported by informal cross-border traders and thereby accelerating soil erosion and the
border villages, leading to losses in government subsequent siltation of rivers and other surface
revenue. While the export of charcoal is banned, water bodies.
informal cross-border traders have ensured that the e. An increase in the spread and types of markets
trade continues. selling charcoal suggests a shift from the former
dominance of roadside markets, indicating
greater demand for charcoal than ever before.
Recommendations f. Charcoal production and trade are being
increasingly dominated by illegal operations
i. Further investigations are required to fully that take advantage of a lack of monitoring and
understand charcoal movements within irregular issuance of licences.
Zambia.
ii. Further investigations are required on losses the Similar trends have been noted for timber, the
government is incurring through maintaining major difference being there are no dedicated
charcoal export bans. market stalls for timber. Cants and, in some cases,
iii. Understanding the interplay between charcoal planks are often left at the roadside by pit sawyers.
supply to border towns and cross-border The trends noted here are:
pricing is crucial in terms of understanding the a. An increase in undersized cants (i.e. less than 30
drivers of the cross-border charcoal trade. More cm in diameter) at roadsides often placed there
assessments are required to establish whether by speculators.
the price of charcoal in border towns affects the b. An increase in the number of species previously
quantity moved across the border from Zambia. not designated as commercial timber species
yet that seem to be in demand elsewhere, e.g.
Brachystegia spiciformis Benth.
Current trends in charcoal production c. An increase in the number of pit sawyers
operating without licences, due to a general
The study identified changes in the trends of failure to obtain such licences.
production and trade of charcoal, including:

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58 | Davison J. Gumbo, Kaala B. Moombe, Mercy M. Kandulu, Gillian Kabwe, Marja Ojanen, Elizabeth Ndhlovu and Terry C.H. Sunderland

Recommendations and sixth national development programmes call

for sustainable charcoal production but, without a
i. That the FD monitors and controls charcoal clear policy specifically addressing its promotion,
production and trade to the fullest extent of the development of a unified strategy will not
the law, accompanied by studies aimed at be feasible.
developing an understanding of the impacts of
the trends highlighted above. Charcoal and timber are zero-rated in terms of
ii. That provincial offices grant licences for pit tax in the Customs and Exercise Act No.5 of
sawyers, as it is often very difficult for such 2007, which promotes informal trading. As with
people to travel to Lusaka. Additionally, charcoal, the export of timber is addressed under
requirements for this licence are too stringent the Forest (Timber Export) Regulations of 1997.
for the average pit sawyer. Under this statutory instrument, the export of
non-finished timber from natural forests, as
well as peeler and sawed logs of any species, is
5.4.2 Institutional and socio-economic banned.37 Exporters must obtain a Customs Export
aspects of charcoal and timber production Declaration authorised by four agencies, namely
and trade the Zambia Bureau of Standards, Plant Quarantine
and Phytosanitary Services, the Zambia Revenue
Objectives (b) and (c) were to: Document Authority and the Forest Department.
institutional and socio-economic aspects related to
production, trade and the consumption of charcoal
and identify the main policy and institutional Recommendations
arrangements governing charcoaling, and commercial
timber extraction. i. Forest policy should incorporate aspects relating
to sustainable charcoal production contained
in both the national policy on environment
Legal and policy frameworks and the energy policy, as this would strengthen
initiatives such as the proposed revision of the
The primary policy and legal framework for Zimbabwe Forest Action Programme (ZFAP).
charcoal production and trade in Zambia is the Policy overlaps could thereby be eliminated.
Forest Act No. 39 of 1973, underpinned by the ii. Clarity should be provided in the form of
Forest Policy of 1998. Charcoal production is a statutory instrument (SI) or regulation in
found at the confluence of the forest and energy the act that explicitly calls for sustainable
policies, as well as in the national policy on charcoal production.
environment. While the energy policy is fairly iii. It is critical that producers can access
comprehensive on charcoal production, it is training and other forms of support to
lacking on timber production as the Department improve conversion efficiency and ensure
of Energy has no mandate over trees and forests sustainable production.
and can only make recommendations. The
forest policy, which directly addresses the forest
resource base and its use, is not explicit on issues Institutional arrangements
of charcoal production and trade. However,
initiatives under the Forest Department such as The study confirmed the centrality of the FD to
the Zambia Forest Action Programme (ZFAP institutional arrangements for charcoal and timber
1995) are explicit with regard to sustainable production and trade in Zambia, as provided for
charcoal production. The national policy on in the legal and policy framework. An area of
environment, originally aimed at harmonising all concern is the mismatch between forest policy
policies relating to the environment, has lately and the Forest Act of 1973 vis-à-vis community
also addressed charcoal production. However, its participation in forest management. The FD’s
attempt at providing a coordinating mechanism promulgation of Statutory Instrument 52 of 1999
is weakened by the extent to which participating
institutions are scattered through numerous 37 GRZ 1997. Statutory Instrument No.7 of 1997, Forest
government departments and ministries. The fifth Act, Cap 1999, Government of Zambia.

