Selected Works of

Wang Hongwen

1967-1976

Chunqiao Publications
Proletarians of the world, unite!
Published by Chunqiao Publications
December 2024

X/Twitter: @ChunqiaoPub
Website: Chunqiao.Pub

LONG LIVE MARXISM-LENINISM-MAOISM!

 Quotations from Chairman Mao

If our children’s generation go in for revisionism and move

towards their opposite, so that although they still nominally have
socialism it is in fact capitalism, then our grandsons will certainly
rise up in revolt and overthrow their fathers, because the masses
will not be satisfied.

In social struggles, the forces representing the advanced classes

sometimes fail, not because their thinking is incorrect, but because
the advanced forces are temporarily inferior to the reactionary
forces in terms of the balance of power in the struggle, so they fail
for the time being, but they will succeed one day in the future.
 Original Publication Note:

As the great leader Chairman Mao taught us: “The masses of people, who make
up more than ninety percent of the population, will always engage in revolution,
will always support Marxism-Leninism. They will not support revisionism.
Some may temporarily support it, but in the end, they will eventually abandon
it. They will gradually awaken, they will always oppose imperialism and the
reactionary forces of all countries, and they will always oppose revisionism.”

In recent years, an increasing number of workers and young students have

been awakened by the harsh realities of life. They have begun to spontaneously
engage with Marxism-Leninism, and their enthusiasm for study has reached
unprecedented levels. To meet the urgent need for the working class and
revolutionary youth to study Marxist-Leninist works, and to commemorate the
great labor movement leader and rebel hero Vice Chairman Wang Hongwen,
we have compiled a selection of Vice Chairman Wang’s important works from
the period of socialist revolution, based on the first edition of Selected Works
of Mao Zedong. This includes documents, manuscripts, and official records of
speeches drafted by Vice Chairman Wang and publicly published.

Due to insufficient experience and the failure to widely consult public opinion,
there may be some omissions in this publication. We kindly ask for the readers’
understanding.

Shanghai Anti-Revisionist Publishing House

Editorial Committee of Vice Chairman Wang’s Works
January 4, 2022
 Chunqiao Publications Note:

December 6th 2024, the date in which this book has been published, is exactly
89 years since the birth of Comrade Wang Hongwen.

To mark this occasion, we have translated the Selected Works of Wang

Hongwen originally published by the Shanghai Anti-Revisionist Publishing
House January 4th, 2022.

“A true Communist must act without any selfish considerations and dare to
go against the tide, fearing neither removal from his post, expulsion from the
Party, imprisonment, divorce nor guillotine.”

— Wang Hongwen
 Table of Contents
1967

The Shanghai Municipal Party Committee’s

monstrous crime of turning its guns against the
proletarian headquarters (1)

First, they brutally suppressed the revolutionary actions

of the workers and vehemently opposed the two “Five
Demands” (1)

Second, they opposed Chairman Mao and the Party Central

Committee, and fiercely resisted the Central Cultural
Revolution Group (2)

Third, they convened a Municipal Party Standing

Committee meeting to besiege Comrade Zhang Chunqiao,
viciously attacking and slandering the workers’ rebellion

This formed a countercurrent in Shanghai, which waged a

campaign against the Central Cultural Revolution (4)

Completely denounce and discredit China’s Khrushchev (8)

Greatly boost the revolutionary spirit of the people,

utterly crush the enemy’s arrogance (11)

Eliminate bad work styles (13)

Make a new leap in the revolutionary great united front. (17)

Resolutely implement the battle command of ‘struggle

against selfishness, criticize revisionism’ (20)
Comrade Wang Hongwen, a leader of the Municipal
Revolutionary Committee and main leader of the
Shanghai Workers’ General Headquarters, delivered
an important speech at the Railway Cultural Palace
Conference on the afternoon of December 22, 1967 (24)

1968

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech at the on-site meeting

at the Hudong Shipyard, mobilizing the masses for the
struggle against the enemy (42)

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech at the Changning

District Club on January 11, 1968 (46)

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech at the Shanghai ‘In-

depth Struggle Against the Enemy Conference’ (51)

1969

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech at the plenary session

of the ‘Ninth Congress’ (68)

1970

Master the Party’s policies and deeply mobilize the

masses (74)
 1973

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s report on amending the

Party Constitution at the 10th National Congress of the
Communist Party of China (92)

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech on the issue of the

Proletarian Cultural Revolution (100)

1. Why is it important to correctly understand the great

significance of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution? (100)

2. The great victory of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution (105)

1974

Wang Hongwen and Jiang Qing sent a letter to Mao

Zedong along with the compilation of “Lin Biao and the
Way of Confucius and Mencius” from Peking University
and Tsinghua University (124)

An interjection by Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao

during a military committee office meeting while
listening to reports from the three headquarters on the
situation of the “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius”
movement (excerpt) (125)

Wang Hongwen’s speech during the meeting with the

comrades from the Sichuan Dazhu Automobile Factory
study group in Beijing (128)
An interjection by Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao
during the report on the situation of the “Criticize
Lin, Criticize Confucius” movement from the three
departments (133)

An interjection by Comrades Wang Hongwen and Zhang

Chunqiao on March 15, 1974, during a report at the
Operations Department on the progress of the Criticize
Lin, Criticize Confucius movement (137)

Vice Chairman Wang Hongwen’s important telephone

instructions to Tan Qilong (143)

An interjection by Wang Hongwen and Zhang

Chunqiao during the Central Military Commission
leadership’s hearing of the report on the situation of the
“Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” movement from the
communications troops (145)

The comments by Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao

on the letter from Xie Kecheng reporting that the
“Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” movement in the
garrison area was lackluster (157)

Wang Hongwen’s speech to the leaders of the Operations

Department (158)

Wang Hongwen’s speech at the meeting on the “Criticize

Lin, Criticize Confucius” report for key enterprises in
Shandong. (161)

Wang Hongwen’s speech at the General Staff’s militia

training work symposium. (169)
An interjection by Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao
during the report at the General Staff’s militia training
work symposium (174)

1975

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech on the instructions

regarding the study of Chairman Mao’s theory (184)

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s conversation with Jiang

Qing (on the arts) (193)

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech at the Provincial

Party Committee work meeting and the meeting of
county party secretaries (203)

1976

Instructions from the central leadership on resolving the

issues of the Zhengzhou and Lanzhou Railway Bureau (214)

Instructions given by the central leadership when

meeting with the representatives attending the National
Planning Work Symposium (recorded draft) (216)

Excerpts from Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech in

Pinggu County (218)
 Appendix

The Life of Comrade Wang Hongwen (222)

Wang Hongwen’s Younger Brother Reminisces About the

Past (234)

Comrade Wang Hongwen in Prison (242)

Standard Portrait of Vice Chairman Wang (245)

1967
The Shanghai Municipal Party Committee Aimed Its Cannons at the Great
Crimes of the Proletarian Headquarters — Speech by Comrade Wang
Hongwen, Representative of the Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel
General Headquarters

Red Guard warriors, revolutionary rebel comrades, and friends:

Is the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee truly the Proletarian Headquar-

ters, or is it the Bourgeois Headquarters? The sensational ‘Anting Incident’ has
already provided a clear answer. The ‘Anting Incident’ in mid-November last
year marked the beginning of a new historical stage for the Shanghai workers’
movement. The revolutionary rebel forces of Shanghai workers were born in the
storm of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution! The revolutionary rebels across
the city and the country were filled with joy and encouragement! Amidst the
cheers of the revolutionary people, the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee,
led by Chen Puxian and Cao Diqiu, thoroughly exposed its counter-revolution-
ary nature.

In the ‘Anting Incident,’ the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee frenziedly

opposed Chairman Mao, resisted the Central Committee, turned their can-
nons towards the Central Cultural Revolution Group, attacked the Proletarian
Headquarters, and suppressed the workers’ movement and all revolutionary left
forces. The bourgeois counter-revolutionary line of the Shanghai Municipal
Party Committee has come to an end and undergone a qualitative change.

With immense anger, I expose the counter-revolutionary crimes committed by

Chen Puxian, Cao Diqiu, and their group during the ‘Anting Incident’ — their
opposition to Chairman Mao, resistance to the Central Cultural Revolution,
and their siege of Comrade Zhang Chunqiao.

First, they brutally suppressed the workers’ revolutionary actions and cra-
zily opposed the two “Five Requirements.”

In November of last year, the Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel General

Headquarters was preparing to be established, signaling the imminent climax of
the Cultural Revolution in Shanghai’s factories and enterprises. The leaders of
the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee tubbornly resisted this revolutionary

1
tide. Even before the founding conference, several worker comrades approached
Ma Tianshui, who was at Jiaotong University at the time, and Ma said he need-
ed to go back and study it further. On the eve of the conference, four worker
representatives went to Kangping Road to see Cao Diqiu. Although Cao was
clearly at the Secretariat, he claimed he was not there, and someone else came
out to block them. On the day of the conference, not a single leader from the
Municipal Party Committee went to listen to the workers’ criticisms of the
committee. Their attitude was so hostile that they intended to strangle this
revolutionary organization in its cradle.

After the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee masterminded the suppression

of the revolutionary workers in the “Anting Incident,” the Central Cultural
Revolution Group promptly sent Comrade Zhang Chunqiao to Shanghai to
correctly handle the “Anting Incident.” On November 13, Comrade Zhang
Chunqiao signed the five requirements of the Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary
Rebel General Headquarters at the Cultural Square. After returning from the
Cultural Square, Cao Diqiu, who was at the Secretariat, was very dissatisfied
and angrily said, “Are we all wrong?!” Ma Tianshui and Wang Yiping, who were
present at the time, disagreed with the signing. The next morning, Cao Diqiu
continued to complain at the Secretariat, saying, “Once Spring Bridge signs, we
are forced into a passive position!”

Second, they opposed Chairman Mao and the Central Committee, and cra-
zily resisted the Central Cultural Revolution Group.

On the 13th, after Comrade Zhang Chunqiao signed at the Cultural Square,
he called Comrade Chen Boda, who fully agreed with Zhang’s actions. On the
14th, the Central Standing Committee held a meeting and formally endorsed
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao’s handling of the matter. Two days later, the report
reached Chairman Mao, who was already informed. According to Chairman
Mao’s instructions: “It can be done first and reported later, as facts come before
concepts.” Our great leader, Chairman Mao, also agreed with Comrade Zhang
Chunqiao’s approach. This is the greatest support and most profound encour-
agement for the working class from our most revered leader!

The Shanghai Municipal Party Committee was aware of Chairman Mao’s opin-
ion, the situation at the Central Standing Committee meeting, and the attitude
of the Central Cultural Revolution Group. However, Chen Puxian, Cao Diqiu,
2
and their group, in a crazed and reckless manner, continued to resist. Just look
at the facts:

On the 13th, after signing at Cultural Square, Comrade Zhang Chunqiao

immediately called Comrade Chen Boda. Chen Puxian, the hidden master-
mind behind the scenes, personally intervened, and along with Wei Wenbo
and Cao Diqiu, made a call to Comrade Chen Boda. Chen Puxian’s attitude
was extremely hostile, repeatedly asking, “Why?” and raising many questions:
“How much power did the Central Cultural Revolution give Zhang (referring
to Comrade Zhang Chunqiao)? Why didn’t he discuss it with us?” In response
to this brazen attitude, Comrade Chen Boda sternly pointed out that Com-
rade Zhang Chunqiao should be allowed to handle the issue boldly and that
they should trust him and give him that power. Chen Puxian, Cao Diqiu, and
their group were very afraid of this statement and dared not pass it on to the
Municipal Party Committee Standing Committee. More than ten days later,
under Comrade Zhang Chunqiao’s questioning, Cao Diqiu finally said a few
words at the Standing Committee meeting. After Comrade Zhang Chunqiao
signed the second set of five requirements, Comrade Wang Li from the Central
Cultural Revolution Group called the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee to
express support. The Municipal Party Committee’s henchman—Office Direc-
tor Su Chao—took Wang Li’s phone record and openly insulted him in front of
Wang Yiping, saying, “Wang Li supporting Spring Bridge’s five requirements is
nonsense! Let the Central Cultural Revolution officials come down and handle
the issue themselves!” What kind of words are these? These are counter-revolu-
tionary shouts! And the Municipal Party Committee Secretary, Wang Yiping,
did not say a word in response to this counter-revolutionary outcry. This com-
pletely proves that you are all agents attacking the Proletarian Headquarters!

What is especially serious is that Chen Puxian, Cao Diqiu, and others had the
audacity to block the voice of our most revered leader, Chairman Mao, and
the voice of the Central Committee led by Chairman Mao. On the 14th, the
Central Standing Committee held a meeting and agreed with Comrade Zhang
Chunqiao’s handling of the matter. On the 16th, Chairman Mao issued an
important instruction, but the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee did not
convey it. By the day before Comrade Zhang Chunqiao returned to Beijing
(the 24th), it still had not been conveyed at the Municipal Party Committee
Standing Committee meeting. At that meeting, Comrade Zhang Chunqiao
questioned the Municipal Party Committee about why they had not conveyed
3
Chairman Mao’s and the Central Committee’s instructions, and he declared
Chairman Mao’s and the Central Committee’s instructions at the meeting.
During the meeting, Cao Diqiu even openly expressed his confusion, saying,
“I can follow the organization, but I don’t understand it ideologically, I have
reservations.” Comrades! Think about this for a moment—what kind of behav-
ior is this? This is an act of opposing Chairman Mao and opposing the Central
Committee! Cao Diqiu, answer this: why are you opposing Chairman Mao and
the Central Committee? You are a thoroughly counter-revolutionary revision-
ist, and that’s why you dare to act so recklessly!

Third, the Municipal Party Committee Standing Committee convened a

meeting to besiege Comrade Zhang Chunqiao, maliciously attacking and
slandering the workers’ rebel forces, creating a countercurrent in Shanghai
aimed at attacking the Central Cultural Revolution.

On the day before Comrade Zhang Chunqiao, representing the Central Cul-
tural Revolution, correctly handled the “Anting Incident” and left Shanghai,
Chen Puxian and Cao Diqiu masterminded the so-called expanded Standing
Committee meeting, implementing white terror, reversing right and wrong,
confusing black and white, and encircling the revolutionary faction, launching
an attack on Comrade Zhang Chunqiao. This was a typical case of attacking
the Proletarian Headquarters, suppressing the revolutionary masses, and im-
plementing a black meeting for the restoration of capitalism. This expanded
Standing Committee meeting clearly showed that the Shanghai Municipal Par-
ty Committee had already degenerated, rotted away, and become a tool for the
restoration of capitalism.

At the meeting, the Municipal Party Committee Secretary and the standing
committee members all directed their attacks at Comrade Zhang Chunqiao
and the Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters. Now, let us ex-
pose their black words to the public:

Cao Diqiu said foolishly: “I don’t understand this. I can accept this organiza-
tion, but why must we also write ‘the complete responsibility lies with the East
China Bureau and the Shanghai Municipal Committee’? For some undesirable
landlords, rich people, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists, we
must explain to the workers that they cannot support these people. If they do, it
will be politically detrimental to them.” This is a vicious attack on the workers’
4
ebel forces, trying to label them as counter-revolutionary! Wang Yiping said
foolishly: “That signing (the first five requirements) caught us unprepared, and
we didn’t fully understand what problems it might bring. We should have taken
the initiative rather than being passive. By taking the initiative on this issue, we
became passive on many other issues. When Comrade Chunqiao came back
that day, I felt completely surprised.”

The head of the Municipal Social Education Office, Yang Huijie, said a bunch
of nonsense: “The majority actually listens to us. They were dissatisfied with
Comrade Cao Diqiu’s response and wanted to find Comrade Zhang Chunqiao,
accusing Zhang Chunqiao of being afraid of death and selling out the interests
of the working class. The majority listens to the work team, but the work team’s
ideology has not been corrected yet.”

“The older workers in the majority have strong class feelings and deep feelings
for the Party.” (Comrade Zhang Chunqiao immediately pointed out: “We can-
not say that the rebel workers have no feelings for the Party.”) The head of the
Municipal Industrial Production Department, Zhou Bi, provocatively said: “...
Many are asking the Municipal Party Committee: Why did Zhang Chunqiao,
Han Zheyi, and Cao Diqiu sign? Does this align with the spirit of the Central
Committee’s instructions? Does it align with Chairman Mao’s thought? Does
it align with the ‘Sixteen Articles’? The questions are very sharp. ... They also
called for a mass rally of tens of thousands to denounce the Municipal Par-
ty Committee’s bourgeois reactionary line (referring to the signing of the two
sets of five requirements) and to take revolutionary action to destroy the Rebel
Headquarters. ‘We need to debate with Zhang Chunqiao.’”

The Municipal Party Committee’s Organization Minister, Yang Shifa, said:

“Factories and enterprises have their own characteristics; they are currently
engaged in the ‘Four Clean-ups,’ and the workforce is quite complex. There
are landowners, rich people, counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and right-
ists—surely there will be some people trying to overturn the case. The students
don’t understand the situation; if they don’t have a class perspective, they will
be deceived.” (Comrade Zhang Chunqiao immediately countered: “You can’t
emphasize this point. Now the students are investigating their history; don’t
underestimate their awareness.” Zhang Chunqiao also said: “Just because there
are a few bad people in an organization doesn’t mean it’s not a revolutionary or-
ganization. Even in the Communist Party of China, there are bad elements, and
5
the Central Standing Committee isn’t free from ‘monsters’ and ‘evil spirits’.”)

At the meeting, the Standing Committee member and Vice Mayor, Song Jiwen,
threatened Comrade Zhang Chunqiao with some production figures, saying:

“We must now make the most difficult preparations. Chaos means either a big,
medium, or small chaos. A small chaos, like the current situation, will affect
10% of things. A medium chaos will have a bigger impact, and a large chaos
will paralyze life. Are we afraid or not? If not, then let it chaos,” said Standing
Committee member and Vice Mayor Zhang Chengzong.

“Implementing the first and fifth requirements actually affected production.

Can we continue this way? What is the policy? Of course, we must prepare for a
big chaos ideologically.” (Comrade Zhang Chunqiao responded: “The so-called
chaos in Shanghai today is not caused by the existence of this headquarters.
We cannot confuse cause and effect. The chaos existed first, and that’s why the
headquarters came into being, not the other way around.” He further clarified:
“Acknowledging this organization is not only a constitutional issue, but also a
matter of what attitude to take towards mass organizations. If you dissolve it in
this situation, wouldn’t you be acting like Chen Duxiu?”)

At the meeting, the counter-revolutionary revisionist Yang Xiguang malicious-

ly slandered the revolutionary masses. A Standing Committee meeting indeed
exposed a grotesque scene!

Look at this: What kind of meeting are they holding? What kind of party is
holding this meeting? What are they doing? Are they carrying out the Proletar-
ian Cultural Revolution, or are they attempting a capitalist and revisionist res-
toration? Under their shouting, a black wind of attacking the Central Cultural
Revolution and “removing Zhang Chunqiao” emerged in the city.

It is evident that the “Anting Incident” exposed how the Shanghai Municipal
Party Committee, led by Chen Puxian and Cao Diqiu, had already degenerated
into a bourgeois headquarters. On such a crucial issue of right and wrong, not
a single person from the Secretariat to the Standing Committee stood with
Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, not a single person supported the Cen-
tral Cultural Revolution, and not a single person supported Comrade Zhang
Chunqiao. Against such a headquarters, guided by the reactionary lines of Liu
6
Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping, we revolutionary rebels must overthrow it, we must
smash it!

Down with the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee led by Chen Puxian and
Cao Diqiu! Anyone who opposes Chairman Mao, we will smash their heads!

(1967.01.07 Shanghai “Workers’ Rebel Newspaper”)

7
 Completely expose and discredit China’s Khrushchev

Wang Hongwen

1967.04.07

Wang Hongwen, representative of the Revolutionary Mass Organizations of

the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee, and leader of the Shanghai Workers›
Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters.

Comrade Qi Benyu’s article “Patriotism or Betrayal?” sounded the battle cry

to politically and ideologically crush the number one capitalist-road leading
faction within the Party. Comrade Qi Benyu exposed the black rhetoric of the
number one capitalist-road leading faction within the Party, fully revealing
their vile, bourgeois nature as obedient sons and grandsons. Statements such
as “China doesn’t have too much capitalism, it has too little,” “Today, capital-
ist exploitation is not only not evil, but rather commendable,” “The more ex-
ploitation, the greater the contribution, the more glorious it is,” “The working
people are not opposed to exploitation, but welcome it,” and “If there are more
capitalists and more exploitation, then we will feel comfortable,” are utterly
nonsensical logic that infuriates the working class. These are the words of a true
bourgeois agent, a complete sycophant!

Our great leader Chairman Mao earnestly warned us: “We must be especially
vigilant against personal opportunists and conspirators like Khrushchev,
and prevent such bad people from seizing leadership at all levels of the
Party and the country.”

The number one capitalist-road leading faction within the Party is exactly the
kind of personal opportunist and conspirator like Khrushchev. We, the working
class, are the masters of the country. We are most concerned with the future
and destiny of our great motherland, and with ensuring that our country never
changes its color. We will never allow such ambitious schemers and conspira-
tors to continue deceiving people. We must resolutely pull down this Chinese
Khrushchev, push him aside, and thoroughly expose him!

8
We must expose his use of power behind Chairman Mao’s back, gathering par-
ty allies, and plotting a nationwide capitalist restoration conspiracy. We will
thoroughly defeat and discredit his party allies in Shanghai. We must com-
pletely dismantle the bourgeois reactionary line he proposed and vigorously
promoted, and thoroughly expose the heinous crimes committed by him and
his party allies during the Shanghai Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must
fully reveal his decades of reactionary words and actions, expose his past, and
settle accounts with him. In particular, we must settle the score for his and his
allies’ crimes in serving the reactionary bourgeoisie in Shanghai, persecuting the
working class in Shanghai.