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 Dynamics of the charcoal and indigenous timber trade in Zambia | 59

was to plug this gap (GRZ 1999). Unfortunately, conduct logging operations and who should
while the SI did allow for community participation become actively involved in management of the
in forest management, it did not enable resource base.
communities to directly obtain benefits through
user groups such as charcoal producers (Bwalya
2007), thereby contributing to the failure of Recommendations
JFM. The study also established that experiences
from JFM were never factored into national i. Roles of local-level institutions such as
forest policy. traditional leaders should contribute to
management and control of charcoal
Stakeholders with vested interests in the production. These roles should include
production and trade of charcoal and timber determining which local rules for resource
include: allocation and control can reinforce statutory
a. Households in rural areas, whose primary provisions under the Forest Act. Further, the
source of income derives from the sale of level of awareness of any rules among producers
charcoal. It is difficult to ascertain their and traders, including transporters, must be
precise numbers. ascertained.
b. Unorganised smallholder farmers producing ii. District councils, chiefs and other local-level
charcoal as an auxiliary source of income. institutions should be encouraged to take
In this case, income earned from charcoal greater interest in the management of forests
production is invested in crop and livestock through the enactment of by-laws, especially
production or other household needs such as those used for charcoal and timber production.
school fees. Current by-laws only cover the generation
c. Charcoal producers, who exploit gaps within of levies.
and between traditional rules and statutory iii. There are problems with institutional
provisions for accessing timber for charcoal and arrangements vis-à-vis the issuance of timber
timber to justify their actions. exploitation licences, with bureaucracy as a
d. Men, women and youth involved in the limiting factor. Bureaucracy affects two groups
production, transportation and marketing of people: actors joining the industry, and
of charcoal, with males dominating actors failing to operate formally in the timber
production. The same situation prevails with business. Many illegal operations are initiated
timber production. due to delays in issuing licences.
e. Timber production dominated by males iv. The FD should provide additional support to
(mainly pit sawyers linked to concessionaires pit sawyers, including technical and business
and timber merchants) and local carpenters management skills.
producing goods for local use. v. Like pit sawyers, charcoal producers must be
f. Individuals hired to provide labour during organised so they can access training and other
various stages of charcoal and timber forms of support required to ensure sustainable
production and trade. Locals are often hired production. To do this, the element of illegality
through cash or in-kind to help with tree must be removed.
cutting, stacking kilns and transportation (in
the case of charcoal) and for log-skidding or
canting (for timber). Socio-economic aspects
g. Charcoal transporters using motorised and non-
motorised means of transport, with bicycles The literature indicates that charcoal and timber
being prominent at the local level and haulage are among forest-based enterprises contributing
trucks at the cross-border level. to household incomes (Mickels-Kokwe 2005;
h. Local government marketplaces serving as Puurstiv et al. 2005; Jumbe et al. 2008). These
exchange points for charcoal and timber for publications highlight the importance of these
cash payments. resources, from the household to national level.
i. Local-level institutions such as chiefs and Resources are generally viewed as informal
district councils providing clearances to entities activities and therefore not factored into
that require permission to produce charcoal or national accounts.

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60 | Davison J. Gumbo, Kaala B. Moombe, Mercy M. Kandulu, Gillian Kabwe, Marja Ojanen, Elizabeth Ndhlovu and Terry C.H. Sunderland