We must thoroughly criticize his poisonous counter-revolutionary writings,

such as his anti-revolutionary, anti-class struggle, anti-proletarian power sei-
zure, anti-proletarian dictatorship, and anti-Mao Zedong Thought treatise Cul-
tivation, and completely eradicate its poisonous influence in Shanghai.

Chairman Mao taught us: “Whatever the enemy opposes, we must support;
whatever the enemy supports, we must oppose.”

We have recognized the false revolutionary and counter-revolutionary nature

of China’s Khrushchev’s bourgeois reactionary line. We must more firmly car-
ry out Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line and engage in a sharp
struggle against China’s Khrushchev. He sows discord and encourages mass
struggle against the masses, but we will resolutely implement Chairman Mao’s
instructions and carry out the great unity of the proletarian revolutionaries. He
seeks to protect his counter-revolutionary revisionist followers and engages in
“attacking the masses while protecting a small clique,” but we will resolutely fol-
low Chairman Mao’s cadre policy, uniting the majority and targeting the small
clique. He uses a bourgeois worldview, hypocritical philosophy, and decadent
lifestyle to corrupt us, but we will resolutely adhere to Chairman Mao’s teach-
ings, always maintaining a revolutionary style of humility, caution, avoiding
arrogance and rashness, and struggling hard.

Chairman Mao taught us: “Revolutionary war is a war of the masses; only by
mobilizing the masses can we wage war, and only by relying on the masses
can we wage war.” We must launch a mass criticism campaign to discredit Chi-
na’s Khrushchev, one that engages everyone in thinking, speaking, and writing.
We, the Shanghai working class, deeply admire our great leader Chairman Mao
9
and passionately love the invincible thought of Mao Zedong. Chairman Mao is
the greatest Marxist-Leninist of our time, the great mentor of world revolution,
and the brightest, most brilliant red sun in our hearts. Mao Zedong Thought
is the pinnacle of contemporary Marxism-Leninism, the highest and most liv-
ing form of Marxism-Leninism. When the number one bourgeois agent in the
Party opposes Chairman Mao and Mao Zedong Thought, we will thoroughly
defeat him, thoroughly discredit him, and ensure that he can never rise again!

(Published in People’s Daily on April 7, 1967)

10
 Greatly boost the revolutionary spirit of the
people and utterly crush the enemy’s arrogance

Wang Hongwen

1967.06.18

Wang Hongwen, leader of the Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel General

Headquarters

Exciting news arrives: Our first hydrogen bomb has successfully exploded! This
is yet another great victory of the boundless thought of Mao Zedong! It is an-
other brilliant achievement of the unprecedented Proletarian Cultural Revolu-
tion! The revolutionary rebels of Shanghai’s working class are cheering this great
victory with the utmost enthusiasm!

Our most revered great leader Chairman Mao said: “The wealth of society is
created by workers, peasants, and intellectual laborers themselves. As long as
these people take control of their own destiny, and follow a Marxist-Leninist
path, not avoiding problems but addressing them with a proactive attitude,
any difficulty in the world can be solved.” Under the radiant guidance of the
invincible thought of Mao Zedong, and with Chairman Mao’s revolutionary
line directing us, we have finally overcome all the difficulties in producing the
hydrogen bomb and have achieved ahead of schedule the great call of our great
leader Chairman Mao to develop atomic and hydrogen bombs.

The successful explosion of our country’s first hydrogen bomb has greatly
boosted the revolutionary spirit of the world’s people and utterly crushed the
arrogance of the imperialists, revisionists, and reactionaries. This great victory
has strongly supported the Vietnamese people, who are bravely engaged in the
anti-American and national salvation war, and has supported the Arab people,
who are resisting the imperialist aggression of the United States, Britain, and
their tool, Israel. This great victory is a heavy blow to imperialism, modern re-
visionism, and reactionaries in all countries.

11
At the critical moment when our country’s Proletarian Cultural Revolution is
entering its final decisive battle, the successful explosion of the first hydrogen
bomb is an immense encouragement to the proletarian revolutionaries nation-
wide and a powerful blow to the small clique of capitalist-roaders in power
within the Party. The successful explosion of the first hydrogen bomb has also
greatly strengthened our national defense and further consolidated our coun-
try’s proletarian dictatorship.

At the critical moment when our country’s Proletarian Cultural Revolution is

entering its final decisive battle, the successful explosion of the first hydrogen
bomb is an immense encouragement to the proletarian revolutionaries nation-
wide and a powerful blow to the small clique of capitalist-roaders in power
within the Party. The successful explosion of the first hydrogen bomb has also
greatly strengthened our national defense and further consolidated our coun-
try’s proletarian dictatorship.

In the favorable situation in Shanghai, the proletarian revolutionaries have risen

to a new high point in actively learning and applying Chairman Mao’s works.
Guided by Mao Zedong Thought, Shanghai’s Cultural Revolution has entered
a new phase. The workers’ revolutionary faction in Shanghai is actively im-
plementing the decision of the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee, “Fight to
Strengthen the Proletarian Dictatorship,” and raising the great red flag of Mao
Zedong Thought even higher. They are further advancing the revolutionary
mass criticism, promoting the revolutionary great unity and the “three combin-
ing” of the revolution, and carrying out struggle, criticism, and transformation
in their respective units. During this joyous nationwide celebration, we are de-
termined to further learn and apply Chairman Mao’s works, stand shoulder to
shoulder with the proletarian revolutionaries across the country, and fight for
the complete victory of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution!

(Published in People’s Daily on June 18, 1967)

12
 Eliminate bad work styles

Wang Hongwen

1967.07.12

Editor’s Note: Chairman Mao teaches us: It is essential to guide the petty-bour-
geois ideology within our ranks onto the path of the proletarian revolution.
This is a key issue for achieving victory in the Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

As the Proletarian Cultural Revolution continues to deepen, bourgeois and

petty-bourgeois ideological styles such as anarchism, individualism, subjectiv-
ism, sectarianism, and factionalism have been exposed in some revolutionary
mass organizations, particularly among certain leaders. These ideologies disrupt
Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line and affect the overall direction
of the struggle. Overcoming these erroneous thoughts is an important issue
currently faced by the proletarian revolutionary faction.

The most effective way to overcome petty-bourgeois ideology and guide it onto
the path of proletarian revolution is to conduct criticism and self-criticism ear-
nestly through rectification, arming our minds with Mao Zedong Thought.
Only in this way can our ranks truly become a highly proletarianized, highly
militant revolutionary force, capable of achieving complete victory in the Pro-
letarian Cultural Revolution.

After a year of the Cultural Revolution, we, the Shanghai Workers’ Revolution-
ary Rebel Faction, have assumed a position of power. This change in political
status has led to two developments within our ranks: the majority of comrades,
guided by Mao Zedong Thought, have continually transformed their world-
views, raised their ideological consciousness, and maintained close ties with the
masses. However, some comrades have experienced shifts in their ideological
style.

Some comrades have developed an arrogant attitude, considering themselves

part of the left while being unwilling to listen to the opinions of the masses,
particularly differing opinions. They are quick to label others as “counter-
13
revolutionary,” “old conservatives overturning the order,” or “opponents of
power seizure.” Some cling stubbornly to their own “faction,” saying things
like, “I hold the power, so even the united front must follow me.”

Some comrades fail to evaluate cadres according to Chairman Mao’s cadre poli-
cies, instead using personal likes and dislikes as the standard for whether some-
one can be included. Others exhibit severe anarchism, rejecting proletarian or-
ganization and discipline, and acting recklessly as they please.

The existence of these undesirable tendencies has interfered with the revolu-
tionary great unity and the “three combines,” hindered the in-depth develop-
ment of mass criticism, obstructed the focus on revolution and production, and
weakened and damaged the revolutionary organization’s combat effectiveness.

To remain loyal to Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, we must focus on the

transformation of our worldview. Chairman Mao said, “The transformation of
the worldview is a fundamental change.” We must never think that because the
revolutionary rebels have taken power, the proletarian worldview has already
been established, and there is no longer any need for further ideological trans-
formation. On the contrary, the change in political status places even higher
demands on our ideological transformation. In the past, when we were not in
power, the influence of errors was somewhat less significant. Now that we are
in power, if we do not pay attention to transforming the bourgeois and pet-
ty-bourgeois thoughts in our minds, they will stubbornly manifest and interfere
with the proletarian revolutionary line.

Chairman Mao teaches us: We must be skilled at guiding the petty-bourgeois

thoughts within our ranks onto the path of proletarian revolution. This is a key
issue for achieving victory in the Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We must
always remember Chairman Mao’s teachings, focus on transforming our worl-
dview, thoroughly break the bourgeois worldview, establish the proletarian
worldview, and uphold the absolute authority of Mao Zedong Thought in our
minds.

Carrying out rectification and engaging in criticism and self-criticism is an

effective method for transforming our worldview. Chairman Mao said, “We
have criticism and self-criticism, this Marxist-Leninist weapon. We can get
rid of undesirable practices and maintain good practices.” The view that
14
one’s actions and ideas are perfect and correct, and that there is no need for crit-
icism and self-criticism, is erroneous. It contradicts the epistemology of Marx-
ism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.

We, the proletarian revolutionaries, have accomplished many good things and
made significant contributions during this Cultural Revolution. However, we
must never consider ourselves the leftist elites, put on airs, speak bureaucratical-
ly, or become arrogant. We must always remember Chairman Mao’s teaching:
“Modesty makes progress, while arrogance leads to regression.” The reason
we were able to seize power from the small clique of capitalist-roaders within
the Party was not because of any single individual or a few people, nor was it
through fists and sticks. It was due to the invincible Mao Zedong Thought and
the broad revolutionary masses armed with Mao Zedong Thought.

Similarly, after assuming power, we should remain humble and cautious, avoid
arrogance and impatience, listen to the masses’ opinions, accept their criticisms,
and always be the students of the people. Only in this way can we continual-
ly shed the political “microbes” that have tainted us, gain the support of the
masses, and remain forever loyal to Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. If our
comrades become complacent on this issue, detach from the masses, or even
begin to suppress them, we will eventually make mistakes in our direction and
our line.

Of course, mutual criticism within the revolutionary faction should be con-

structive, gentle, and based on the desire for unity. Chairman Mao pointed
out: “Criticism of the people’s shortcomings is necessary... but it must be
from the true standpoint of the people, with a sincere passion to protect
and educate the people. If comrades are treated as enemies, it is as if one is
standing on the enemy’s side.”

We strongly oppose personal attacks, emotional outbursts, venting personal

grievances, or seeking revenge. We also oppose indiscriminate criticism, where
distinctions between the main forces and secondary forces are ignored, and
where one’s opponent is struck down without proper consideration. Such ac-
tions only cause pain to friends and pleasure to enemies.

Through a year of struggle, we have deeply realized: as long as we adhere to Mao

Zedong Thought and firmly stand on Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, we
15
will achieve victory and move forward rapidly. However, as soon as we deviate,
even slightly, from Mao Zedong Thought and Chairman Mao’s revolutionary
line, we will make mistakes and face setbacks and failures.

We, the proletarian revolutionaries, must closely follow Chairman Mao. We

must strive to study Chairman Mao’s works, arm ourselves with Mao Zedong
Thought, and constantly combat the bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideologies
in our minds. We must build our ranks into a highly revolutionary, scientific,
and organized force that raises the great red flag of Mao Zedong Thought.

(Published in People’s Daily on July 12, 1967)

16
 Make a new leap in the revolutionary great united front

Wang Hongwen

1967.09.20

Currently, the situation of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution across the coun-
try is extremely favorable! The situation in Shanghai is also excellent and con-
tinuing to improve. With the momentum of the revolutionary mass criticism,
the two factions of workers in districts such as Zhabei, Yangpu, and Putuo
in Shanghai have already united. Other districts, units, and factories are also
actively preparing to achieve the revolutionary great united front. More than
8,000 factories in the city, representing over 83% of the total, have already re-
alized the revolutionary great united front. Now, the proletarian revolutionaries
and the broad masses of workers in the city are actively creating conditions
with the greatest revolutionary enthusiasm, preparing for a new leap in the
revolutionary great united front. They are welcoming the 18th anniversary of
the great founding of the People’s Republic of China in the new high tide of the
revolutionary great united front.

Our great leader Chairman Mao has issued the latest instruction to us: within
the working class, there are no fundamental conflicts of interest. Under the pro-
letarian dictatorship, there is even less reason for the working class to be divided
into two opposing factions. This is a great battle command, the greatest care,
love, trust, and support for our working class. Let us cheer again and again:
Long live Chairman Mao! Long, long live Chairman Mao!

We, the proletarian revolutionaries, must unconditionally carry out Chairman

Mao’s latest instruction, immediately unite to carry out the revolution, unite to
promote production, and unite to build an indestructible Great Wall. Let the
imperialists, revisionists, reactionaries, and all the “monsters and ghosts” have
nowhere to hide and tremble before our powerful strength! Let them perish!

Within our working class, there are no fundamental conflicts of interest. Stir-
ring up divisions and engaging in armed struggle is by no means a “revolution-
ary action,” but rather falling into the trap set by the class enemy. The class
17
enemies are creating divisions among workers and taking advantage of the cha-
os. We must not be deceived. As long as we achieve the revolutionary great
united front, we will expose the enemies.

But why are some factories, enterprises, and institutions unable to unite? Some
say, “You are the conservatives, your general direction is wrong, you cannot
unite.” This reasoning does not align with the current situation. After more
than a year of the Cultural Revolution, and after a thorough exposure and crit-
icism of the bourgeois reactionary line, the vast majority of the workers who
were once misled by conservative organizations have returned to Chairman
Mao’s revolutionary line. Now, in Shanghai, the conservative organizations are
extremely few. In factories, the two opposing mass organizations are, by and
large, revolutionary organizations, and the general direction of most of them is
correct. They should all unite.

Revolutionary history is advancing, and the masses are always revolutionary.

The leaders of the various revolutionary mass organizations must set an example
for the great revolutionary united front. If the leaders’ thoughts are unclear, the
broad masses of workers should push for the great united front. If the leaders
are stubborn and unyielding, then the broad masses of workers should remove
this obstacle and initiate the great united front on their own

Some say, “We have significant differences between the two factions, and our
emotions are at odds, so we cannot unite.” The various revolutionary organiza-
tions within our worker ranks should not divide into “East factions” or “West
factions.” We only have one “family,” and that is Marxism-Leninism and Mao
Zedong Thought. We should not divide into “Zhang factions” or “Li factions,”
as we are all one faction—the proletarian revolutionary faction. The working
class has one root and one vine, we share the same fate, breathe the same air,
and are united in heart. Under Chairman Mao’s leadership, we are carrying out
the Cultural Revolution and socialist construction. So, what opposing emo-
tions cannot be eliminated? What contradictions cannot be resolved? What
reason is there not to unite?

Some say, “After you check your mistakes, then I will unite with you.” This is
also an erroneous way of thinking. Revolutionary mass organizations should
seek great unity and tolerate small differences. We, the working class, should
have broad hearts, be lenient towards others and strict with ourselves, focus on
18
the general direction of others, think about their strengths, find our own short-
comings, and engage in more self-criticism.

Revolutionary organizations should wipe the slate clean of past grievances.

Holding grudges against our class brothers is an act of revenge. If we need to
settle scores, those scores should all be directed at the class enemies, the bour-
geois reactionary line, and at the small clique of capitalist-roaders within the
Party, headed by China’s Khrushchev. We must unite and launch a massive
criticism and struggle against them.

Some organizations are always trying to overpower or eliminate the other fac-
tion. They seize upon the other side’s shortcomings or mistakes, exaggerate
them endlessly, and focus on one aspect while ignoring the rest, hoping to use
this to destroy the other side and achieve “unification.” This is impossible and
absolutely unacceptable. Such actions are an obstacle to the great united front.
Every revolutionary organization must face reality, be pragmatic, and dare to
acknowledge that the other side is also part of the revolutionary faction. Since
we recognize that their general direction is correct, we should boldly acknowl-
edge this and actively pursue the great united front.

We, the working class, are like brothers, sharing common love and common
hatred. What we love endlessly is our great leader Chairman Mao, the great
Communist Party of China, the great People’s Liberation Army, and our great
socialist motherland. What we hate is imperialism, headed by the United States,
modern revisionism, led by the Soviet Communist Party, the small clique of
capitalist-roaders in the Party, and all class enemies.

We are fully capable and confident in exposing the class enemies’ conspiracy
to divide the workers’ ranks, clearing the harmful influence of the bourgeois
reactionary line, removing all kinds of obstacles, overcoming all difficulties, and
immediately achieving the revolutionary great united front.

(Published in People’s Daily on September 20, 1967)

19
 Resolutely implement the battle command of
“struggle against selfishness, criticize revisionism”

Wang Hongwen

1967.10.03

Wang Hongwen of the Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel General Head-

quarters

The sound of songs reverberates through the sky, and good news is being fre-
quently delivered. The hundreds of millions of people across the country, filled
with revolutionary passion, are celebrating the 18th anniversary of the founding
of the great People’s Republic of China, and warmly cheering the brilliant victo-
ries achieved in the Proletarian Cultural Revolution. On this glorious day, our
vice commander-in-chief, Comrade Lin Biao, conveyed the latest battle com-
mand from our most revered great leader Chairman Mao: “Struggle against
selfishness, criticize revisionism.”

We, the proletarian revolutionaries of Shanghai, and our worker comrades, res-
olutely carry out Chairman Mao’s great instruction, following it uncondition-
ally, one thousand times, ten thousand times.

The fundamental task of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, personally ini-

tiated and led by our great leader Chairman Mao, is not only to deeply and
thoroughly criticize and overthrow the small clique of capitalist-roaders within
the Party, along with the various revisionist fallacies they propagate, but also
to struggle against the “selfishness” within our own minds, to seize the power
of “selfishness,” to transform people’s souls, and to promote the revolution of
thought. We must establish the absolute authority of Mao Zedong Thought
and let Mao Zedong Thought occupy all positions.

Struggling against selfishness and criticizing revisionism are interconnected.

Only by struggling against selfishness can we overcome the petty-bourgeois
factionalism and establish the proletarian party spirit, thus carrying out the

20
criticism of revisionism effectively. Only by struggling against selfishness can we
use the proletarian worldview to defeat the bourgeois worldview. Whether or
not one dares to struggle against selfishness is the touchstone for distinguishing
true proletarian revolutionaries from counterfeit ones. We must use the struggle
against selfishness to ensure the criticism of revisionism, and use the criticism of
revisionism to promote the struggle against selfishness, in order to achieve the
complete victory of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution.

The most powerful weapon for “struggling against selfishness and criticizing re-
visionism” is the invincible thought of Mao Zedong. After more than a year of
the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the largest small clique of capitalist-road-
ers within the Party and their agents in Shanghai have been exposed. Chairman
Mao’s revolutionary line has deeply penetrated people’s hearts, and the absolute
authority of Mao Zedong Thought has been established. This is the greatest
achievement and a huge contribution to the international communist move-
ment.

Looking back to last year’s National Day, the agents of China’s Khrushchev in
Shanghai were still complacent, arrogant, and seemingly invincible. However, it
was not long before these seemingly powerful figures were all brought down by
us, the proletarian revolutionaries, in the revolutionary storm, and were struck
down to the ground.

Under the guidance of Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line and with
the support of the People’s Liberation Army, the proletarian revolutionaries in
Shanghai have established a temporary power structure based on the revolu-
tionary “three combines.” They have firmly grasped the seal of the proletarian
dictatorship in their hands, creating a thriving new situation and achieving new
victories in “grasping revolution, promoting production!”

In the course of this earth-shaking and great struggle, we, the proletarian revo-
lutionaries, have also been greatly tempered and strengthened both ideological-
ly and organizationally. This is an outstanding achievement. Just as the sea relies
on the helmsman to navigate, all things grow with the sun, and in revolution,
it is Mao Zedong Thought that guides us.

The achievements are numerous, but the most fundamental and important one
is that Mao Zedong Thought, the invincible force of victory, has been widely
21
spread across the entire country, and the political consciousness of our revo-
lutionary people has been unprecedentedly raised. We, the working class in
Shanghai, following Chairman Mao’s teachings that “the struggle of the pro-
letariat and revolutionary people to transform the world includes the task of
transforming both the objective world and our own subjective world,” and fol-
lowing Vice Chairman Lin’s directive, “We must see ourselves as part of the
revolution while constantly considering ourselves as objects of the revolution,”
have not only fought against the small clique of capitalist-roaders within the
Party, but also fought fiercely against the “selfishness” in our own minds. We
have carried out a revolution deep within our souls and launched a mass move-
ment to study Chairman Mao’s works with the spirit of rectification.

Study classes for Chairman Mao’s works have been widely organized in var-
ious units, and many grassroots organizations have gradually formed a good
atmosphere of reading Mao’s works daily, studying eagerly as if starving for
knowledge. Many comrades have put their learning into practice, firmly im-
plementing it in action, striving to overcome petty-bourgeois factionalism,
and strengthening the proletarian party spirit. This has allowed them to closely
follow Chairman Mao’s grand strategic plans, eliminate influences from both
“left” and right sides, and firmly grasp the overall direction of the struggle.