The importance of these commodities at the reviewed (Ackello-Ogutu and Echessah 1998;
household level is often down-played within policy Minde and Nhkuwa 1998) only inferred the
frameworks and even in the extension thereof. existence of cross-border charcoal trade. Reports
Charcoal producers are generally seen as poor on informal cross-border trade are not explicit on
and charcoal production as an income-generating types of goods moved; this is not surprising as the
strategy for poor rural households. Yet this study bulk of research in these countries has focused on
established that charcoal production is a form of biophysical aspects of charcoal rather than policy
employment for a broad range of individuals and and institutional arrangements.
groups of both genders.
In terms of timber, evidence in the literature
In the case of timber, the use of local labour by shows movements of wood and wood products
both concessionaires and pit sawyers contributes between the countries (SADC 2006; ZDA 2011).
towards local employment and incomes. The While earlier studies were unclear whether these
potential of pit sawyers is compromised by limited products were hardwoods, this study indicated the
access to capital, equipment and business training. movement of softwoods, mainly from Malawi and
Tanzania to Zambia. The SADC regional trade
reports indicate a trade in ‘wood charcoal’, but
Recommendations do not offer information on quantities or other
data. The extent to which ‘industrial charcoal’
i. A strategy needs to be developed to ensure from Namibia, South Africa and Zimbabwe has
that necessary data on the production of and influenced such reports is unclear.
trade in charcoal and timber are captured and
incorporated in national accounts.
ii. Efforts should be made to remove negative Recommendations
stigma around charcoal, where producers are
generally perceived as poor. This applies both i. Any future research on regional trade policy
at the local and national levels. However, this dialogue should also focus on the charcoal and
should be done strategically as legitimising timber trade.
the sub-sector industry may promote some ii. Customs authorities should actively capture
unguided influx and pose greater threats to data on charcoal that is moving legally
forest resources. across borders.
iii. Both charcoal producers and pit sawyers iii. As informal cross-border traders seek more
should be provided with technical and business recognition, they too should start to submit
training to enable them to practise better figures on goods supplied, including charcoal.
resource management.

Alienation of customary land

5.4.3 Literature search
Zambia has earmarked 1.3 million ha of land for
Objective (d) of this study was to: ‘Carry out a biofuels and other agricultural products (Mudenda
comprehensive review of grey and published literature 2011). Others more familiar with land issues in
and data on the production and trade of charcoal Zambia may point out this area of land going to
and timber in selected countries in the southern the private sector is insignificant given the vast
African region’. size of the country. However, the effect at the
local level can be very significant indeed. We have
To determine how charcoal and timber move shown that loss of land to private sector investment
between countries in the region, this study in Nakonde (N) will lead to losses of caterpillar
reviewed relevant literature covering Zambia, (finkubala) harvesting areas. It will create more
Malawi, Tanzania and Mozambique. With the conflict between charcoal producers and finkubala
exception of Sibale and Banda (2008), who harvesters on the remaining land and, more
explicitly state that charcoal is traded between importantly, will effectively reduce the amount of
Mozambique and Malawi, the rest of the literature forest available for charcoal production.

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 Dynamics of the charcoal and indigenous timber trade in Zambia | 61

Recommendations Recommendation

i. As land is allocated for investment, the i. Future bilateral trade discussions should also
environmental and social impacts of such take a critical look at the charcoal trade under
acquisitions should be carefully studied. the auspices of energy provision.
Charcoal and timber production must also form
part of this analysis.
ii. Explore the extent to which charcoal Development of informal cross-border trade
production can be carried out by displaced
farmers as part of land clearance for new Charcoal and, to a lesser extent, timber are moved
landowners. Such production must be done in a across borders by informal cross-border traders
sustainable manner. (Musonda 2004; Lesser and Moisé-Leeman 2009).
Informal cross-border trade within the SADC is
an accepted fact (SADC 2003) and lately with the
Regional market integration COMESA STR (DPC and Associates 2010) there
is a tacit attempt to address the needs of this sector
Regional market integration takes place under vis-à-vis trade. It is not surprising that informal
the auspices of the SADC protocol and the cross-border traders are becoming organised and
COMESA Free Trade Area (SADC 1996; DPC more visible. The thin dividing line between the
and Associates 2010). These initiatives list timber legal and illegal aspects of their business remains a
as a commodity, but are less specific on charcoal. cause for concern, as they operate under the radar
Bilateral trade agreements do drive trade, but in the majority of cases. Recent developments in
in the case of Zambia there are no intra-SADC the formation of cross-border associations in some
bilateral agreements; as a member of the COMESA countries in southern Africa, including Zambia,
Free Trade Area, Zambia can trade with all mean that individual country associations in the
other member states. A draft agreement with region will form trading links with each other –
Mozambique has been put on hold and discussions albeit under the radar.38
on a bilateral agreement with Malawi have been
suspended, while fresh discussions take place
with Zimbabwe. Current trade with Malawi and Recommendation
Zimbabwe is conducted under the COMESA
trading arrangement. In addition, there have been i. Authorities in the respective countries should
attempts to set up a Mozambique-Malawi-Zambia endeavour to ensure that ICBTs are aware of
growth triangle aimed at enhancing trade and the provisions of the COMESA STR so that
investment among the three countries, although data and information can be obtained for the
this has not yet been accomplished. purpose of policy formulation.

38 Where goods and money are exchanged for resale.

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