Recently, our great leader Chairman Mao visited Shanghai, and this is our
greatest happiness and honor. The working class listens most attentively to
Chairman Mao’s words; whatever Chairman Mao says, we follow. Based on
Chairman Mao’s latest instructions, we have rapidly initiated a new high point
in the revolutionary great united front. The proletarian revolutionaries in the
ten districts under the Workers’ General Headquarters have already achieved
the revolutionary great united front. The revolutionary mass criticism, the rev-
olutionary three combines, the struggle, criticism, and transformation in our
respective units, and the focus on revolution and production have all seen new
advances. This is the glorious victory of Chairman Mao’s latest instructions and
the result of extensively studying Chairman Mao’s works.

We must broaden our vision and look to the future, advancing with unwaver-
ing determination. We must use Mao Zedong Thought to further elevate our
political consciousness, resolutely “struggle against selfishness, criticize revision-
ism,” completely eradicate petty-bourgeois factionalism, thoroughly eliminate
selfishness, and firmly establish public-mindedness, achieving a revolution in
22
thought. We must closely follow Chairman Mao’s grand strategic plans, riding
the favorable wind of the revolutionary situation, and march forward with bold
determination.

(Published in People’s Daily on October 3, 1967)

23
The important speech delivered by Comrade Wang Hongwen, a leading
member of the Municipal Revolutionary Committee and a key leader
of the Workers’ General Headquarters, at the mass meeting held at the
Railway Cultural Palace on the afternoon of December 22, 1967

Comrades and fellow fighters:

I am very pleased to attend this conference today. I am glad to see that the vast
number of rebels and revolutionary comrades in the railway system have done
a lot of work in various areas, such as advancing the revolution and promoting
production. Especially given the current tense situation in railway transporta-
tion, holding such a meeting today is, in our view, extremely necessary. This
meeting will help us better accomplish the passenger and freight transportation
tasks within the railway system.

I have not prepared a speech today but would like to share a few points based
on my personal observations:

First, I want to address the issues that comrades are most concerned about,
namely, the current situation of the railway and how to handle the ongoing
struggle. Additionally, I would like to talk about a few issues related to imple-
menting the directives of the Shanghai Workers’ Delegates’ Conference.

This Workers’ Delegates’ Conference has just concluded, and all sectors, in-
dustries, and systems are working to further implement its spirit. This includes
ensuring that the message of congratulations sent to us by the Central Cultural
Revolution Group is thoroughly disseminated and implemented among the
broad revolutionary rebel forces and revolutionary workers.

I believe that through the implementation of this Workers’ Delegates’ Confer-

ence, we will witness a new leap forward in Shanghai’s efforts to advance the
revolution and promote production. This will lay a solid foundation for next
year’s production and revolutionary work.

First, I want to talk about how to further implement the spirit of the Shanghai
Workers’ Delegates’ Conference ideologically and organizationally. The pur-
pose of holding this Workers’ Delegates’ Conference in Shanghai was to further
carry out, both in thought and action, the latest instructions from our great
24
leader Chairman Mao.

This conference also aimed to strengthen and enhance the leadership team. Ad-
ditionally, it sought to further purify our class ranks through this gathering. The
primary task of the Workers’ Delegates’ Conference is to promote the in-depth
study and application of Chairman Mao’s works. This must be placed above all
else, take precedence over everything, and hold the utmost importance in all
our work.

Particularly, the latest important instructions issued by Chairman Mao during

his inspections of North China, Central South China, and East China regarding
the Cultural Revolution must be resolutely implemented and carried out with-
out compromise. Therefore, this Workers’ Delegates’ Conference emphasized
the importance of translating this series of instructions into concrete actions.

In this regard, I would like to share some of my personal thoughts on the vari-
ous departments within the railway system.

Regarding the “Iron Alliance”, generally speaking, under the efforts of the broad
revolutionary rebels and revolutionary workers, good progress has been made in
this area. In particular, some stations and sections are organizing various study
sessions and study groups, which we believe is an excellent approach.

However, we must also recognize that some comrades have not prioritized
studying as they should. For instance, I remember discussing this issue with the
standing committee members of the “Iron Alliance” back in June. I told them
that no matter how busy their work gets, they must place studying as their top
priority. Yet, based on our inspections and observations, these standing com-
mittee members have not truly dedicated themselves to study, and as a result,
various problems have emerged in their work.

We have noticed that the rank-and-file rebel fighters are studying better than
their leaders. Therefore, during this Workers’ Delegates’ Conference, we em-
phasized that the top priority is to elevate the study of Chairman Mao’s works.
Without this, our team and our organization will not have long-term vitality.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao once told us, “What should your team and orga-
nization focus on? First, you must focus on ideological education. Second, you
25
must focus on class struggle. If you fail to prioritize these two aspects, your
organization will not last long.”

Thus, we believe that placing the study of Chairman Mao’s works at the fore-
front of all tasks is critical in the current situation. Mao Zedong Thought is the
soul of all work. Without it, progress is impossible. This is indeed the case: any
unit or comrade who excels in studying and applying Chairman Mao’s works
effectively will also excel in their work. Whether it is revolution or production,
they will manage both effectively.

If a comrade or department does not study Chairman Mao’s works or even

neglects to prioritize such study, various problems are bound to arise in that
department, some of which may be quite serious. In our “Iron Alliance” and
the railway system, we have experienced many such lessons. Therefore, I believe
that it is extremely important at present to prioritize studying Chairman Mao’s
works and implementing his latest instructions.

I hope comrades can follow the guidance of Vice Chairman Lin, who taught
us to study Chairman Mao’s works in a practical way—study and apply them,
integrate study with application, learn what is urgently needed, and see im-
mediate results. This must be achieved. Currently, some comrades fail to heed
this principle. Over minor issues, they create a huge fuss, even to the point of
triggering internal conflicts or causing bloodshed.

I believe the contradictions in the railway system can only be resolved through
studying Chairman Mao’s works. Some comrades suggest sending two repre-
sentatives from the Workers’ General Headquarters (or even myself ) to address
these issues, but that won’t solve the root problems. The key lies in relying
on the broad revolutionary rebel forces and the mass of revolutionary workers
within the railway system. Through studying Chairman Mao’s works and using
his supreme instructions, we can solve the problems in the railway system.

Thus, the first main task of our Workers’ Delegates’ Conference is to focus
on studying Chairman Mao’s works. The second task is to firmly grasp class
struggle. This has been repeatedly emphasized by Comrade Zhang Chunqiao.
Without focusing on class struggle, production cannot succeed. In the past, we
proposed “taking class struggle as the key link.” Now we propose “taking the
struggle against selfishness and criticism of revisionism as the key link.” Some
26
comrades claim these are contradictory, but I argue they are not at all. Isn’t the
struggle against selfishness and revisionism part of class struggle?

Therefore, we must firmly, intensively, and thoroughly grasp class struggle,

which is particularly important at this stage. I would like to briefly address
the situation regarding class struggle across the city. Overall, the situation in
Shanghai is excellent and improving steadily. Recently, we have observed signif-
icant progress. Why do I say this? Because after over a year of the Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, we have established our temporary power structure and
seized power from the handful of capitalist roaders in authority.

Over the past year, the struggle has gradually deepened, and we have gradually
uncovered and exposed the handful of capitalist roaders hidden within our Par-
ty and government, as well as traitors, spies, and others. For example, recently
in October, a group of rebels within the Rural Political Department rose up
to rebel. Previously, that department had claimed that some cadres could be
rehabilitated and that others had minor issues. As a result, they protected some,
concealed others, and kept everything hidden without exposing the problems.
Some even proposed rehabilitating these individuals.

Before October, many comrades observed that some members of the Rural
Political Department were not speaking up for the rebels but instead protecting
others at every turn. We had made suggestions about this, but since we didn’t
have much concrete evidence, they were not cooperative. So, we decided to wait
and see. In October, some comrades, realizing that such actions were wrong,
rose up in rebellion. After the rebellion, five traitors were exposed. Among those
who were previously proposed for rehabilitation was Liu Jie, who now appears
to need to be overthrown.

After March and April of this year, Liu Jie became very active. For example, in
Nanhui, he claimed that Li Jun was the best county Party secretary among ten
counties. As a result, some members of the masses believed him, were misled,
and began protecting him. This protection led to genuine revolutionaries being
labeled as conservatives. In Fengxian, he claimed that Cao Hanlin was the best
county Party secretary, again deceiving some comrades into protecting him,
further exacerbating the issue. Similar problems occurred in Qingpu. Wherever
Liu Jie went, these issues followed.

27
However, after some rural rebels rose up, these individuals’ true colors were
completely exposed. This has already been reported in our rebel newspaper.

This is one example. Another example involves the former Organization Min-
ister of the old Municipal Party Committee, Yang Shifa. This old man was
preparing to rehabilitate certain cadres before October, believing some were
relatively good and could be integrated. However, after being confronted by the
students from Jiaotong University, he was unable to proceed with the rehabil-
itation, as it became clear that this individual had serious issues. Upon further
investigation, it was revealed that this so-called Organization Minister wasn’t
even a Party member—he was a traitor.

Recently, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions also exposed a group of in-
dividuals. Initially, they uncovered just under three hundred people, and among
them, several traitors and spies were found. This includes figures like Zhang Qi,
who was a leading figure, as well as Shi Huizhen, Zhou Bingkun, and others.
None of the members from the old Party organization were clean—some had
joined the underground Party before liberation, but had been captured by the
enemy, betrayed, and defected; some had appeared to be Communist Party
members before liberation but were actually spies; others had secretly contin-
ued their espionage activities after liberation.

These revelations highlight a key issue: class struggle is extremely complex and
intense. The investigation into the old municipal federation of trade unions
has exposed a large group of spies and traitors. From what we know, there
are still more serious issues to uncover, including current counter-revolution-
aries. Recently, we uncovered an individual who, during the Proletarian Cul-
tural Revolution, was sending information about our situation to Hong Kong
and Taiwan. Some of these people were previously known as “white-skinned,
red-hearted”—meaning they had been in the underground Party, had a “red
heart” but a “white skin,” implying they were loyal in appearance but not in
substance. In reality, these individuals had a “white heart” too—they were all
the same, and they had infiltrated our ranks.

If we look at the former East China Bureau, we can discuss with comrades how
many of those within it were genuinely trustworthy. Most of the cadres there
were at least at level 15 or 16, and starting from Wei Wenbo, down the list, it
seems most of them had problems.
28
Therefore, we must recognize that class struggle is gradually deepening, and
these individuals are being uncovered by the broad proletarian revolutionary
forces. However, the more they are exposed, the more desperately they will
struggle to survive. This is also the case within the railway system. Thus, we
must ensure that the broad masses unite and fight together against the enemy.

Today, as I speak here, I am not talking about which faction is good or bad.
I am not here to represent any faction, nor do I know which faction is better
or worse—perhaps I haven’t investigated enough. In general, I believe that the
vast majority of revolutionary rebels and workers should unite. The stronger
our unity, the more the enemy will fear us. We should not allow ourselves to be
divided. The more we are divided, the happier the enemy will be, because they
will find opportunities to exploit our divisions. If we don’t act, they will act.

Let me give you an example from the railway system, one that I had not planned
to mention but feel is necessary given the current situation at the railway bu-
reau. Believe it or not, someone within the railway system actually sent a spy
to the Yangtze River Bridge. It was that person, Yan Zhaoxiong! In fact, Yan
Zhaoxiong is not just a spy; he attempted to sabotage the Yangtze River Bridge.
Comrades, think about it—whoever sent him there should be held responsi-
ble, right? (The crowd responds in unison: “Right!”) Isn’t this a matter of class
struggle? It certainly is!

So, we should never forget class struggle, no matter when or where we are! Yan
Zhaoxiong has been in custody for over a month, and I personally took action
to apprehend him. Now, comrades know that he not only attempted to destroy
the Yangtze River Bridge, but he was also gathering military intelligence in
Nanjing and other places across the country, and we have seized the materials.
Can you believe this? Some comrades actually treated this person as a trusted
ally and sent him to a key department.

What does this tell us? Of course, some comrades lack class consciousness and
fail to see the sharp and complex nature of class struggle. But we should also
recognize that some comrades were fully aware of his true nature. Some even
knew exactly who he was! This person was a member of our Railway Alliance’s
decision-making group. Comrades, think about it—what kind of decisions
could such a person help make? It’s very complicated. Some of our comrades
were even bribed by him, accepting money and material things. He used money
29
and material goods to corrupt us, and some of our comrades even accepted
cigarettes brought from the United States. (The speaker’s voice becomes unclear
as a few words are missed.) You all know who used to smoke those kinds of
cigarettes.

From what I understand, the class struggle within our railway system is far
from smooth—it’s much more complex than in some other departments. As
I know, we had military intelligence agents from the Kuomintang, like those
from the Military Intelligence Bureau and the Central Intelligence Bureau, di-
rectly managed by the Nationalist government. Even after more than ten years
of liberation, a small group of capitalist roaders have continued to hold power
within our railway system.

I want to give another example, and some comrades might not want to hear it,
but I believe it’s beneficial to mention this example. Comrades, do you remem-
ber the armed struggle at the South Station on August 25th? Some comrades
participated in that struggle. I’m not blaming these comrades, nor do I have
any reason to blame them. You didn’t fully understand the situation there, so
we need to clarify this issue. What kind of person was Yu Baohua? Yu Baohua
was a very bad reactionary family member. Some of you may know more about
him than I do. He had two fathers—one was captured by us, and the other was
executed by us.

At the time of the armed struggle at the South Station, we know that there was
an old worker who had met Chairman Mao three times. I spoke to him person-
ally. He was an old worker who had met Mao, yet someone took a spear and
stabbed him, saying, “I’ll let you meet Chairman Mao again.” Comrades, let’s
think about this. This was an old worker who had met Chairman Mao three
times and had deep feelings for him. Yes, he might have had flaws during the
Cultural Revolution movement, but he was still an old worker who had been
received by Chairman Mao three times. But yet, someone, while stabbing him,
said, “I’ll let you meet Chairman Mao again.” I’ll tell you, this person hasn’t
been caught yet, but we will catch him in the future.

Through multiple investigations, we found that the people who were hurt the
most in that struggle were actually the group leaders who supervised the “four
types of people” (counter-revolutionaries, rightists, capitalists, and bad ele-
ments). Comrades, if you have time, you should visit South Station and see for
30
yourselves who these people are. The two people who were the most seriously
injured can tell you exactly who they are. This shows that the class struggle
within the railway system is very complex and intense. Over 250 people were
injured, most of them were old workers. That was the second time in Shanghai
that shots were fired during an armed struggle. Comrade Zhou Guoting fired
three shots into the air. Comrades, I’ve never spoken about this before, but was
it just a coincidence? I don’t think so. And this incident isn’t an isolated one.

I’m not criticizing anyone in particular, nor am I trying to flatter anyone. But
this is a reality that exists, and I have to talk about it. Comrades, think about it.
In the face of these kinds of problems, some comrades just ignore them. They
fail to see the complexity of class struggle. This is especially true for some mem-
bers of our Railway Alliance’s standing committee, though of course, not all of
them are like this. We did some research on two materials that were initially
going to be published, but in the end, we decided not to publish them. The
reason was that some comrades had participated in the armed struggle at South
Station, and we considered that they probably didn’t know the full details of
what was going on there. This is the matter I wanted to discuss with you.

Another point is that since the establishment of our Railway Alliance, under
the care of the Central Committee and Chairman Mao, with the guidance of
the Cultural Revolution Group, and under the leadership of Comrade Zhang
Chunqiao and the Municipal Revolutionary Committee, we have done a lot
of work. Especially during the “January Revolution” storm, you took on the
dual responsibilities of revolution and production, making tremendous con-
tributions to the country and the people. However, every time we aimed our
struggle at the capitalist roaders within the party, it was met with either armed
struggle or friction, with attempts to shift the direction of the struggle. Each
time we seemed to be following Chairman Mao’s great strategic directives, we
encountered sabotage from enemies inside the system.

From what we understand, this situation has often arisen. Why is that? We say
the Railway Alliance has a glorious historical tradition, but in the later stages,
when we look at the overall situation, how well has the class struggle within the
railway bureaus been revealed? Why hasn’t it been fully exposed? I’ve always
felt that there are class enemies involved in this, and a small group of capitalist
roaders are causing problems. Comrade Zhang Chunqiao once spoke about
this issue.
31
Another point is that within our railway system, some people have extended
their influence far and wide, with connections reaching south to Guangdong
and north to Beijing. Recently, we found that some comrades even had train
tickets to Guangzhou for 1968, already arranged. I don’t know what these com-
rades are preparing to do, but what is going on here? I feel that this situation
exists in our railway system. Recently, a comrade named Huang Panlin was
arrested, and everyone knows this. What he confessed is not just related to the
Shanghai Bureau, but it also involves the entire Jiangsu province. Recently,
Shanghai arrested three individuals who had extended their influence into Ji-
angsu. One of them was Huang Panlin. They used the convenience of the rail-
way system to assist in transporting firearms, ammunition, and other materials,
which led to large-scale armed struggles in Jiangsu province. Some people still
don’t understand why Huang Panlin was arrested. Today, I will share the situ-
ation with you. They colluded with the rightists and landowners, counter-rev-
olutionaries, and their black hands reached into cities like Yangzhou, Chang-
zhou, Nanjing, Wuxi, and Suzhou. They even had a set of evil plans.

You all know that we recently arrested a few individuals—Luo Shengshou and
Qi Xiong, just these three individuals, including Huang Panlin. We should
recognize that this class struggle is intense and complex, and these black hands
have infiltrated the railway system. They used our transport system to smuggle
weapons and ammunition, and we were responsible for the transport. I won’t
name who was responsible for this right now, but comrades, you will find out
later, and whoever was responsible will have to answer for it. I have the materi-
als here, and they have confessed.

Comrades, our railway workers have a glorious revolutionary tradition. In every

major revolutionary movement throughout history, our railway workers have
stood at the forefront of the struggle. During this Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution, our vast revolutionary rebel faction and revolutionary workers in
the railway sector have once again resolutely responded to Chairman Mao’s
great call, taking on the dual responsibility of advancing the revolution and
promoting production. Overall, we have made tremendous contributions.
However, we must also acknowledge that within our ranks, some bad elements
have infiltrated. According to our information, in some units of the railway sys-
tem, the rebel factions are not truly in control; in some places, bad elements are
in charge. These include fake police officers, counter-revolutionaries, individu-
als with unclear or suspicious backgrounds, and unresolved issues of espionage.
32
These people have assumed leadership roles within the rebel factions. Some of
these individuals have even been entrusted by a small group of capitalist roaders
to create chaos within our revolutionary ranks.

Comrades, it is crucial that we remain vigilant and focus on class struggle. If the
vast majority of our revolutionary comrades in the railway sector can truly grasp
the importance of class struggle, many of our problems can be resolved. This is
the second point I want to raise.

The third issue I want to address is the cleaning of our class ranks. This has
already been raised in our workers’ representative congress. Over the course of
the year, through the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, generally speaking, the
working class in Shanghai has been very strong. In particular, after the estab-
lishment of the Shanghai Workers’ General Headquarters on November 9th,
last year, the vast majority of revolutionary rebels and workers played a crucial
role on the frontlines, making a huge contribution to the Shanghai Proletarian
Cultural Revolution. This is the main force.

However, we must also recognize that, over the past year, there have been a
number of bad elements infiltrating our ranks—landlords, rich peasants, count-
er-revolutionaries, rightists, and even some spies. These elements have worked
their way into our ranks, and that’s why we raised the issue of cleaning our class
ranks. During the workers’ congress, we thoroughly examined many of the
committee members and standing committee members, including the older
ones, politically. Regardless of the situation, if the ranks are not clear, especially
if the leaders are unclear, then we cannot wage a proper struggle. How can we
carry out class struggle if we don’t have clarity in our leadership?

For example, we recently discovered that some of the “anti-traitor” groups

themselves were made up of traitors. These groups couldn’t capture or expose
any traitors because they were compromised themselves. Once we discovered
this, it became clear—no further investigation was needed; they were traitors
themselves. There are quite a few such people, though they are still a minority.
But when you gather them together, the problem becomes evident. So, in the
past period, we’ve caught a number of individuals.

For instance, Yuan Genlin from the Nanshi district, who was the leader of the
district’s original rebel faction, turned out to be a rapist and was arrested. Wang
33
Baoquan from the Luwan district was another leader, previously involved in the
district’s organization department. He had engaged in corruption, embezzling
over 10,000 yuan, and he was arrested. In the Chemical Engineering Bureau,
we also arrested Ji Hua, a counter-revolutionary who had joined the bureau and
caused significant chaos, leading efforts to disrupt and suppress revolutionary
movements.

Additionally, in the light industry bureau, we discovered several cases of rape

and sexual assault, some of which have already been dealt with, and others are
still under investigation. One individual, for example, is a very bad counter-rev-
olutionary family member. And in the Handicrafts Bureau, another individu-
al, Wang Wenhai, was caught by the “Cultural Attack and Military Defense”
group. He had been involved with the headquarters as a secretary before but lat-
er worked with reactionary forces, even trying to smuggle arms and explosives.
His activities had ties to the forces in Jiangsu province, seeking to undermine
the Workers’ General Headquarters.

Some of these individuals even used railway system privileges to further their
activities, using free tickets that could only be granted by someone in a position
of authority. This is not something ordinary workers could access. These peo-
ple need to be thoroughly purged from our organization—those who are bad
should be arrested, dealt with accordingly, and those who deserve punishment
should be punished. Some may even face execution.

We acknowledge that, in the past, we have been too lenient in apprehending

these individuals. We must reflect on our shortcomings, particularly in terms of
addressing the issue of class struggle. That’s why, at this workers’ congress, we’ve
emphasized the necessity of cleaning up our ranks, purging those who have in-
filtrated our ranks—landlords, rich peasants, counter-revolutionaries, rightists,
and extremely bad counter-revolutionary family members. These individuals
must be expelled. If we fail to clean up such individuals, or even allow them to
lead our groups, our country will be in danger.

The decision has been made at the headquarters. We must clean up our ranks
thoroughly in each system, starting with the workers’ congress. As for our rail-
way system, comrades, we need to discuss it together. Every one of us in the
rebel faction must review the leadership and scrutinize our own leaders. I don’t
care which faction you belong to—this is crucial.
34
The majority of people applauded what I said here, but some people may not
be happy, huh! There will always be someone who isn’t happy. Anyway, cleaning
up is necessary. Who should we rely on? We should rely on our vast army of
rebel fighters. What we believe in is our broad base of revolutionary fighters,
our vast army of revolutionary workers on the railways. We believe that the vast
revolutionary rebels and workers can complete this task, and for those few bad
ones, they should be caught and dealt with.

What I want to say overall is these three points, based on the situation we
are currently discussing. Another issue is that I want to offer my views on the
current situation in the Railway Bureau. The Joint Command of the Railway
Workers’ Revolutionary Committee made significant contributions during the
January Revolution. When broken down, the earlier phase and the later phase
differed, for example, in terms of progress. But in general, our broad mass of
railway revolutionary workers and revolutionary rebels, who have been carrying
out Mao Zedong Thought under the great red banner, have done a great deal of
work. However, within our ranks, a small group of bad people have infiltrated,
leading to an impure leadership team. Especially since May, some members of
our “Railway Union” have actually shifted the direction of the struggle. Some of
them even sent spies to key departments. Therefore, I have the following points
for your consideration.

Our vast army of fighters in the “Railway Union” should continue to uphold
the great red banner of Mao Zedong Thought, using the struggle against in-
dividualism and revisionism as the guiding principle. We must resolutely im-
plement Chairman Mao’s teachings: “There are no fundamental conflicts of
interest within the working class, and under the dictatorship of the proletariat,
there is no reason for the working class to split into two opposing factions.”
Based on this guidance, we should further strengthen the revolutionary unity
in our railway system ideologically, promote the revolutionary “three-in-one”
combination, and carry out the struggle, criticism, and reform within our units.

Comrades, think about it—if we continue as we are now, when will the lid on
the class struggle in our railway system ever be lifted? Some comrades say that it
has already been lifted, but I say it’s too early! For example, since the establish-
ment of the Revolutionary Committee, can anyone claim that the lid on our
class struggle has been completely lifted? I just mentioned an example from the
old rural political department, and we haven’t even discussed the issues with the
35
old education and propaganda departments—those are very difficult problems
to address! The lid has not been opened yet!

Let’s consider the situation at various stations in our railway system. Recently,
we’ve seen cases where some who had already been combined were later dragged
out and fought against. The struggles are still very complicated! In general, in
such a situation, we often see factions forming. Some people want to build
their own power base, some are focused on forming their own leadership teams.
Some of our leaders even have time to casually visit Nanjing or Guangzhou.
In the past, when the capitalist-roaders were in power, they didn’t dare to act
so recklessly. But now some comrades are going around freely, not leading the
vast revolutionary rebels to focus their efforts on targeting the small number
of capitalist-roaders in the Party, not studying the strategies of struggle, nor
the Party’s policies, but instead engaging in factionalism. Think about it—if
we continue like this, when will the lid on class struggle ever be lifted? It won’t
work! Therefore, we must propose a cleanup of the team. Only in this way can
our “three-in-one” combination be established quickly, and only then can we
effectively carry out the struggle, criticism, and reform in our railway bureaus.
This is my suggestion.

The second point is that some comrades in the past followed bad individuals.
For example, take Yan Zhaoxiong—some of our comrades followed him and
even did bad things. We are not afraid of this, as long as we correct our short-
comings and mistakes, and even turn the tables, fully exposing those bad indi-
viduals and their wrongdoings. What is there to fear? This includes Comrade
Zhou Guoting, who made mistakes; he should undergo a strict examination of
his errors, but he should still be protected. This is something I can share with
you all. Some comrades may have made mistakes, but as long as they recognize
their flaws and are willing to correct them, every comrade should welcome this
change and not criticize them.

Here, I want to emphasize that especially for each of our leaders, when dealing
with the masses, no matter which faction they belong to, we cannot use force
or oppression to resolve issues. We should only use persuasion, education, and
assistance to solve problems. This is the second point.

36
The third point is that during the process of organizing our team, we must fully
mobilize the masses and rely on the vast number of revolutionary rebels and
workers. In terms of cleaning up our team, we must unite to carry out the clean-
up. Some of you may say that we are one faction, all from the “Iron Union,”
and I admit that. But within our Iron Union, there are actually three different
forces. Isn’t that so? What I am saying is that regardless of which faction you be-
long to, you must first clean up your own organization. For example, the South
Station should clean up South Station, the East Station should clean up East
Station, and Yangpu Station should clean up Yangpu Station. It doesn’t matter
which faction you belong to, this is a shared issue, and I suggest that com-
rades unite. Why must we always focus on doing our own thing separately? We
can totally unite! Therefore, in the process of cleaning up the organization, we
should reflect our great unity and also demonstrate unity in our thoughts. Only
in this way can we prevent bad people from taking advantage of the situation,
creating chaos, and shifting the direction of the struggle. If we are disorganized,
the enemy will seize the opportunity. If you’re cleaning up the class team, and I
disrupt your ranks, we will fall into their trap! Therefore, we say that during the
cleanup, no matter which faction’s leaders are being removed, no one is allowed
to use violence, such as smashing, looting, or attacking the organization. We
should not destroy the organization; if the leader has problems, it is the leader’s
issue. If two leaders have problems, that’s their business.

I missed one point earlier. For those who have behaved badly and whose posi-
tions and viewpoints have not yet changed, especially the former leaders of the
Red Guards, they cannot continue to be leaders. I am talking about the leaders,
comrades! Those whose positions and viewpoints have not changed—former
leaders of the Red Guards who have now transformed themselves into leaders
of the rebel faction—I, Wang Hongwen, do not recognize them. These are the
three points of my opinion.

The fourth point of opinion is that we suggest workers from outside the railway
system and other organizations should not intervene in the railway system’s pro-
letarian cultural revolution. Recently, we have found that some students from
other regions, as well as people from other systems, are involved in the railway
system. I suggest that these comrades immediately return to their original units
and not interfere in our railway system’s cultural revolution. The proletarian
cultural revolution in the railway system should be resolved by the broad revo-
lutionary rebel factions and revolutionary workers of the railway system
37
themselves. This is one point of advice.

The fifth point of opinion is that our broad revolutionary rebel soldiers must
resolutely implement the great policy of “grasping revolution, promoting pro-
duction, and promoting work.” Under any circumstances, no matter how we
clean up our class ranks or how many setbacks we face, we must not allow it to
affect the work of grasping revolution and promoting production. Especially
with the Spring Festival approaching, our transportation tasks are becoming
more demanding. To complete this glorious and arduous task, we need all our
rebel soldiers and workers to shoulder this responsibility together. More im-
portantly, we must first arm our minds with Mao Zedong Thought, and use it
to overcome the various difficulties and obstacles in our transportation work,
while strictly preventing class enemies from sabotaging our efforts. If, during
the process of cleaning up ranks and reorganizing the teams, there are individ-
uals who dare to sabotage or create accidents, we warn them that we will firmly
implement the dictatorship of the proletariat against them! Therefore, I believe
that comrades, we should follow the guidance of Vice Chairman Lin and re-
member that Mao Zedong Thought is the guiding principle for all our work.
We must study and apply Mao Zedong Thought well.

Currently, we hope that the vast majority of revolutionary rebel soldiers and
workers in the railway system, especially at each station and division, will estab-
lish Mao Zedong Thought study classes. Recently, there has been some chaos
in our railway system. Some leaders have made mistakes, and some have left.
However, we believe that with the support of our broad revolutionary workers,
the vast majority of our revolutionary rebel soldiers will successfully set up and
run these Mao Zedong Thought study classes. We can fully rely on the help of
the Mao Zedong Thought propaganda team from the People’s Liberation Army
stationed at the railway bureau to assist in organizing the study sessions.

To ensure that the Mao Zedong Thought study classes are successful, it is es-
sential that we all get involved and offer our full support. We are confident
that, under the victorious light of Mao Zedong Thought, and with the efforts
of our revolutionary rebel soldiers and the broad mass of workers, we will, in
the near future, transform our railway system into a red beacon of Mao Zedong
Thought, and build a revolutionary, proletarian team that is strong and full of
revolutionary spirit. We will work hard to improve all aspects of our work, just
like the heroic Fourth Squad, the Model Squad of Loving the People, and the
38
Squad Leader Comrade Li Wenzhong, who said: “Chairman Mao loves me, I
love him; Chairman Mao supports me, I support him; Chairman Mao gives me
instructions, I will follow them; Chairman Mao waves his hand, I will march
forward.” We believe that our vast revolutionary rebel soldiers and workers will
do exactly the same. That is all I have to say.

Additionally, the Municipal Revolutionary Committee has asked me to an-

nounce something. As comrades have just mentioned with great enthusiasm,
the three of us—Comrades Jiang Zhoufa and Wang Minglong—came here.
Yesterday, the Municipal Revolutionary Committee held a meeting and made
a decision. Due to the recent heavy workload of the Workers’ General Head-
quarters and the many tasks that still require Comrades Jiang Zhoufa and Wang
Minglong to handle, as well as the ongoing issues related to the railway that re-
quire everyone’s attention, including the Municipal Revolutionary Committee,
it seems difficult to resolve the issue by having a particular department or a few
individuals stationed here.

To resolve the issues related to the “Iron Union,” we must rely on the broad
mass of revolutionary workers and revolutionary rebel soldiers to address them.
We must continue to implement Chairman Mao’s great teaching that the mass-
es must educate themselves, liberate themselves, and rise up in revolution.
Therefore, based on the advice of the Municipal Revolutionary Committee and
after consultation with the Workers’ General Headquarters, it has been decided
that Comrades Jiang Zhoufa and Wang Minglong will temporarily no longer
be stationed here and will return. However, they will still be responsible for
coordinating railway-related work. That is all I have to say.

Workers’ General Headquarters ‘Iron Union’ Branch Bureau Revolutionary

Rebel Team Organization

Reprinting of the ‘Railway Workers’ Rebel Newspaper’

December 23, 1967

39
1968
 Wang Hongwen’s speech at the on-site meeting to
mobilize the masses for the struggle against
the enemy at Hudong Shipyard

Wang Hongwen

1968.1.5

1. Further unleash the masses

Currently, the situation in the struggle against the enemy is very favorable, and
the struggle is deepening. We must further unleash the masses. The enemies
uncovered so far are of high quality, and the level of the mass policy has greatly
improved. Some units have not mobilized the masses well enough, so we need
to further arm and mobilize the masses with the Party’s policies.

2. Only by arming and mobilizing the masses with the Party’s policies can
we further unite all revolutionary forces and strike the small handful of
class enemies steadily, accurately, and ruthlessly.

The viewpoint of opposing policies and mobilizing the masses is incorrect.

We must strictly distinguish between two types of contradictions: primary
contradictions and secondary contradictions. If we fail to distinguish these,
we cannot achieve victory and will cause harm to the revolution. The central
government’s Two Newspapers and One Magazine July 1st editorial pointed
out, “We must always direct the struggle towards a small handful of stubborn,
unreformed capitalist roaders, traitors, spies, and untransformed landlords, rich
peasants, counterrevolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists.” The minutes of
the May 5th expanded meeting of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions
raised the issue of several “strict distinctions,” especially in the Cultural
Revolution, distinguishing clearly between good and bad performances.

Some people do not direct their criticism towards the enemy but focus on issues
such as relationships between men and women, petty theft, etc. These problems
should be addressed through regular work and education, not as part of this
42
movement. We need to do ideological work and help these people. Those who
are very interested in relationships between men and women likely have un-
healthy thoughts. As for general members of the Nationalist Party, the Three
People’s Youth League, and the protective work team members, as long as they
are clear in their actions and do not do bad things during the movement, they
should be educated and not harassed. We should not attack them, but for those
who perform poorly, of course, they must be criticized and attacked.

The enemy’s ruthless tactics deliberately confuse two types of contradictions

with different natures, directing their criticism towards those with general po-
litical or historical issues, thus disrupting the class lines. We must respond ac-
cordingly and strictly distinguish between these two types of contradictions.
The ability to handle contradictions within the people is a very important issue
in whether we can unite the majority. If we had severely struck at the Red
Guard members last January, we can imagine the current situation in Shanghai.
Because we followed Chairman Mao’s teachings, we united the vast majority.
Now, we should still unite the majority, and the target of our attacks should be
only a small minority. The cadres and 95% of the masses are good or relatively
good, and only by doing so can we carry out the movement deeply, steadily,
accurately, and forcefully strike at the small handful of class enemies.

The experience from the backward workers at the Hudong Shipyard provides
inspiration for every comrade. For example, how to correctly treat someone
who has been a prostitute — this illustrates a point very well. If we attack this
person, it’s likely that we will fail to unearth the counterrevolutionaries. Peo-
ple with historical stains have many concerns. There is a person who wants to
confess serious political history issues but dares not because his unit is brutal.
People with political history issues are often those who know the truth and are
the targets of both the enemy and us. If we don’t win them over, the enemy will.
Some enemies suppress them from confessing and we must help them let go of
their burdens, making the enemies fearful.

3. Utilize contradictions, treat them differently, win over the majority, op-
pose the minority, and strike at the enemy one by one. The enemy should
also be divided; they are not a monolithic block. We must be adept at utilizing
the power of the Party’s policies to split and disintegrate them. The main cul-
prits must be punished, while the accomplices should not be questioned, those
who make contributions should be rewarded, those who confess should receive
43
leniency, and those who resist should be dealt with strictly. We should not gen-
eralize by attacking everyone with problems—that is wrong. Hudong Shipyard
sets an example. Some units do not follow the policies, resorting to severe strug-
gles, parading, and public humiliation. Onlookers say, “What are you doing? Is
this a zoo?” This approach does not solve the problem. If we treat everyone the
same without distinction, it benefits the enemy and harms us. We should learn
from Xinhua Factory. Relying on the broad masses of people and strengthening
proletarian dictatorship are two sides of the same coin. Without the masses,
there can be no strengthening of dictatorship, and there can be no victory in
the struggle against the enemy. The emphasis must remain on mobilizing and
relying on the masses.

Some people are attempting to expand the scope of the attacks and undermine
the connection between the Revolutionary Committee and the masses, allow-
ing class enemies to evade accountability. We must firmly rely on the proletar-
ian revolutionaries and the masses, without any wavering. We must target and
fight a small group of diehard capitalist roaders, traitors, spies, and untrans-
formed landowners, rich peasants, reactionaries, and rightists. These people are
the remnants of the Kuomintang. Beyond them, there are no other remnants
of the Kuomintang left. This small group represents the interests of the Chiang
Kai-shek regime on the mainland, and they are nothing but remnants. Search-
ing for more remnants will only bring in people who are not part of this group.

Once we clarify who to rely on and who to fight against, the Revolutionary
Committee will grasp the general direction and gain the support of the mass-
es, leading to the consolidation and development of the committee. This is a
matter of great importance for the future and destiny of proletarian dictator-
ship. The process of consolidating the Revolutionary Committee is a process of
serious class struggle. There are two methods to undermine the Revolutionary
Committee: one is to forcefully infiltrate it, and the other is to sever its con-
nection with the masses. Once these issues are cleared up, the Revolutionary
Committee will become vibrant and dynamic.

Constantly learning from the masses is what the July 1st Editorial requires.
Both new and old cadres should continue to summarize the experiences of the
masses and promote them. Revolutionary youth and new cadres must remain
humble and cautious. Learning from the masses, learning from veteran cadres,
and learning from the People’s Liberation Army, the Revolutionary Committee
44
should absorb such revolutionary youth and new cadres, ensuring that it re-
mains vigorous and full of life.

Contacting the masses is not about chatting all day; it is about arming the
masses with Mao Zedong Thought. The Shanghai East Shipyard has organized
extensive Mao Zedong Thought study classes, which have consolidated and
developed the great revolutionary united front and the three-in-one combina-
tion. These study classes should always add new content in line with the devel-
opment of the mass movement, as suggested in the July 1st editorial. Recently,
the postal and telecommunications system has shown significant progress in its
struggle against the enemy, and one of the key reasons for this is that the Peo-
ple’s Liberation Army has been organizing large-scale study classes there.

In the struggle against the enemy and the process of purging the class ranks,
the fundamental goal is not just to uncover a small group of Kuomintang rem-
nants. If the only aim is to unearth more and more, the larger the better, what
would be the result? The true goal is to eliminate the foundation for restoration,
transform the world outlook, and prevent and guard against revisionism, to
ensure the Party does not degenerate and the country does not change color.
Therefore, it is crucial to combine this with the large-scale revolutionary criti-
cism, the rectification of the Party, and the ongoing struggle within each unit.
Those bad elements cannot be allowed to advance a revisionist agenda within
the industrial and transport sectors.

45
 Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech at the
Changning District Club on January 11, 1968

Comrades, fellow fighters:

First, let us all jointly wish our dearest and most radiant Red Sun, Chairman
Mao, a long life without end! Long life without end! Long life without end!

Comrades, today I heard that you are holding the “Oath-taking Conference to
Uphold the Great Red Banner of Mao Zedong Thought and Achieve the Com-
prehensive Victory of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution in 1968.” On behalf
of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, I would like to express my warm
congratulations and resolute support for this conference! (Applause, slogans)

Comrades, today I am not prepared with a full speech, but I would like to offer
a few points for your reference.

The situation of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution in Shanghai is the same

as that of the entire country. As Chairman Mao taught us, the situation of the
Cultural Revolution is extremely favorable, not just slightly favorable. The sit-
uation in Shanghai, like the rest of the country, is better than ever before. I be-
lieve that the situation of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution in our Changning
District has also made a new leap and has developed further in depth. Looking
at the entire Shanghai, especially after August, September, and October of last
year, when comrades from various agencies, particularly from the old Munic-
ipal Party Committee and the Rural Political Department, broke free, after
unveiling the class struggle in the old Rural Political Department, class struggle
has been continuously deepening across various agencies, schools, and factories.

Comrades, as we all know, in recent times, many units have exposed large num-
bers of traitors, spies, turncoats, and previously undetected capitalist roaders.
According to materials provided by comrades in Changning District, many
comrades believe that the lid on class struggle has still not been fully lifted.
Here, we express our support for comrades in lifting the lid on class struggle!
(Slogans, warm applause) We also hope that the Standing Committee of the

46
Changning District Revolutionary Committee and all responsible comrades
will support the broad revolutionary masses in lifting the lid on class struggle in
Changning District. (Slogans, warm applause)

Comrades, there is much work to be done, but we believe the most fundamen-
tal tasks to focus on are two things:

The first is to relentlessly focus on studying Chairman Mao’s works, to organize

large-scale Mao Zedong Thought study classes. The city, the district, and all
grassroots units must not only organize them, but they must do so well. This is
essential to continually arm our vast revolutionary rebel masses, revolutionary
workers, and revolutionary young fighters with Mao Zedong Thought. Only
in this way can we advance the Proletarian Cultural Revolution and carry it
through to the end.

The second task is to focus on class struggle. When we focus on class struggle,
the enemy will have no place to hide. Recently, due to the deepening class
struggle, the class enemies have been desperately counterattacking. There are
also some forces that continue to oppose the city revolutionary committee, op-
pose Zhang Chunqiao, and oppose the All-China Federation of Trade Unions.

We must be vigilant, sharpen our awareness, and if these small groups of ene-
mies dare to cause trouble, we will warn them that their end will not be a good
one! (Applause)

We urge all rebel organizations and all rebel fighters to remain vigilant, and
wherever there are these reactionary forces, they must be decisively attacked.

(Slogans, warm applause) We must, according to the teachings of our great

leader Chairman Mao, always keep class struggle in mind. Comrades, this is
very important. When we focus on class struggle, the enemy’s arrogance will
diminish. If we do not focus on class struggle, the enemy will reverse and at-
tack us. So, on this point, we ask comrades to never forget, and never forget at
any time. Some comrades say that we need to uncover the class struggle lid in
Changning District. We say that if it hasn’t been uncovered, we must uncover
it there, and this applies to all our factories, mining enterprises, schools, and
agencies – we should all further uncover it! (Warm applause) Only in this way,
by broadly mobilizing the masses, combining their wisdom and strength, and
47
having everyone pitch in, can we root out the small group of capitalist roaders,
spies, traitors, and turncoats who have infiltrated the Party. Only by doing so
can we carry the Cultural Revolution through to the end!

Additionally, we hope that comrades in this struggle will also follow Chairman
Mao’s great teachings: “Policy and strategy are the life of the Party, and com-
rades at all levels of leadership must pay full attention and must never be
careless.” Based on this teaching, we hope comrades will pay full attention to
the Party’s guidelines, policies, and strategies in this struggle. The struggle must
focus on strategy. Not only should we focus on strategy, but also, according to
Chairman Mao’s teachings: “The struggle must be reasonable, advantageous,
and disciplined.”

We must not engage in indiscriminate attacks. This struggle, especially the cur-
rent one, has deepened, and the methods of the class enemies have become
more covert. They have become even more cunning. A particularly relevant
article was published in the newspaper yesterday, titled “Proletarian Revolu-
tionaries, Unite!” This was a letter addressed to the revolutionary soldiers in
Jiangsu, Shanghai, Zhejiang, and Anhui. From this letter, we can clearly see that
a small group of class enemies will never accept their defeat. They are always try-
ing to counterattack. People like Li Shunzhī and Qi Zhengzhī, who have failed
in Shanghai, have now extended their dirty hands to cities in Jiangsu, such
as Nanjing, Changzhou, Wuxi, and others, engaging in counterrevolutionary
activities. On one hand, we must be vigilant; on the other hand, we must be
clear about our policies and strategies. In this struggle, the enemy is likely to
interfere with us from all sides. How should we fight this battle? We believe the
first step is for each side to focus on their own targets. If they interfere with us,
we ignore them and continue with our own attack. For example, in yesterday’s
conflict, many comrades were very angry and blamed the Shanghai Transpor-
tation Union or the Liaison Office. I say, comrades, we should place the blame
on the small group of capitalist roaders. These individuals will take advantage of
the inexperience of the Red Guard young comrades, and some of our comrades
as well, to incite the masses to fight against each other. We should continue to
unite the broad masses of revolutionary fighters and the revolutionary masses
to thoroughly expose the class struggle in Changning District and use facts to
educate these masses. (Shouts, enthusiastic applause) This is the second point.

48
Additionally, I would like to bring attention to a few issues. In the past few
days, we have discovered that in some units in Changning District, there have
been arbitrary moves of the grassroots teams under the General Workers’ Revo-
lutionary Committee. Here, we reiterate: The grassroots teams under the Gen-
eral Workers’ Revolutionary Committee can only be moved by the General
Workers’ Revolutionary Committee itself. Any move must be authorized by the
Cultural Revolution’s political and military command center after thorough
research by the General Workers’ Revolutionary Committee. No one else has
the right to move the grassroots teams under the General Workers’ Revolu-
tionary Committee! (Applause) Recently, we discovered that a small group of
individuals with ulterior motives are attempting to divide our General Workers’
Revolutionary Committee’s Changning District Command. We warn these in-
dividuals: if you dare to interfere with the division of the Changning District
Command, you will not have a good outcome! (Shouts, enthusiastic applause)

The final point is that we have also discussed our attitude towards the Chang-
ning District Revolutionary Committee. We believe that the Changning Dis-
trict Revolutionary Committee is a temporary power institution of the “three
combined” structure approved by the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee. We
should unite with the broad revolutionary masses to continue uncovering the
class struggle lid in Changning District! We must keep revealing it! Howev-
er, comrades, we should still adopt the method of “supporting” rather than
“tearing down,” in accordance with the spirit of the central leadership and the
People’s Daily editorial. We can criticize and critique the errors and shortcom-
ings of the Changning District Revolutionary Committee, but we should not
engage in destructive actions.

We also hope that the Standing Committee of the Changning District Revo-
lutionary Committee will seriously listen to the opinions of the broad revolu-
tionary rebels and masses in order to improve their work and leadership style.
In particular, they should lead the masses of Changning District to continue
unveiling the class struggle lid. Not only the class struggle lid of the old District
Committee and People’s Committee should be uncovered, but also the class
struggle lid of the “Public Security Bureau” in Changning District needs further
uncovering! (Applause, slogans) Therefore, we hope that comrades will, in this
struggle, address issues and offer opinions about the District Committee. We
can raise these opinions and write big-character posters, but no matter what, we
must not adopt the method of tearing down. If there is an issue with someone,
49
we should discuss it with the District Committee and resolve it through con-
sultation, not by methods such as beating, smashing, confiscating, robbing,
arresting, or sealing. This is our view on the Changning District Revolutionary
Committee. I wonder what the comrades think about this?

Comrades, fellow fighters! The year 1968 has just begun, and today marks the
first anniversary of our great January Revolution storm. We must never forget
that on this day last year, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of
China, the State Council, the Central Military Commission, and the Central
Cultural Revolution Group sent us a telegram, demanding that Shanghai set an
example in six areas.

Comrades, we believe that the revolutionary masses of Changning District and

the vast number of revolutionary rebel fighters will raise even higher the great
banner of Mao Zedong Thought, and fight throughout 1968 to carry the Pro-
letarian Cultural Revolution to the end! (Applause, slogans)

Finally, let us all raise our voices together:

Long live the Proletarian Cultural Revolution!
Long live the invincible Mao Zedong Thought!
Long live our great leader Chairman Mao! Long live! Long, long live!

50
 Wang Hongwen’s Speech at the “In-Depth Struggle
Against the Enemy Conference” in Shanghai

Wang Hongwen

1968.06.24

Comrades, fellow soldiers:

Today we are holding a conference to raise high the great red banner of Mao
Zedong Thought, to further unleash the masses and carry out the struggle
against the enemy. Just now, comrades from the XX Second Factory, Dyeing
and Chemical Factory No. 11, and the Alcohol Factory shared many excellent
experiences. I hope that comrades from all districts and units will learn well
from their experiences and methods in mobilizing the masses to carry out the
struggle against the enemy. Based on these good experiences and methods, I
would like to offer a few points.

First, the situation is very favorable. On May 19, our great leader Mao Zedong
gave an important instruction regarding the experience of the Beijing Xinhua
Printing Factory in the struggle against the enemy. This has provided us, the
proletarian revolutionaries in the industrial and transportation sectors and
across various battlefronts, with a powerful ideological weapon. On the 8th
and 9th, the Municipal Revolutionary Committee held an expanded meeting.
Comrades attending the meeting studied Chairman Mao’s latest instructions,
and they proposed that the revolutionary people of the city further implement
Chairman Mao’s instructions, further unleash the masses, unite all revolutionary
forces, and strike decisively and precisely at a small handful of class enemies.

In our industrial and transportation system, the vast proletarian revolutionaries

and revolutionary workers, after studying Chairman Mao’s series of latest
instructions, particularly his recent directives and the spirit of the expanded
meeting of the Municipal Revolutionary Committee, have already taken further
action under the leadership of the revolutionary committees at all levels. Based
on the experience from the previous phase of work, they have intensified efforts
51
to strike hard at a small handful of class enemies, achieving great success. The
three units introduced at today’s meeting have demonstrated this.

By arming the vast revolutionary masses with Mao Zedong Thought and mobi-
lizing the masses, they have been able to strike decisively, precisely, and forceful-
ly at a small handful of class enemies. As a result, on all fronts, these class ene-
mies have been gradually exposed. In the process, the great criticism movement
is further deepening, and the situation is becoming increasingly better. Across
all fronts, including revolutionary work, production, and other tasks, there is a
vibrant and flourishing atmosphere. Overall, the situation is very positive.

From the recent experiences of some units, it is evident that the masses have
been fully mobilized. For example, in a certain office in Shanghai, with only
about 400 people, they learned Chairman Mao’s latest instructions and his
longstanding theories, lines, policies, and strategies on class and class struggle.
In this small unit, they were able to uncover over 200 spies, traitors, and rem-
nants of the Kuomintang. Through further mobilization of the masses, many
class enemies who had been deeply hidden, for a long time, and were particu-
larly cunning, have been exposed across the city.

For example, in one area, they uncovered an old man who had been a spy for
more than sixty years. In other units, they exposed the secretary of Chiang
Kai-shek’s wife, Soong Mei-ling, and also unearthed the younger sister of the
notorious industrial spy Lu Jingshi, as well as the younger sister of Zhang Wen-
tian, a major landlord and counterrevolutionary. This shows that the masses
have been fully mobilized. Although a small handful of class enemies had been
hiding deeply and for a long time, they could not escape the vigilant eyes of the
vast revolutionary masses.

Overall, through the mobilization of the masses in the previous phase, we have
achieved great success and uncovered some class enemies. The first point I want
to make is that the development of the movement is still uneven. In general,
there are several situations: in terms of the scope of mass mobilization, especial-
ly in depth, it is still in a state of being broad at both ends and narrow in the
middle. Some units have mobilized the masses more widely and deeply. For ex-
ample, the units introduced earlier, and some bureaus like the Chemical Bureau
and the Shanghai Foreign Trade Bureau, have successfully mobilized the masses
widely and deeply, and as a result, they have uncovered some deeply hidden
52
class enemies. At the same time, their revolutionary criticism movement has
been progressing well.

In most units, the masses have essentially been mobilized, and some have un-
covered class enemies, including some who were already exposed, while others
have revealed class enemies on the surface. However, the scope of mass mobili-
zation is still not as wide and deep as it should be. There is still a need to further
mobilize the masses on a broader scale. In a small number of units, the masses
have not yet been mobilized. In some of these units, class enemies are still work-
ing behind the scenes to manipulate, deceive the masses, and create division. In
some individual units, bad elements have seized leadership positions, suppress-
ing the masses and covering up the class struggle, making it impossible for the
class struggle to advance in those areas.

Thus, within a single unit, the development of the movement is also very un-
even. We need to focus on both ends and drive the middle forward. For those
units where the masses are still being suppressed or where they have not yet
been mobilized, we hope that the leadership will take strong measures and firm-
ly support the broad masses there. In this regard, I also want to emphasize that
some organizations in certain regions should not intervene arbitrarily. If every
region interferes in the class struggle of every industrial and mining enterprise,
it can create opportunities for the enemy to exploit. Some neighborhood-based
organizations for proletarian dictatorship should also refrain from intervening
in the class struggle inside factories. Whenever there is an issue, communication
between organizations should be established, and solutions should be collec-
tively discussed. This is the first point of the first issue.

The second point is the new trends in the struggle in the previous phase. We
need to pay attention to the new trends, characteristics, and problems in the
class struggle. Chairman Mao teaches us that the enemy will not eliminate
itself. Currently, the revolutionary masses have been fully mobilized, but what
about the class enemies? They are also stirring and using various methods to
sabotage and create chaos. Since we, the vast proletarian revolutionaries, firmly
hold the initiative in the class struggle, the enemy has adopted more insidious,
hidden, and ruthless means to engage in a life-and-death struggle against us. As
Lenin pointed out long ago, the victory of Marxism in theory forces its enemies
to disguise themselves as Marxists. This is the dialectic of history.

53
The class enemies’ new tactics in the struggle have been touched upon in the
previous phase, but we still have an incomplete understanding of them. We
hope that in the next phase of the struggle, each system and unit will further
investigate these tactics. I believe there are several points to consider:

1. Spreading rumors and misleading the masses: A small group of class ene-
mies are spreading rumors. They claim that cleaning up the class ranks means
targeting the rebels, and some say, “Now they are going to target the old rebels
again!” Others claim, “The previous phase was to target the ruling faction, to
focus on attacking the capitalist-roaders, but now they’re going to target the
masses!” Some even say we are executing a new bourgeois counterrevolutionary
line, and so on. For example, in Pudong, rumors spread that people over 35 will
have to undergo scrutiny, and in the city, there were rumors that anyone over
45 would be subject to review. These rumors are being spread to confuse and
disrupt our lines of struggle, trying to shift the focus of the struggle.

Some class enemies appear with an ultra-leftist face, blindly criticizing and tar-
geting people who have minor political or historical issues, or those with small
issues in their personal conduct. These small groups of class enemies viciously
attack such people to divert the focus of the struggle. Others are saying that
anyone who has been part of a protective workers’ team should be expelled
from the rebel ranks, or anyone who was a member of the Kuomintang or the
Three People’s Principles Youth League should be expelled from the rebel ranks.
These rumors are intended to create chaos and disrupt our line of struggle.

2. Manipulating individuals to suppress the masses: Some malicious class

enemies have even targeted people who know about their schemes and have
dragged them out for criticism and struggle. They are attempting to further
suppress the masses’ exposure of their actions, or they attack secondary figures
while protecting the main class enemies. This tactic is what we call “sacrific-
ing the pawn to protect the king” or “sacrificing a piece to save the general.”
For instance, after the expanded meeting of the city revolutionary committee,
the Shanghai Optical Instrument Factory targeted some small capitalists. These
were people who had already been under mass surveillance, and they were at-
tacked and criticized publicly. However, the real enemy, the cunning class ene-
mies, were still manipulating the factory’s rebel faction behind the scenes. These
enemies spread rumors or targeted minor figures to divert attention from their
own actions. Of course, the struggle against landlords, wealthy peasants,
54
counter-revolutionaries, bad elements, and rightists is necessary, but the city
revolutionary committee’s expanded meeting never instructed you to focus
your attacks on these individuals. We did not ask you to turn the struggle to-
ward small capitalists. They attempt to cover up their own crimes by using such
tactics.

3. Using petty theft to divert attention: Some class enemies deliberately create
minor thefts to shift the focus of the masses and the leadership. For example, in
one unit, a person with serious problems, when the masses were mobilized, be-
came fearful. What did he do? He stole other people’s meal tickets, food vouch-
ers, and other coupons, then took his own and reported it as a theft. He tried to
stir up the masses to report him, using this smear tactic to distract the people.

In some units, class enemies have deceived a portion of the masses into attack-
ing party members, league members, and other cadres who made mistakes, in
an attempt to suppress the revelation of their own problems. Once their issues
are uncovered, they cry “old counter-revolutionaries” or “rightist revisionism,”
putting the blame on others with fabricated labels. This is the second situation
we are dealing with.

The third situation is the emergence of rightist splittism and the planning of
armed struggle. In units where the two factions have not united or their union
is unstable, the enemy fully exploits some individuals’ bourgeois factionalism,
manipulating behind the scenes to create division and incite armed conflict. For
example, recently at the Yimin Food Factory, they uncovered a group of spies,
some of whom were Kuomintang agents, some were Japanese spies, and some
were traitors and collaborators. This unit, comrades, you may not be aware,
experienced a large-scale armed struggle, but recently the leaders of the two
factions sat down to study together, and they managed to expose a group of
enemies, each first rooting out the bad elements within their own faction. These
examples prove that the enemy is doing everything in its power to exploit the
bourgeois factionalism in some comrades’ minds to incite armed struggle, sow
division, and disrupt the current movement.

There have also been instances in the approval process of the revolutionary
committees or workers’ congresses, where some individuals or groups were not
approved or had objections to the revolutionary committees or the lower levels
of the All-China Federation of Trade Union. Subsequently, class enemies have
55
used these individuals to form factions, incite division, and direct their attacks
at the various levels of the revolutionary committees and liaison stations. Re-
cently, in the Light Industry Bureau, an underground liaison station appeared.
According to our understanding, this station itself contained a group of bad
elements—some had been purged by the revolutionary teams, while others had
returned after being part of the army’s simplified staffing program and had
certain grievances. These individuals were exploited by class enemies to foment
division and direct their attacks at the Light Industry Bureau’s revolutionary
committee and the All-China Federation of Trade Unions.

Additionally, some individuals are taking advantage of the opportunity pro-

vided by the “cleaning up of the class ranks” to rally their own forces. For
example, there are those who oppose the work being done by others at the
liaison stations, making excuses to distort or oppose actions. Others have used
this task of cleaning the class ranks as an opportunity to form what they call
“combat groups” in different units. Here, we make it clear: we do not support
the formation of any so-called combat groups in any level of the All-China
Federation of Trade Unions organizations. If anyone wants to establish such
groups, we advise them to leave the All-China Federation of Trade Unions and
not be a member of its rebel factions. Furthermore, some individuals are trying
to conspire with people of unknown backgrounds from other places, with the
aim of splitting Shanghai’s workers’ movement and student movement on a
large scale. We hereby warn these small groups of class enemies: your schemes
will never succeed. If you want a contest, then come and perform; we will deal
with you! (Applause)

This is the third situation we are addressing.

The fourth situation is the manufacturing of accidents, particularly sabotag-

ing production accidents. For example, in a cotton textile factory, there were
29 motors in the cleaning workshop, and all of them were burned out at the
same time. The factory produced faulty cloth in both shifts, resulting in several
thousand yuan in state losses. In another textile factory, an incident occurred
where a group of troublemakers took advantage of a seemingly minor issue —
the selection of a workshop manager — and incited workers to stop over 1,000
weaving machines for more than two hours.

56
There have also been incidents involving violent acts, such as a murder case in
a Shanghai factory. A former soldier, who had met Chairman Mao in May and
was the head of the factory’s revolutionary committee, was brutally beaten and
suffered severe fractures, including his arm tendons being severed.

These examples illustrate that a small number of class enemies will never be
satisfied with their defeat. They will use any opportunity to incite the masses,
divert our attention, and sabotage the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
The enemy always uses various methods to counter us. As our great leader,
Chairman Mao, has taught us, revolutionary party members must understand
their tactics, study their strategies, and be prepared to defeat them. It is essential
not to naively oversimplify the complex nature of class struggle.

Based on the current situation of class struggle, we hope that all systems and
units will further mobilize the masses, strictly prevent sabotage of production,
and also guard against class enemies fleeing, committing suicide, or carrying
out class revenge. At the same time, safety and security work in each unit should
be properly organized. Especially for key departments, we suggest that safety
work should not be left to just a few individuals. Instead, it should be carried
out under the leadership of revolutionary committees at all levels, mobilizing
and organizing the masses to ensure safety. This is the first issue.

The second issue I want to address is how to fully mobilize the masses and wage
a people’s war against the class enemies. Currently, the focus of our work should
be to further mobilize the masses.

The key to mobilizing the masses lies in leadership—whether the leadership at

all levels is willing to take the lead and whether they can truly let go and allow
the masses to take action. From what we understand, there are three main situ-
ations with respect to leadership:

1. Leadership that dares to lead: In some units, the leaders are at the forefront
of the mass movement, boldly leading and mobilizing the masses. They trust
and rely on the masses, engaging in decisive struggles against class enemies. In
these units, the movement is vibrant and successful.

2. Leadership that follows the crowd: In other units, the leadership only re-
acts to the masses’ actions—when the masses rise up, the leadership moves only
57
when urged, often reluctantly. Some people compare this to a woman with
small feet trying to play soccer, meaning it’s ineffective and lacks energy.

3. Leadership that hesitates: In some cases, leaders are fearful and indecisive,
afraid of both progress and setbacks. They are unwilling to fully mobilize the
masses. Even when the masses have already begun to move, such leaders impose
restrictions, creating rules that limit the people’s actions. For example, there was
a unit where, after the city’s expanded meeting, the masses began mobilizing,
but the leadership not only failed to lead, but also imposed many regulations.
Some leaders even insisted that the masses’ materials had to be approved by
the city Revolutionary Committee. This frustrated the masses, leading to some
units pushing the leaders aside and taking action on their own.

Such leadership often reflects right-wing, conservative thinking. We believe

these right-wing and conservative thoughts mainly manifest in the following
ways:

1. Fear: Some older cadres fear expanding the scope of the struggle, fearing they
may repeat past mistakes, such as committing errors linked to the bourgeois
reactionary line or even falling into “right-wing revisionism.” For instance, a
cadre in the Chemical Bureau once said that if they were to make another mis-
take, such as repeating errors related to the bourgeois reactionary line, it would
be a sin beyond redemption.

2. Waiting: There are those who wait for instructions from above. If there is no
directive, they do nothing, fearing that they will be held responsible if anything
goes wrong later. This is often seen in the lack of initiative when implementing
the task of cleaning up the class ranks, even though it had been long planned.

3. Looking to others: Some leaders only take action when they see other units
taking the lead or succeeding. If others have no experience, they hesitate to take
risks.

4. Requesting specific methods: Some demand more specific policies, like

sending small teams or implementing military control. However, this approach
is flawed. We believe that the most important thing is to rely on the broad rev-
olutionary masses and give them the space to take action. The essence of this
movement is to depend on the masses, and without this, no small teams or
58
military management will resolve the issue.

In conclusion, the core of this struggle lies in empowering and fully mobilizing
the masses. Without this foundation, no external structures, such as small task
forces or military management, can solve the problem. Only by letting go and
trusting the revolutionary masses can we ensure the success of this class struggle.

So the key lies in mobilizing the masses, believing in and relying on the broad
masses. We believe that these issues ultimately stem from a fear of making
mistakes, a fear of straying from the correct line, and a fear of following a
capitalist counter-revolutionary path. This indicates that some comrades have
not yet deeply studied Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, nor have they truly
embraced it. Chairman Mao taught us: “Whether we protect or repress the
broad masses of people is the fundamental difference between the Commu-
nist Party and the Kuomintang...”

Chairman Mao’s latest directive thoroughly exposes the reactionary essence of

the bourgeois counter-revolutionary line. The bourgeois counter-revolutionary
line relies on the remnants of the Kuomintang to suppress the broad revolution-
ary masses and protect a small group of capitalist roaders and class enemies. Its
aim is to extinguish the revolutionary fire of the Great Proletarian Cultural Rev-
olution, restore capitalism, and establish a bourgeois dictatorship. What they
represent are the interests of the Kuomintang reactionaries and the bourgeoisie.

The work we are currently doing to clean up the class ranks relies on the broad
revolutionary masses to vigorously strike at the remnants of the Kuomintang
reactionaries and class enemies. The goal is to carry the Great Proletarian Cul-
tural Revolution through to the end, strengthening and consolidating the dic-
tatorship of the proletariat. We represent the interests of the proletariat and
the broad working people, which is entirely in line with Chairman Mao’s pro-
letarian revolutionary line. This is fundamentally different from the bourgeois
counter-revolutionary line, and therefore we must resolutely carry out Chair-
man Mao’s revolutionary line and see this task of class cleanup through to the
end.

Our current mass movement against the enemy may make some errors, and
we may accidentally harm some good people, but no matter what, our goal is
entirely to deal a heavy blow to a small number of class enemies. If we truly
59
learn Mao Zedong Thought and master Chairman Mao’s series of policies,
guidelines, and strategies for dealing with class enemies, we can completely
overcome the errors and shortcomings in our work. Therefore, even though
some comrades may have been mistakenly harmed during this movement, we
don’t think it’s a big deal, and we should deal with it correctly.

Of course, we must also say that if a small number of class enemies or ill-inten-
tioned people try to use the cleaning of the class ranks as an excuse to attack
the revolutionary masses, revive capitalism, or carry out rightist counter-revolu-
tionary actions, we must take these matters seriously and deal with them firmly.
Leaders at all levels must recognize the struggle between the two lines from the
perspective of what is truly right and wrong. We must stand firm in our loyalty
to Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, just as the best comrades do, by keeping
watch for Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, standing at our posts, fighting
the battle, and ensuring that we uphold the public good while overcoming self-
ishness. We must live and fight for Chairman Mao and be willing to sacrifice
ourselves for Chairman Mao.

If we hold this loyal heart to Chairman Mao, Mao Zedong Thought, and
Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, then there is nothing to fear, and we can
confidently take the lead in the struggle against the enemy. This is the first point
of the second issue.

The second point is the importance of unity in the struggle against the enemy.
At present, in some units, the alliance between the two major factions is still
not strong, and some are still engaging in internal conflicts and armed struggles.
We say that these units must unite and focus on the common enemy, using the
struggle against the enemy to strengthen the big unity. In some units, there are
still comrades who approach this serious class struggle with bourgeois faction-
alism. Some comrades, when dealing with the opposing faction, even if it is a
contradiction among the people, escalate it to an extreme, while problems with-
in their own faction, even if they are enemy-related, are minimized or ignored,
with no efforts to expose or struggle against them. This gives a small group of
class enemies an opportunity to exploit the situation.

Some comrades have been blinded by bourgeois factionalism, which leads them
to protect class enemies. These enemies, in turn, use their factionalism to create
and incite armed struggles to protect their own issues. This must raise the
60
highest level of vigilance among the leaders of the revolutionary factions in all
units.

At the same time, we must follow Chairman Mao’s great teachings, which em-
phasize that each faction must first root out the bad elements within their own
ranks. The experiences of the Dyes and Chemicals Factory and Shanghai Uni-
versity of Science and Technology are good examples. They first unified their
thoughts through studying Mao’s works and implementing Chairman Mao’s
latest instructions, focusing on the struggle against the enemy. They began by
rooting out the bad elements within their own factions, or exchanging infor-
mation and materials to jointly investigate the issues. Through this joint effort,
they exposed and removed some bad elements, which helped solidify their uni-
ty.

The same approach was taken at Yimin Factory. However, there are still some
units that have not yet united and continue to fight internal battles. To the
leaders of these units, if you are not among the bad elements, think about how
you plan to proceed next. This is the second point.

The third point is whether we can fully mobilize the masses, as this is fun-
damental to achieving victory in the struggle against the enemy. The key to
mobilizing the masses lies in the invincible thought of Mao Zedong. We must
use Mao Zedong Thought, particularly Chairman Mao’s theory on classes and
class struggle, to arm the minds of the vast revolutionary masses. We must seri-
ously organize the masses to repeatedly study Mao Zedong’s series of theories,
policies, and strategies regarding the struggle against the enemy, ensuring they
grasp them thoroughly. Once the masses have fully understood Mao Zedong’s
teachings on the struggle against the enemy, they will be able to exert their
maximum fighting power in the struggle against the enemy. They will have the
sharpest ability to discern, identify deeply hidden enemies, expose them, and
root out all the cunning class enemies. They will also be able to consciously
distinguish between two different types of contradictions and always direct the
struggle toward a small group of class enemies. Without Mao Zedong Thought,
there is no way to mobilize the masses.

Therefore, we hope that all units will first focus on ideological education by
organizing study classes. Recently, some units have created good experiences
in this regard. For example, some units have organized study classes for cadres,
61
party and youth league members, veteran workers, or retired workers. Through
these study classes, they further implemented Chairman Mao’s latest instruc-
tions. By studying the experience of the Beijing Xinhua Printing Factory, which
Chairman Mao personally endorsed, they conducted a thorough review of fac-
tory history and enemy intelligence, leading to the exposure of some deeply
hidden class enemies. There are also some factories that were formed by merg-
ing small factories. These units gathered experienced veteran workers and famil-
iarized themselves with the history of the smaller factories, using study classes to
review enemy intelligence. This approach has also been effective.

We hope that leaders at all levels will emphasize ideological education in the
ongoing struggle against the enemy and continue to organize study classes with
the policy of allowing the masses to run them and ensuring they are done on
an amateur level. Through various types of study classes, we can arm the minds
of the revolutionary masses with Mao Zedong Thought. Only by doing so can
we fully mobilize the masses and carry this class struggle through to the end.

During the process of mobilizing the masses, leaders at all levels must strength-
en their leadership. They cannot be content with merely general calls for action.
They must identify different situations, consider the specific characteristics of
each unit, and engage in in-depth and meticulous ideological and political
work. Only by addressing active thoughts and conducting detailed political
work can we fully stimulate all available positive forces. The main focus at pres-
ent is to mobilize a broad range of revolutionary cadres, party members, and
youth league members. They are more familiar with the class struggle in their
respective units, and many comrades already have experience in fighting class
enemies, allowing them to play a key role in this movement.

Some comrades made mistakes at the beginning of the movement and adhered
to the bourgeois counter-revolutionary line. Currently, some of them may have
certain thoughts or doubts. Therefore, we hope that leaders, liaison stations, and
heads of the revolutionary factions will help raise their awareness of the two-
line struggle. Our vast revolutionary cadres and party members must bravely
rush to the front lines of class struggle, undergo rigorous training and testing,
and become strong proletarian fighters. In this regard, the Shanghai District 10
Revolutionary Committee and the proletarian revolutionaries have set a good
example. In their work of clearing the class ranks, they fully mobilized the
masses, including a large number of revolutionary cadres, party members, and
62
youth league members, and through this mobilization, they played a very pos-
itive role in the struggle.

The second group to mobilize is the veteran and retired workers. These workers
are more familiar with the history of the factories and the older generations of
workers. Many of them also have experience in class struggle. In some units,
by inspiring these elderly workers to recall past struggles and compare them
with the present, their hatred toward a small group of class enemies has been
awakened, thereby mobilizing their enthusiasm. Therefore, we must mobilize
all available positive factors and utilize every force that can be exerted to jointly
fight a people’s war.

The third point is how to distinguish between different types of issues. Recently,
we have learned that some people with minor political history problems are
becoming anxious, fearing they will be implicated. We believe that if someone
has minor political history issues but has already clarified them and the masses
are aware of them, then they should not be so anxious. They should lighten
their burdens and join the struggle. Even if someone has more serious political
history issues, if they have not been enemies and have not shown bad behavior
during the Cultural Revolution, they can also put down their burdens, join
the struggle, and eliminate their worries. Some of these people are insiders.
For example, those who participated in the “Guarding Workers’ Teams” would
certainly be familiar with the situations of others who participated in the team.
Similarly, those who were involved with the Kuomintang may have some un-
derstanding.

Even when dealing with class enemies, we must adopt the strategy of dividing
and isolating them, exploiting their contradictions and defeating them one by
one. The small group of staunch class enemies is still our main target. We must
strictly distinguish between two different kinds of contradictions. As mentioned
earlier, some people are trying to shift this struggle into areas like personal be-
havior, working style, or lifestyle issues. We have not fallen into their trap.

At a recent meeting, a comrade raised the issue that some people have lifestyle
problems, and some of these problems are quite serious, but they are not clas-
sified as contradictions between enemies and the people. Can these individuals
be leaders of the revolutionary factions? Our view is that if it is at the grassroots
level, the broad revolutionary masses in that unit should discuss and investigate
63
the issue. If the person is in charge at a higher level, such as a liaison station
or a company, the decision should be based on the political conditions of the
All-China Federation of Trade Unions and the Workers’ Congress. If a person
believes they are unqualified to be in charge, they should voluntarily return to
the factory and focus on revolution and production. In the past period, some
comrades, feeling that they had issues, asked to return, but after hearing about
how to handle contradictions among the people, they decided to stay.

Those who are unqualified must still return, and if they have not caused harm
in the liaison stations or higher levels, we should mobilize all positive factors
and unite all forces that can be united, isolating and defeating the small group
of class enemies to the greatest extent possible. The people’s war against the
enemy has already begun, and the broad revolutionary masses have been mobi-
lized. The issue now is to further mobilize the masses. We must raise the great
banner of Mao Zedong Thought higher, act boldly, rely on the masses and the
majority of cadres, and achieve a comprehensive victory in the struggle against
the enemy, pushing the Cultural Revolution to its conclusion.

64
1969
 The speech by Wang Hongwen at the plenary
session of the “9th Party Congress”

Wang Hongwen

1969.04.14

Dear Chairman Mao, Vice Chairman Lin, the Presidium of the Congress, and
all the representatives:

The 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, convened under
the personal leadership of our most revered great leader Chairman Mao, is a
congress of immense and far-reaching significance in the history of our party.
It is a congress full of vigor, a congress of unity and victory. The great leader
Chairman Mao’s extremely important speech at the opening session, Vice
Chairman Lin’s political report, and the new constitution of the Communist
Party of China have received the warmest support from our vast working class,
and we firmly pledge to implement them.

Vice Chairman Lin’s political report raised the great banner of Mao Zedong
Thought. Based on Chairman Mao’s theory of continuing the revolution under
proletarian dictatorship, it summarized the basic experiences of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution, analyzed both domestic and international
situations, and outlined the party’s combat tasks. This report serves as the great
action program for our entire party, the whole army, and the people of the
entire country. We must study it earnestly and resolutely implement and carry
it out.

We are determined to achieve the following points:

1. Focus on the fundamentals. We must take Vice Chairman Lin as a shining

example and strive to live and apply Mao Zedong Thought in practice. On
all fronts, we should establish Mao Zedong Thought study classes, rapidly
launching a new upsurge in the mass movement of actively learning and
applying Mao Zedong Thought. We will resolutely follow Chairman Mao,
68
always engage in revolution, and remain true to our revolutionary heart, un-
changing like the sea and rocks. Historical experience teaches us this truth: to
follow Chairman Mao is to ensure victory, while deviating from Mao Zedong
Thought leads to failure. This hard-earned experience, paid for with blood, is
something the vast working class will never forget!

2. We must follow Chairman Mao’s great teachings, “The working class must
lead everything” and “Only by liberating all of humanity can the proletar-
iat finally liberate itself.” Based on Mao Zedong Thought, we will strengthen
the alliance between workers and peasants, unite all forces that can be united,
and diligently, thoroughly, and reasonably complete the tasks of struggle, crit-
icism, and reform in the factories. We will earnestly address the struggle, criti-
cism, and reform of the superstructure, implement the policies of the Proletar-
ian Cultural Revolution, and “constantly raise our political awareness through
struggle.” We will remain ever vibrant, work hard, and carry the socialist revo-
lution through to the end.

3. In accordance with Chairman Mao’s great teaching of “Grasp revolution,

promote production,” we will focus on revolution while vigorously promoting
production. We will use revolution to lead production, advance production,
and drive production forward. We are determined to complete and exceed the
national economic development plan, foster a new leap forward in the econom-
ic sector and the entire socialist construction endeavor, and achieve a double
victory in both revolution and production.

4. We must learn from the great Chinese People’s Liberation Army, empha-
sizing proletarian politics, upholding the four “firsts,” promoting the “Three-
Eighth” spirit, strengthening combat readiness, and arming workers. We must
be prepared at all times to crush any enemies daring to attack. We must also
remember Chairman Mao’s teachings that we should not easily claim the final
victory of our revolution, and thoroughly bury imperialism, revisionism, and
reactionary forces. We will fight to liberate all of humanity and strive to estab-
lish a new world without imperialism, capitalism, or any system of exploitation.

69
Finally, let us all raise our voices together:

Long live the victory of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution!

Long live the great, glorious, and correct Communist Party of China!
Long live the invincible thought of Mao Zedong!
Long live our great leader, Chairman Mao! Long live! Long, long live!

70
1970
 Mastering the Party’s Policies,
Deeply Mobilizing the Masses

— Wang Hongwen’s Speech at Fudan University at the ‘Greatly

Upholding Mao Zedong Thought, Thoroughly Liquidating the Counter-
Revolutionary Crimes of the Hu Shoujun Small Group’ Conference

Comrades,

Today’s conference has been very successful; it has greatly boosted the morale
of the proletariat and significantly weakened the arrogance of the class enemies.
This is an excellent class education for each and every one of us. Since the central
leadership, with Chairman Mao at the helm and Vice Chairman Lin, issued
the three important documents, including “Crushing Counter-Revolutionary
Activities and the Destruction of the Reactionaries,” the situation of our
struggle against the enemy in Shanghai, like in other parts of the country, has
been very good. This time, at Fudan University, with the political movement
fully mobilizing the masses, we have exposed and rooted out the counter-
revolutionary conspiracy of the Hu Shoujun small group. This is a significant
victory. Although the number of people in the Hu Shoujun small group is
small, their counter-revolutionary influence is quite powerful. The materials
uncovered from this small group are extremely helpful for some of our well-
meaning comrades, helping them open their eyes and receive education in class
struggle.

However, at present, not every comrade fully understands the far-reaching

significance of the struggle against the current counter-revolutionaries. Some
comrades think that this struggle is merely about exposing a few counter-
revolutionaries, which reduces the scope and nature of the struggle. Our struggle
against counter-revolutionaries is not just about a few individuals; it is a life-
and-death struggle between two classes. It is a continuation and development of
the political struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, a continuation
and development of the political struggle between the people under the
leadership of the Communist Party and the Kuomintang reactionaries. After
the bourgeois class headquarters, led by Liu Shaoqi, was destroyed by the raging
74
tide of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the bourgeoisie will once again
search for its agents. As the great leader Chairman Mao pointed out, “The de-
feated class will still struggle. These people are still around, and this class
still exists.” The Hu Shoujun small group represents such a defeated class. If
we do not root out these hidden agents of imperialism, revisionism, and count-
er-revolution within our revolutionary ranks, it will lead to endless troubles. By
exposing these few people, we turn bad situations into good ones, and we truly
achieve the goal of “exposing a few, saving a batch, and educating and training
the broad masses.”

Not long ago, some comrades expressed the opinion that “in recent years, all
we’ve been hearing are calls to overthrow; now it’s time to listen to the sounds
of machines and hammers.” Today’s meeting serves as a valuable education for
those comrades who have become weary of class struggle. In his brilliant work
On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People, Chairman Mao
teaches us: “We must understand that, without clearing out the hidden
counter-revolutionaries, they will never give up. They will seize any op-
portunity to cause trouble. The imperialists of the United States and the
Chiang Kai-shek group are still frequently sending agents here to carry out
sabotage activities. Even after the previous counter-revolutionaries have
been eliminated, new ones may still emerge.” The facts revealed in today’s
meeting serve as a vivid lesson, don’t they? You may wish to focus solely on
production and ignore politics, but the class enemy is always thinking about
“changing the situation.” It seems that the enemy’s political sensitivity is much
higher than that of some of the comrades in our ranks. Didn’t someone in the
Hu Shoujun group write a black poem about “a sharp blade hidden in the waist,
making a sound”? What does this mean? “Sharp blade” refers to a “quick knife.”
What does “making a sound” mean? There is an ancient legend that when a
knife is about to kill, it will make a sound on its own. This is called “making a
sound.” “A sharp blade hidden in the waist, making a sound,” means that the
quick knife in their waist has made a sound, signaling that they are ready to kill
and shed blood! They said, “If we rise to power in the future, it will be our turn
to chop off their heads.”

Comrades! We must never think that it is just a few intellectuals rebelling—be

careful, you may lose your own head without even knowing how it happened!

75
At the beginning of this struggle, there was a statement made that now is the
time to “deal with the old rebels, to deal with those young rebels who have
made mistakes.” Those making such statements were either counter-revolution-
aries causing disruption and sabotage, attempting to create chaos in the situ-
ation, or some confused people with extremely serious right-wing thoughts.
However, no matter what, such arguments that hinder the deepening of the
struggle must be criticized. Our view is that we must conduct a class analysis of
the “old rebels.” The majority of the “old rebels” are revolutionary and revolu-
tionary-minded, many of whom have always closely followed Chairman Mao’s
proletarian revolutionary line and have continued to make new contributions
for the people.

However, we must recognize that, within the ranks of the rebel forces, there
have inevitably been some bad elements. As Chairman Mao pointed out in the
preface to Materials on the Hu Feng Counter-Revolutionary Group: “Because
we were in a period of revolutionary upheaval, and we were the victors, all
kinds of people gathered around us, resulting in a mixture of good and bad,
with fish and dragons interspersed.” When the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution began, the tide of the revolutionary movement swept various peo-
ple along, creating a mixture of good and bad elements, with fish and dragons
interspersed. This included the so-called “old rebels” like Hu Shoujun and oth-
ers. In the political report delivered by Vice Chairman Lin at the Ninth Party
Congress, Chairman Mao made an important analysis of the characteristics
of this Cultural Revolution. Mao said: “In the past, when we fought battles
from south to north, those wars were easier to fight because the enemy was
clear. This time, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is much more
difficult than those wars.”

“The problem is that those who made ideological mistakes are mixed in
with the enemies and allies, and it’s hard to distinguish between them for
the time being.”

Indeed, this is the case. Due to enemies infiltrating our ranks under the guise of
“rebellion,” many people were deceived by their tactics, and some even regarded
them as good people. However, as long as we rely on the invincible thought of
Mao Zedong, we can absolutely uncover the true nature of these counter-rev-
olutionary elements. We should study Chairman Mao’s notes on the Hu Feng
counter-revolutionary group carefully to understand the characteristics of
76
counter-revolutionary conspiratorial groups operating under proletarian dicta-
torship.

For example, the Hu Shoujun group infiltrated mass organizations to conduct

anti-proletarian activities. They had a counter-revolutionary program, a count-
er-revolutionary plan, and strategies and discipline for underground activities.
The pamphlet “Materials Related to the Hu Shoujun Group” compiled by the
Fudan University “Hu Shoujun Group” special case team is something every-
one should read. It can help us understand what the new counter-revolutionary
elements are and how they attempted to overthrow the Party leadership with
Mao Zedong as the head and Lin Biao as the deputy, in order to seize power
from the proletariat. It also exposes their underground conspiratorial activities.
The materials cited in this pamphlet, written by their own hands, are undeni-
able ironclad evidence—black and white on paper, making it impossible for
them to deny.

From these materials, could the Hu Shoujun group claim to be merely “little
rebels whose worldviews have not yet been transformed”? No, they are a group
of newly emerged counter-revolutionary elements. The members of this small
group themselves confessed that “in another twenty or thirty years, we will
be veteran counter-revolutionaries.” In fact, Hu Shoujun was already an old
counter-revolutionary. Even before the Cultural Revolution, he had viciously
attacked our great leader Chairman Mao. Hu said, “I face the sun, and the sun
is like a steel knife, ready to carve out my heart.” Mao Zedong Thought is the
sun, the steel knife that aims to carve out the hearts of these counter-revolu-
tionary elements. They maliciously attacked our great leader Chairman Mao,
and the proletarian leadership with Mao as the head and Lin Biao as the deputy.
Among the materials collected, there are more than 400 pieces, with nearly
200 corroborated by other evidence, including time, place, and witnesses. The
contents of these materials are extremely vile, almost unbearable to read. These
individuals harbor such deep hatred for Chairman Mao and the proletarian
leadership under Mao and Lin, while they idolize the fascist leader Hitler. There
is a book detailing Hitler’s life, called The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich,
which was revered as a “classic” within this small group and required reading
for their internal study and discussion.

77
Many members of this group also enjoyed writing dark poetry, some of which
mentioned a “ten-year period.” Why “ten years”? According to the core mem-
bers of this group, the ten-year period refers to the time between 1923, when
Hitler failed in his coup attempt at the Beer Hall Putsch, and 1933, when he
ascended to the position of Führer of Germany. Therefore, their beliefs were
completely rooted in fascist ideology. Their counter-revolutionary goal was to
turn socialist China into fascist China. How could such people be described as
“old rebels who made mistakes”? They are nothing less than old, heinous count-
er-revolutionaries who committed enormous crimes!

At present, the lid of class struggle in many units has been initially lifted, and
the movement has achieved some victories. However, at this point, the danger
of relaxation and complacency is also starting to resurface. Isn’t it the case that
some people believe “the problem has been uncovered enough, and we can’t
dig any deeper”? This mindset of “not being able to go any deeper” is very
dangerous, as it would turn this struggle into a mere formality. Right now, this
struggle is a continuation of the process of purging the class ranks. It is a crucial
strategic measure to safeguard and develop the victorious outcomes of the Great
Proletarian Cultural Revolution. We cannot allow it to halt halfway. We must
dig deeper, relentlessly pursue, and continuously use Mao Zedong Thought
to guide our efforts. We must master the party’s policies, deeply mobilize the
masses, and continually divide and dismantle the enemy, not giving them any
chance to catch their breath.

We solemnly hope that comrades will thoroughly study Chairman Mao’s bril-
liant work “Carry the Revolution Through to the End”, written in 1948. This has
very important practical significance for advancing the current struggle. In this
brilliant work, Chairman Mao reminds us never to be like the farmer who has
a kind heart toward a poisonous snake, never to pity evil people like snakes.
Comrades, the problem we face today is exactly as Chairman Mao pointed
out: “Shall we carry the revolution through to the end, or shall we allow
the revolution to fail halfway? If we are to carry the revolution through to
the end, then we must use revolutionary methods to resolutely, thoroughly,
and completely eliminate all reactionary forces.” This is the clear and sharp
question that stands before us.

78
To thoroughly destroy such a counter-revolutionary group politically, ideologi-
cally, and organizationally, it is essential to carry out a large-scale criticism cam-
paign. Without engaging in revolutionary mass criticism and political ideolog-
ical struggle, the class enemy will still have room for activity, and some people
will fail to clearly distinguish themselves from the enemy, providing the enemy
with objective conditions to reverse their defeat. At present, it appears that in
some units, including certain departments at Fudan University, the mass criti-
cism work is still insufficient and needs to be further strengthened. Whether the
mass criticism is effective or not actually indicates whether the masses in your
unit have truly been mobilized. If the masses are truly mobilized, the mass crit-
icism will be vigorous and energetic. Otherwise, it will be cold and lack enthu-
siasm, and the movement will not be able to heat up. I hope all units carefully
examine the depth and breadth of their mass criticism efforts and further ignite
and maintain the revolutionary passion of the masses.

Comrades, fellow fighters!

In order to better carry out this great struggle, on one hand, we must overcome
right-wing thinking, further mobilize the masses, and intensify the revolution-
ary mass criticism campaign. At the same time, we must thoroughly study the
Party’s policies on enemy struggles and understand the policies in order to en-
sure that the movement continues to advance victoriously along the revolution-
ary track of Mao Zedong Thought.

Mao Zedong, during the period of class struggle, issued a series of important
directives. His instructions regarding “first, we must act quickly; second, we
must pay attention to policies,” as well as his directives on “the scope of
suppression should be narrow, the scope of education should be broad; we
must focus on evidence, research, and investigation, and strictly prohib-
it forced confessions, coercion, and fabrication of evidence,” must all be
firmly followed. Any violation of Mao’s instructions, such as the use of forced
confessions, torture, or disguised torture, is wrong and must be immediately
corrected.

At the same time, we must strictly distinguish between two different types of
contradictions and deal with them accordingly. Here, I would like to discuss
how to historically and dialectically understand certain phenomena, in order
to accurately, steadily, and decisively strike at a small handful of class enemies.
79
First, we must correctly handle the relationship between criticizing reaction-
ary ideologies and fighting against current counter-revolutionaries. The current
struggle is both a serious political struggle and an extremely profound ideo-
logical struggle between two classes. We must mobilize the masses to identify
hidden counter-revolutionary elements politically, while also engaging in ideo-
logical struggle, carrying out revolutionary mass criticism of various reactionary
ideologies. This is essential for educating the masses, improving our awareness
of class struggle, understanding the struggle between the two lines, and enhanc-
ing our ability to discern. At the same time, it will help those comrades who
have made mistakes due to the influence of reactionary ideologies to quickly
return to Mao’s revolutionary path.

Under the powerful conditions of the dictatorship of the proletariat, it is dif-

ficult for a small group of hidden counter-revolutionaries to openly carry out
counter-revolutionary activities. They always use extreme “left” ideologies to
shield themselves and confuse the masses, attacking the proletarian headquar-
ters led by Chairman Mao and Vice Chairman Lin, as well as the newly-formed
revolutionary committees personally approved by Chairman Mao, and the
great Chinese People’s Liberation Army.

Therefore, in areas where extreme “left” ideologies are rampant, there are of-
ten hidden counter-revolutionary elements active, and sometimes these class
enemies are even behind the scenes, manipulating the situation. Only by per-
sistently carrying out the revolutionary mass criticism, thoroughly criticizing
reactionary extreme “left” ideologies, can we expose those counter-revolution-
aries who incite and use extreme “left” ideologies for counter-revolutionary ac-
tivities. This will help educate the masses, identify the enemies, and block their
avenues for retreat. This is one aspect of the issue.

On the other hand, we must also recognize that not everyone who is caught up
in various reactionary extreme “left” ideologies is a counter-revolutionary. We
must analyze those affected by extreme “left” ideologies in a specific manner.
Are they individuals who, for a certain time and in a certain place, were influ-
enced by extreme “left” ideologies and either proposed or supported certain
erroneous views? Or, have they consistently advocated and promoted extreme
“left” theories? Did they make mistakes in the early or middle stages of the
movement, and later examine or correct them? Or have they continued to
80
actively promote extreme “left” ideologies to this day? Are these people a small
group of reactionary elements attacking the Party and the proletariat, or are
they well-meaning people who made mistakes? These issues must be examined
in a historical and specific context.

It is particularly important to distinguish between those who still adhere to

extreme “left” ideologies and those who were influenced by them in the past.
Arbitrarily labeling everyone as the same, without any differentiation or anal-
ysis, is incorrect. Now, there are some people who, on the one hand, loudly
complain that the scope of the current struggle is too large, while on the other
hand, either secretly stir up bourgeois factionalism or openly engage in disrup-
tive activities, attempting to create confusion and chaos in the movement. For
such individuals, we must remain highly vigilant. Their “left-right” approach
is precisely aimed at sabotaging the struggle. These people must be thoroughly
investigated to understand their true intentions.

Of course, when we say that we must treat these situations differently, we do

not mean that those who were previously influenced by extreme “left” ideolo-
gies should stop consciously engaging in self-criticism and the “struggle against
personal issues and revisionism.” That is certainly not the case. Every reaction-
ary ideology, whether from the right or extreme “left,” must be firmly criticized.
Only by doing so can we genuinely help and educate comrades who made mis-
takes, and truly isolate and expose a small group of class enemies.

Secondly, we must distinguish between mass organizations that made mistakes

and counter-revolutionary conspiracy groups. During the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, the broad masses of revolutionary people, following the
strategic guidance of our great leader Chairman Mao, created various mass or-
ganizations. These organizations made significant contributions to the revo-
lution as they sought to seize power from the small group of traitors, spies,
and unreformed capitalist roaders led by Liu Shaoqi. This was a tremendous
achievement. However, once the various revolutionary committees were estab-
lished across the country, particularly after the Ninth Party Congress presided
over by Chairman Mao, any mass organization that crossed industries, systems,
or departments—or stubbornly clung to their small fiefdoms—should immedi-
ately cease activities and join the revolution in an organized manner. If these or-
ganizations persist without change, they will inevitably be exploited by a small
group of class enemies.
81
Some mass organizations may have made mistakes during the early, middle, or
later stages of the movement, or may have been manipulated or used by bad
people. We must strictly distinguish between the small group of bad elements
that infiltrated these organizations and the broad masses, who are revolutionary
and want revolution. However, organizations like the Hu Shoujun small group
are not mass organizations at all; they are conspiratorial and counter-revolution-
ary groups that have infiltrated mass organizations. The Hu Shoujun group has
a counter-revolutionary agenda, a plan, and engages in secretive underground
activities, which is completely different from the general student organizations.
The Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is carried out using the methods of
proletarian democracy under dictatorship, with open criticism and discussion,
including great debates, open letters, and large-scale posters. What need is there
for secretive activities? Only those with ulterior motives would engage in such
secretive activities. Especially after the establishment of the revolutionary com-
mittees, if such activities continue, it is clear that there are hidden, undesirable
purposes at play. These kinds of secretive activities should be thoroughly inves-
tigated, and those who persistently refuse to correct their errors will inevitably
face dire consequences.

The core members of Hu Shoujun’s small group included some who were for-
mer leaders of the Cannon Corps and the Central Committee of the Revolu-
tionary Faction. However, it would be incorrect to equate all those who partic-
ipated in the Cannon Corps with Hu Shoujun’s group. It is crucial to conduct
a historical and specific analysis of such issues.

For instance, during the period between September and December 1966, cer-
tain student organizations played a significant role in promoting the rise of
the workers’ movement. Revolutionary students, especially the Red Guards,
contributed positively during their engagement with factory workers. Although
some of them made mistakes, their overall direction was generally correct and
should be acknowledged. However, by the beginning of 1967, after the central
government issued a call for the organizational structure of the revolution to
be streamlined, some students continued to attempt to dominate the workers’
movement, which was problematic.

As for Hu Shoujun’s small group, they used the workers’ and students’ move-
ment as a cover to manipulate the workers’ movement and even attempted to
merge with the General Workers’ Corps, driven by their conspiratorial
82
ambitions. They secretly engaged in many subversive activities behind the backs
of the General Workers’ Corps. When their schemes were exposed, they resorted
to bitterly criticizing the revolutionaries. Now, some factories have questioned
past connections between students and workers. Regardless of whether these
connections occurred during the early or late stages of the movement, it’s essen-
tial to investigate these cases carefully and selectively. During the early stages,
especially at the end of 1966 and the beginning of 1967, it was quite normal for
students and workers to form alliances. We should not hastily suspect or inves-
tigate these relationships unless there is a compelling reason. Otherwise, we risk
making unfounded accusations and disrupting the movement unnecessarily.

Furthermore, regarding the Central Revolutionary Faction, while they did pro-
duce harmful works like “Everything for the Ninth Party Congress”, these ac-
tions were carried out by a small faction within the group. Some of their works
were influenced or even edited by counter-revolutionaries like Hu Daojing, a
remnant of the Kuomintang, and Hu Shoujun, a counter-revolutionary con-
spirator. The Central Revolutionary Faction did conduct study sessions, and
the results were generally positive in terms of raising awareness. We should
not equate the actions of a few individuals in this faction with the actions of
Hu Shoujun’s counter-revolutionary group. The Central Revolutionary Faction
made mistakes, but it was still a mass organization, and its nature is fundamen-
tally different from that of Hu Shoujun’s conspiratorial group.

Thirdly, we must distinguish between those who were involved in the “Cannon
Attack” counter-revolutionary movement and those who engaged in current
counter-revolutionary activities. The term “Cannon Attack” refers to specific
actions taken by counter-revolutionaries, and those involved in it cannot be
treated as the same as ordinary people who made mistakes in the past. The idea
that “anyone who engaged in Cannon Attacks should be punished” is a danger-
ous and manipulative claim propagated by those with ulterior motives. These
individuals are attempting to create a climate of fear and confusion to protect
a small group of counter-revolutionaries. We must remain vigilant against such
attempts to destabilize the revolutionary movement.

83
When dealing with those who have committed “Pao Da” (attacking the cen-
tral authority) mistakes, we must consider whether they were leaders or simply
involved, whether the nature of the mistake was serious, and whether the cir-
cumstances were particularly malicious. We cannot generalize. If someone has
committed a general “Pao Da” mistake, but has later realized their error, made a
full confession, conducted a thorough self-criticism, and demonstrated correc-
tion through their actions without repeating the mistake, then we should not
“revisit old issues.” Criticism and help in terms of their thoughts are acceptable,
but the focus should be on education. We should not hold grudges but should
allow them the chance to correct their mistakes. However, for those who have
concealed their “Pao Da” mistakes or hidden key details, especially those who
continue to secretly harbor “Pao Da” materials or engage in “Pao Da” activities,
these individuals must be exposed and thoroughly investigated. Of course, if
these people sincerely repent, make a full confession, and voluntarily hand over
the “black materials,” whether today or tomorrow, it will be considered as time-
ly confession, and we can offer leniency.

In conclusion, we must strictly distinguish between two types of contradictions

and treat them differently, in order to prevent both left-wing and right-wing
tendencies. The issue with the Hu Shoujun small group is fundamentally not
an ordinary “Pao Da” (attacking the central authority) issue. This small group,
during the two waves of the “Pao Da” countercurrent in Shanghai, played the
role of the vanguard in attacking the central Cultural Revolution, which is a
serious crime, but not their main crime. To this day, this small group is still
fanatically and maliciously attacking the Central Committee led by Chairman
Mao and Vice Chairman Lin, attacking the newly established revolutionary
committees, and the great People’s Liberation Army of China. They have an
agenda, organization, and discipline, and are attempting to instigate a change
of regime. This is the crux of the matter.

Fourth, we must distinguish between students who have made mistakes and
current counter-revolutionaries. Our great leader Chairman Mao has always
placed immense hope in the revolutionary youth of our country. Through the
tempering of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the vast majority of
our young students and young workers have become even more devoted to
the Central Committee led by Chairman Mao and Vice Chairman Lin, more
willing to accept re-education from the workers, peasants, and soldiers, and are
full of vitality.
84
When addressing issues among the youth, we must make a clear distinction be-
tween those young students or workers who, influenced by anarchist ideologies,
have made mistakes, been criticized, expressed some passive dissatisfaction, or
said things detrimental to the proletarian command, and those who have con-
sistently upheld a reactionary stance and launched vicious attacks. We must also
differentiate between those youth who, influenced by extreme bourgeois indi-
vidualism, have walked the path of counter-revolution, and those youth who,
though coming from poor backgrounds and having made various mistakes, are
not engaging in counter-revolutionary activities or seeking revenge and resto-
ration of the old regime.

For the former group, ideological criticism is necessary, especially for them-
selves, and they must seriously learn from their mistakes. As long as they do
not continue down the wrong path, they remain part of the people’s internal
contradictions, and we welcome them to correct their errors. As for the latter
group, they represent enemy contradictions and must be thoroughly exposed,
criticized, and fought against.

The Hu Shoujun small group is a thoroughly counter-revolutionary faction. Are

all the people within this group the same? Not exactly. Some of them belong
to the earlier mentioned category, and others may be considered “marginal”
figures. However, their nature is different from the general case because this is a
group. We must observe their repentance and the extent of their determination
to correct their errors in order to determine how to handle them.

Fifth, for current counter-revolutionaries and individuals within counter-rev-

olutionary small groups, we must differentiate between those with a good atti-
tude and those with a bad attitude.

Chairman Mao clearly stated: “Those who confess honestly will be treated
leniently; those who resist will be treated harshly.” This principle is always
applicable. Our attitude toward the Hu Shoujun small group and all other re-
actionary elements is clear:

1. The crimes exist objectively. “Concealment cannot last.” Attempting to

hide or cover up crimes is self-deception. If you don’t speak, others will. An
alliance of attack and defense is unreliable. In the end, you must confess. It is
better to confess on your own than to have others expose you, and it is better to
85
confess early than late.

2. No matter the size of the crime, the key lies in the attitude. “Dump the
beans out of the bamboo tube,” meaning fully confess. If one surrenders com-
pletely to the people and disarms, they will receive leniency. If they resist, their
crimes will accumulate, and they will face harsh punishment by the proletariat.

3. To redeem oneself and become a new person. Don’t focus on the severity
of the crime. Those who fully confess and show true repentance may still be
treated as part of the internal contradictions among the people.

4. The fundamental purpose of confession is to completely sever ties with the

reactionary class’s ideology. The destructive elements must be transformed into
beneficial ones. This transformation must take place through inner change.
Those who have made a thorough confession should also deeply examine their
soul, critically uncover their reactionary thoughts, report on the criminal activ-
ities of fellow party members, and conduct self-criticism.

5. Dialectics is the revolutionary, critical, and combative philosophy. The laws

of class struggle are not subject to human will, and evading struggle is not an
option. We must warn the members of the Hu Shoujun small group: after
facing struggle and being criticized, either they improve, or they will become
something no one respects, like a pile of dog feces. They must choose between
two paths: whether to remain human or descend into something worse.

After this stage of struggle, the members within this small group have shown
vastly different long-term attitudes. Based on their attitudes, we will take differ-
ent measures for each individual. Is it still possible to confess now? Can you still
be considered to have confessed on your own? Yes, it’s still possible, and it’s still
considered your own confession. Of course, there is a difference in treatment
between confessing early and confessing late, but we must also recognize that
there is an even greater difference between confessing late and resisting confes-
sion. If you do not confess now, once the final decision is made, you will regret
it deeply.

86
Recently, we have dealt with a number of counter-revolutionaries based on such
documents, and notices have been posted. For those who intend to resist to the
end, we now warn the peasants: if you do not immediately change your atti-
tude, you will not have a good end. There are still some counter-revolutionary
small groups and individuals whom we have not yet touched due to being busy
with other cases, but do not think that this means you are in the clear. We ad-
vise you to confess voluntarily before we take action. We may consider lenient
treatment, but if you try to slip by, it will be impossible.

Finally, I would like to remind the comrades attending the meeting from each
unit to pay attention to one point: when learning from others’ experiences, it
is crucial to integrate these experiences with the specific circumstances of your
own unit. Simply copying them without adaptation is not feasible. For exam-
ple, the fundamental experience of Fudan University—such as consistently us-
ing the three important documents of the Central Committee personally issued
by Chairman Mao as powerful weapons, using revolutionary mass criticism to
pave the way, fully mobilizing the masses, emphasizing investigation and re-
search, carrying out strategic persuasion, strictly adhering to the Party’s policies,
and implementing tactics of differentiation and dealing with people according-
ly—has universal significance. However, their specific experiences and methods
cannot be directly and rigidly copied. Chairman Mao taught us to always keep
in mind that “to analyze specific situations concretely is the most funda-
mental thing in Marxism, the living soul of Marxism.” Fudan University
exposed a group, and now I’ll also go after a group; even if there isn’t a group,
we must forcefully create one—this approach is wrong, and we absolutely can-
not do this. We say that the Hu Shoujun small group is counterrevolutionary
because they viciously attacked our great leader Chairman Mao, attacked the
proletarian command under Chairman Mao and Vice Chairman Lin, attacked
Mao Zedong Thought and Chairman Mao’s proletarian revolutionary line,
opposed the great Chinese People’s Liberation Army, and opposed the newly
established revolutionary committees approved by Chairman Mao. Counter-
revolutionary forces come in various forms, and whatever is dug up should be
recognized for what it is. For example, when we recently exposed the “May
16” group, we are referring specifically to the “May 16” counterrevolutionary
group—not all counterrevolutionary groups are part of “May 16.” Apart from
the “May 16” group, there are also other various counterrevolutionary groups.
If there is a group, expose the group; if there are individuals, expose the indi-
viduals. In short, the struggle in each unit must rely on Mao Zedong Thought,
87
the mass line, and the Party’s policies—not on simply copying the experiences
of other units.

Comrades, fellow soldiers!

At present, the revolutionary situation is very promising, and the “One Strike,
Three Anti” movement is steadily progressing. Let us raise high the great red
banner of Mao Zedong Thought, follow the victorious course outlined by the
Party’s “Ninth Congress,” and closely adhere to Chairman Mao’s great stra-
tegic deployment. We must earnestly study the three experiences personally
approved by Chairman Mao at Peking University, as well as the advanced ex-
periences from our fellow provinces and cities. In accordance with Chairman
Mao’s teaching, “There must be suppression of any reactionary forces,” we
will strike decisively and precisely to eliminate a small group of class enemies
and carry this great struggle through to the end!

88
1973
 Wang Hongwen’s Report on Amending the Party
Constitution at the 10th National Congress
of the Communist Party of China

Wang Hongwen

1973.08.24

(Report on August 24, 1973, approved on August 28, 1973)

Comrades!

Now, entrusted by the Party Central Committee, I will provide a brief

explanation regarding the amendment of our Party›s constitution.

In accordance with Chairman Mao›s and the Party Central Committee›s

instructions on amending the Party constitution, the Central Working
Conference held in May this year discussed the issue of revising the Party
constitution from the Ninth National Congress. After the conference, the Party
committees of the provinces, cities, autonomous regions, military districts, and
Party organizations under the direct jurisdiction of the Central Committee
established small working groups to revise the constitution. They widely
solicited opinions from both within the Party and from the masses outside the
Party, and formally submitted 41 draft revisions to the Central Committee. At
the same time, many other revision suggestions were directly sent to us by Party
members and the public. The draft amendments now presented for discussion at
this conference are based on Chairman Mao›s specific suggestions for amending
the Party constitution and have been carefully drafted after studying the various
local draft revisions and feedback.

In the process of discussing the amendment of the Party constitution, all

comrades of the Party unanimously agreed that since the Ninth National
Congress of the Party, the entire Party, the military, and the people across the
country, under the guidance of the political line set forth at the Ninth National
Congress, led personally by Chairman Mao, have vigorously carried out the
92
struggles, criticism, and reform of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution. They
have smashed the Lin Biao anti-Party clique and achieved great victories in var-
ious aspects of both domestic and international struggles. More than four years
of practice have fully proven that both the political and organizational lines of
the Ninth Congress are correct.

The Party constitution adopted at the Ninth National Congress upheld our
Party’s consistent fundamental principles and reflected the new experiences of
the Proletarian Cultural Revolution. It played a positive role in the political life
of the entire Party, the military, and the people across the country.

The general outline of the amended draft retains the provisions of the Ninth
National Congress constitution regarding the nature of our Party, guiding ide-
ology, basic program, and basic line, with some adjustments made to the struc-
ture and content. The articles have not been changed much, and the total word
count has slightly decreased. The section in the Ninth Congress constitution
concerning Lin Biao has been entirely deleted in this draft. This deletion reflects
the unanimous demand of the entire Party, the military, and the people, and
is the inevitable result of Lin Biao’s betrayal of the Party, the country, and his
self-exclusion from both the Party and the people.

Compared to the Ninth National Congress constitution, the primary change in

the amended draft is the expansion of content related to the struggle of the two
lines, which is a common feature of the revised drafts sent from various regions.
Under Chairman Mao’s leadership, our Party has achieved ten major victories
in line struggles, accumulating rich experiences in defeating both rightist and
“leftist” opportunist lines. These experiences are extremely valuable for the en-
tire Party. Chairman Mao said, “For a political party to lead a revolution to
victory, it must rely on the correctness of its political line and the consoli-
dation of its organization.” All comrades of the Party must pay close attention
to the issue of the line, uphold the continuing revolution under the dictatorship
of the proletariat, strengthen Party building, and ensure the realization of the
Party’s basic line in the socialist historical stage.

In this aspect, what content has been added in the amended draft?

First, regarding the Proletarian Cultural Revolution. The Proletarian Cultural

Revolution is a political revolution in socialist conditions, where the proletariat
93
opposes the bourgeoisie and all exploitative classes. It is also a profound move-
ment for rectifying the Party. During the Cultural Revolution, Chairman Mao
led the entire Party, the military, and the people to crush the two bourgeois
headquarters headed by Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao, which dealt a heavy blow to
all reactionary forces both domestically and internationally. This Proletarian
Cultural Revolution was completely necessary and very timely for consolidat-
ing the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing the restoration of capitalism,
and building socialism.

The amended draft fully affirms the great victory and significance of this revolu-
tion and explicitly states: “Such revolutions will need to be carried out many
times in the future.” Historical experience tells us that the struggle between
the two classes and two roads in society, both domestically and internationally,
will inevitably be reflected within the Party. Imperialism and social imperialism
will attempt to invade and subvert us, and they will inevitably seek out agents
within our Party. In 1966, when the Proletarian Cultural Revolution had just
begun, Chairman Mao pointed out: “When the world is in great chaos, there
will be great order. After seven or eight years, another round will come.
The ‘monsters and demons’ will emerge on their own. They are determined
by their class nature, and they must come out.” The reality of class struggle
has proven, and will continue to prove, the objective law that Chairman Mao
revealed. We must remain vigilant and understand the long-term and com-
plex nature of this struggle. We need to continue the socialist revolution in the
ideological, political, and economic realms, reforming all superstructures that
do not align with the socialist economic base. We must also carry out multi-
ple political revolutions, like the Proletarian Cultural Revolution, to constantly
consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat and achieve new victories in the
socialist cause.

Second, adhere to the principle of “We must follow Marxism, not revision-
ism; we must unite, not divide; we must be open and aboveboard, not engage
in conspiracy and trickery.” The most fundamental aspect of Chairman Mao’s
“three musts and three must-not’s” is to follow Marxism and reject revisionism.
If we follow Marxism, we will wholeheartedly seek the interests of China and
the majority of people in the world, and we will naturally unite and act openly.
But if we follow revisionism, which serves the interests of the minority exploit-
ing class, it will inevitably lead to division and conspiracy. Revisionism is an
international bourgeois ideology. Revisionists are agents planted by the
94
bourgeoisie, imperialists, and counter-revolutionaries within our Party using
methods of infiltration or manipulation. Figures like Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao,
ambitious, conspiratorial, two-faced, and incorrigibly capitalist roaders, al-
though their actions may differ, are essentially the same—they are the heads of
revisionism. From ideology and politics to everyday life, they have thorough-
ly become bourgeois and rotten through and through! Chairman Mao said,
“When revisionism takes power, it is the bourgeoisie that takes power.” This
is absolutely true. Based on suggestions from various places, the draft revision
includes the principle of “three musts and three must-not’s” in the general pro-
gram. In the first duty of Party members and the first task of grassroots Party
organizations, it also incorporates the views of workers, peasants, and soldiers
from the Beijing Party Congress discussion and suggestions from some prov-
inces and cities, adding the content of “criticizing revisionism.” Revisionism
continues to be the primary danger we face. Learning Marxism and criticizing
revisionism is a long-term task for strengthening the ideological construction
of our Party.

Third, we must have the revolutionary spirit to dare to go against the tide.
Chairman Mao pointed out that going against the tide is a principle of Marx-
ism-Leninism. Many comrades, in discussing the revision of the Party Con-
stitution, reflected on the history of the Party and their own experiences, and
they believe that this is a very important issue in the struggle between two lines
within the Party. In the early period of the democratic revolution, our Party
once experienced the domination of erroneous lines several times. In the later
period of the democratic revolution and the socialist revolution, even when
the correct line led by Chairman Mao held the dominant position, there were
still periods when some erroneous lines or views were mistakenly embraced by
many as correct. The correct line, represented by Chairman Mao, fought reso-
lutely against those erroneous lines and won victory. The issue of the line and
the overall situation is crucial, and a true Communist Party member must act
with a public mind, unafraid of being removed from office, expelled from the
Party, imprisoned, executed, or even divorced, and must dare to go against the
tide. Of course, it is not just a matter of whether one dares to oppose the erro-
neous tide; there is also the question of whether one can recognize it. The class
struggle and line struggle during the socialist period are extremely complicated.
When one tendency is obscured by another, many comrades often fail to pay
attention, while those who engage in conspiracy and trickery deliberately create
false appearances, making it more difficult for us to discern the truth. Through
95
discussion, many comrades believe that according to dialectical materialism, all
objective things are knowable. “Our vision is not sufficient, so we should use
telescopes and microscopes. The Marxist method is the political and military
telescope and microscope.” By diligently studying Marxist-Leninist works and
Chairman Mao’s works, actively participating in the practice of struggle, and
working to transform our worldview, we can continuously improve our ability
to distinguish true from false Marxism and to differentiate between the correct
and incorrect lines and views.

In carrying out struggles, we must study Chairman Mao’s theory and practice
of the struggle between two lines, ensuring not only firm principles but also the
implementation of correct policies. We must distinguish between two types of
contradictions, focus on uniting the majority, and observe the Party’s discipline.

Fourth, we must cultivate millions of successors to the proletarian revolutionary

cause in the mass struggle. Chairman Mao said: “To ensure that our Party and
our country do not change color, we not only need the correct line and policies
but also need to cultivate and nurture millions of successors to the proletarian
revolutionary cause.” What is meant here is not one or two, but millions. Only
if the entire Party attaches importance to this task can it be accomplished.

During the discussion on revising the Party Constitution, many older comrades
strongly expressed their desire to further improve the work of training succes-
sors, ensuring that the proletarian revolutionary cause, which Chairman Mao
led our Party to initiate, will have capable successors. Many younger comrades
also eagerly expressed that, after long years of revolutionary war and struggles,
the old cadres possess rich experience, and they must humbly learn from their
strengths, hold themselves to strict standards, and strive to inherit the revolu-
tionary cause. Both new and old cadres expressed their intention to learn from
each other and complement each other’s strengths.

Based on everyone’s opinions, the revision draft added content about cultivat-
ing successors to the total outline section, and in the articles, it added that lead-
ership bodies at all levels should implement the principle of combining older,
middle-aged, and younger cadres. We must select outstanding individuals from
workers and poor and lower-middle peasants for leadership positions at all lev-
els, while also paying attention to cultivating women and minority cadre mem-
bers, in accordance with Chairman Mao’s five conditions for the successors of
96
the proletarian revolutionary cause.

Fifth, we must strengthen the Party’s unified leadership and carry forward the
Party’s traditional style. The proletarian Party is the highest form of proletarian
organization, and the Party must lead everything. This is an important principle
of Marxism. The revision draft incorporates suggestions from various units on
strengthening the Party’s unified leadership and stipulates in the articles that
state organs, the People’s Liberation Army, and various revolutionary mass or-
ganizations “must all accept the Party’s unified leadership.”

The Party’s unified leadership in organizational terms should be reflected in two

aspects: First, in the relationships between organizations at the same level, the
Party leads everything—this includes workers, peasants, merchants, scholars,
soldiers, government, and the Party itself. These are not parallel, nor are they
opposed to one another; second, in the hierarchical relationships, subordinates
must obey superiors, and the entire Party must obey the central leadership. This
has always been our Party’s rule and must be upheld.

To strengthen the Party’s unified leadership, we cannot replace the Party com-
mittee’s leadership with joint meetings from various sectors. At the same time,
we must fully utilize the role of the revolutionary committees and various or-
ganizations at different levels. Party committees must implement democratic
centralism and strengthen collective leadership. We must promote unity across
all sectors and oppose factionalism. We should foster a “forum of opinions,”
rather than a “one-man rule.”

The Party’s unified leadership is fundamentally about the correct leadership of

thought and political lines. Party committees at all levels must unify their un-
derstanding, policies, plans, commands, and actions based on Chairman Mao’s
revolutionary line. The revision draft adds the three key styles of linking theory
to practice, maintaining close ties with the masses, and practicing criticism
and self-criticism to the general outline. These excellent traditions, promoted
by Chairman Mao, were well-known to the older generation of communists,
but there is the question of how to continue carrying them forward under new
historical conditions. Many new Party members also face the task of learning,
inheriting, and carrying forward these traditions.

97
Chairman Mao frequently used examples from the Party’s difficult years of
struggle to educate us, emphasizing that we must share the same hardships and
fate as the broad masses. We must remain vigilant against the erosion of bour-
geois thought and the attacks of sugar-coated bullets, stay humble and cautious,
work hard, resolutely oppose elitism, and rigorously correct all unhealthy prac-
tices, such as using connections to gain favors.

Here, I will focus on the issue of accepting criticism and supervision from the
masses. Our country is a socialist state under the dictatorship of the proletariat.
The working class, poor and lower-middle peasants, and the broad masses of
laborers are the masters of the country. They have the right to exercise revolu-
tionary supervision over the Party and the cadres at all levels of the state. This
concept has been strengthened throughout the Party after the proletarian cul-
tural revolution. However, there are still a few cadres, particularly some leading
cadres, who cannot tolerate criticism from Party members and the masses, and
even suppress criticism, retaliate, and in some cases, the problem is quite severe.
The erroneous practice of dealing with internal issues by saying “if they don’t
accept, suppress them; if they still don’t accept, arrest them” is absolutely for-
bidden by the Party’s discipline.

The revised draft adds a sentence to the articles: “The suppression of criticism
and retaliation is absolutely not allowed.” We must raise this issue to the height
of the two-line struggle and resolutely fight against such violations of Party
discipline. We must trust the masses, rely on the masses, and frequently use the
“Four Bigs” (great criticism, great discussion, great posters, and great debates)
to create a political situation that is both centralized and democratic, with
discipline and freedom, unity of will and individual satisfaction, a lively
atmosphere that benefits the socialist revolution and construction, is more
capable of overcoming difficulties, and can more quickly build our coun-
try’s modern industry and agriculture, making the Party and the state more
solid and better able to withstand risks.

Sixth, adhering to proletarian internationalism is our Party’s consistent princi-

ple. This time, the revised draft also includes the need to “oppose great power
chauvinism.” We will always stand together with the proletariat and revolution-
ary peoples of the world, opposing imperialism, modern revisionism, and the
reactionary forces of all countries. In the current situation, we must particularly
oppose the hegemonism of the two superpowers, the United States and the
98
Soviet Union. The danger of a new world war still exists, and we must make
full preparations for any anti-aggression war, preventing sudden attacks from
imperialism and social-imperialism.

Chairman Mao said: “The Chinese should resolutely, thoroughly, and com-
pletely eliminate great power chauvinism in international relations.” Our
country has a large population and vast territory, and we must strengthen our
nation and we are fully capable of doing so. However, under any circumstances,
we must adhere to the principle of “not seeking hegemony” and never aim to
become a superpower. All Party comrades must bear in mind Chairman Mao’s
teachings: we must never become arrogant, neither in the next century nor
beyond. Domestically, we must also oppose all manifestations of great power
chauvinism, further strengthen the revolutionary unity of the entire Party, the
military, and all the peoples of our nation, accelerate the socialist revolution and
socialist construction, and strive to fulfill our internationalist duties.

Comrades! Our Party is a great, glorious, and correct Party. We believe that if
the whole Party follows the political line determined by the Tenth National
Congress and the new Party constitution, we will certainly build our Party
stronger and more vibrant. Let us unite under the leadership of the Party Cen-
tral Committee, with Chairman Mao at its core, and strive for even greater
victories!

(Xinhua News Agency, September 1, 1973)

99
 The Speech by Comrade Wang Hongwen on the
Issue of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution

Wang Hongwen

1973.12.30

Let me talk to you a bit about the issue of the Proletarian Cultural Revolution.
Recently, I›ve encountered some situations where some provinces have been
unable to solve major problems. The main issue is that the correct line has not
been followed. In some places, there are disturbances, and except for a few
bad individuals, the majority of the problems arise because the leaders did not
follow the correct line. The primary issue is the failure to correctly approach
the Cultural Revolution, the masses, and the initial impact of the movement.
For example, the issues with twelve factories in Sichuan are all related to this
problem. This is an important issue and has universal relevance. Today, I want
to bring this up in the hope that it will serve a purpose, which is to encourage
everyone to revisit Chairman Mao’s instructions since the Proletarian Cultural
Revolution. Comrades are currently studying the key points of Chairman Mao›s
recent five instructions and the New Year’s editorial in the central newspapers
and journals. This issue has already been addressed. It is very necessary to set
aside some time to study and discuss the issue of the Proletarian Cultural
Revolution.

1. Why must we correctly understand the great significance of the

Proletarian Cultural Revolution?

Because the Cultural Revolution is a major event that is crucial for consolidating
the dictatorship of the proletariat and preventing the restoration of capitalism.
Comrades all know that the political reports of both the Ninth and Tenth
National Congresses included the Cultural Revolution, and it was written into
the Party’s constitution. What the Party Congress decides, all Party members
should follow and implement, and do so well. The new year has begun, and the
international and domestic situation is very favorable. For the revolution, the
situation is extremely good. We must develop this favorable situation, advancing
100
both the revolution and production. Following Chairman Mao’s teachings, in
this favorable situation, we must manage our domestic affairs well and strength-
en our base areas. We must resolve issues in some provinces and cities. First,
we must solve the question of the correct line. This mainly means solving the
issue of correctly addressing the Cultural Revolution. The Cultural Revolution
is not only historically necessary, but also practically necessary. Defending the
Cultural Revolution means defending Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. Ev-
ery Communist Party member, especially mid- and senior-level cadres, should
take on this responsibility.

To fully understand the great significance of the Cultural Revolution, we must

first revisit Chairman Mao’s series of important instructions since the beginning
of the Cultural Revolution. These instructions form the foundation for our
understanding of the Cultural Revolution. Some people have forgotten these
instructions from Chairman Mao. In some regions, there is still bourgeois dic-
tatorship being implemented.

As early as the end of 1966, when the Cultural Revolution was just begin-
ning, particularly with the criticism of the play Hai Rui Dismissed from Of-
fice, Chairman Mao pointed out that the central issue in Hai Rui Dismissed
from Office was “dismissal from office.” The Jiajing Emperor dismissed Hai
Rui from his post, and in 1959, we dismissed Peng Dehuai, who was also like
Hai Rui. This clearly pointed out that the Cultural Revolution was a political
revolution by the proletariat against the bourgeoisie, and it was by no means
just an academic discussion. In the early stages of the movement, some people
were deceived, thinking it was a purely academic debate, but in reality, it was
not. Under the instructions of Liu Shaoqi, Peng Zhen and his group came for-
ward with a revisionist “February Outline,” which was essentially an attempt to
protect the right-wing elements and suppress the left-wing, trying to steer the
movement into a purely academic discussion, in line with bourgeois tenden-
cies. Chairman Mao decisively pushed Peng Zhen and his group aside, while
also pointing out that the old propaganda department was like the “King of
Hell’s Palace”—”We must overthrow the King of Hell and liberate the little
demons!” Mao said, “I have always advocated that whenever central insti-
tutions do bad things, I call for local institutions to rise in rebellion and
attack the center.” The “bad things” here refer to the practice of revisionism.
Chairman Mao also discussed the issue with Xu Shiyou in Hangzhou, saying,
“What will you do when revisionism emerges from the central leadership?”
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Chairman Mao repeatedly emphasized this point. In May 1966, Chairman
Mao personally chaired the formulation of the programmatic document for the
Cultural Revolution, the “May 16th Notice.” In this document, Chairman Mao
issued many important directives. Mao pointed out that “a group of count-
er-revolutionary revisionists have infiltrated the Party, the government, the
military, and various cultural circles. Once the time is ripe, they will at-
tempt to seize power and transform the dictatorship of the proletariat into
the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Some of these individuals have already
been exposed by us, while others have not yet been uncovered. Some are
still trusted by us and are being cultivated as our successors, such as figures
like Khrushchev. They are now sleeping next to us, and the various levels
of Party committees must pay full attention to this matter.” This directive
has already been issued. These instructions are extremely important, but at
the Ninth and Tenth Party Congresses, some people seemed to have forgotten
them, and some even denied the existence of the capitalist roaders. In response
to Chairman Mao’s call, the broad revolutionary masses actively participated in
the Cultural Revolution. At this time, Liu Shaoqi’s faction panicked and hastily
concocted a bourgeois reactionary line to suppress the masses. In this critical
moment, Chairman Mao personally chaired the 11th Plenary Session of the 8th
Central Committee and formulated the “16 Articles.” He also wrote the famous
big-character poster “Bombard the Headquarters” (my big-character poster).
Thus, a vigorous Cultural Revolution movement was launched.

Chairman Mao highly praised the mass movement of the Cultural Revolu-
tion, stating: “This movement is of great scale, and it truly mobilized the
masses. It has significant meaning for the ideological revolution of the en-
tire nation.” Chairman Mao called on the people, saying: “You must care
about the country’s major affairs and carry the proletarian cultural revolu-
tion through to the end!” He encouraged revolutionary youth to weather the
storms and gain experience during the Cultural Revolution, training them to
become successors of the proletarian revolution. At the same time, Chairman
Mao showed great concern for the broad masses of cadres, kindly pointing
out: “You must emphasize politics, go to the masses, be with the masses,
and make the proletarian cultural revolution even better.” Chairman Mao
warmly hoped that the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries would
carry forward their glorious traditions, uphold their revolutionary integrity in
their later years, and make new contributions during the Cultural Revolution.
By the end of 1966, the Cultural Revolution was in a promising state. As 1967
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approached, Mao declared on December 26: “The entire country should
comprehensively engage in class struggle,” meaning seizing power from the
handful of capitalist roaders within the Party.

As early as October 1966, Chairman Mao resolutely supported the workers’

movement in Shanghai, encouraging workers to rise against revisionism. He
was pleased to see the workers mobilizing, aligning with his statement in the
Sixteen Points that young people were the trailblazers of the Cultural Revo-
lution, while workers, peasants, and soldiers were its main forces. When the
workers’ movement began, Mao dispatched central leaders, including Zhang
Chunqiao, to Shanghai to support the workers, handle the Anting incident,
and endorse the formation of revolutionary organizations by the workers. Mao
emphasized: “It is acceptable to act first and report later. Facts always come
before concepts.”

By the end of 1966, Mao reaffirmed that Shanghai held great promise, as work-
ers, students, and officials were all mobilized. Under Mao’s care and the leader-
ship of the proletarian headquarters, with the support of the People’s Liberation
Army stationed in Shanghai, the movement to seize power from the handful
of capitalist roaders in the Party began. This struggle extended beyond Shang-
hai, becoming a nationwide campaign. Mao emphasized that such a seizure
of power could only succeed under the leadership of the Party and the central
authorities.

On January 16, 1967, Mao presided over a meeting of the Standing Com-
mittee, expressing strong support for grassroots power seizures. He praised the
workers’ takeover of Wenhui Daily and Liberation Daily, calling it “a great revo-
lution, one class overthrowing another.” He noted that this significant event
would profoundly influence the Cultural Revolution across Eastern China and
the entire country.

On January 26, Mao issued a historic directive to the military: “The People’s
Liberation Army should support the broad leftist masses.” He personally
summarized the key lessons of the power-seizure struggle, stating: “The prole-
tarian revolutionary factions must unite to seize power from the handful of
capitalist roaders within the Party.” He further emphasized the need to im-
plement the revolutionary “three-in-one” principle—forming temporary power
structures that were revolutionary, representative, and embodied proletarian
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authority. He proposed naming these bodies “Revolutionary Committees.”

During the January storm of power seizures in Shanghai and the counterattack
against reactionary economic schemes, the Central Committee, State Council,
Central Military Commission, and Central Cultural Revolution Group issued a
congratulatory message. They stressed the need to place the fate of the proletar-
ian dictatorship, the Cultural Revolution, and the proletarian economy firmly
in the hands of the proletariat.

In August and September of 1967, Chairman Mao personally inspected three

major regions, providing critical instructions for further advancing the devel-
opment of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution. Mao expressed his satis-
faction, stating that the overall situation of the Cultural Revolution nationwide
was excellent, not just marginally good, but unprecedentedly favorable com-
pared to any previous time.

Amid the peak of the Cultural Revolution, Mao foresaw its broader implica-
tions and declared that the current Cultural Revolution was merely the first
of its kind and that many more would inevitably follow. He warned that the
ultimate outcome of the struggle—whether socialism or capitalism would pre-
vail—would take a long historical period to resolve. Mao cautioned that if the
process were mishandled, a capitalist restoration could occur at any time. He
urged all Party members and the entire nation not to assume that after one, two,
or even three or four Cultural Revolutions, lasting peace would be achieved. He
stressed vigilance, warning against complacency or loss of awareness.

Reflecting on these instructions now, comrades can appreciate their profound

importance. At that time, these warnings aligned with the ninth major line
struggle, followed by the tenth. However, when we studied Mao’s guidance
in the past, we often did not fully comprehend its depth or implications. Un-
derstanding came only after some time and experience. It is essential to revisit
and study these instructions to deepen our awareness of class struggle and line
struggle.

Recently, the central leadership has been preparing to compile and distribute a
collection of Mao’s directives on the Cultural Revolution. Only by thoroughly
studying these directives can we discern what truly represents Marxism and
what constitutes revisionism, thereby equipping ourselves to effectively combat
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revisionist tendencies.

Why address this point in particular? Because even now, some comrades within
the Party lack a full understanding of these issues, particularly regarding this
crucial historical phase. This study is vital for raising ideological clarity and
maintaining vigilance against the risks of deviation.

2. The Great Victory of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

From Chairman Mao’s series of instructions, it is clear that he made a signifi-

cant and resolute decision to launch and lead the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution. Now, this revolution has achieved immensely great victories.

Firstly, it crushed the bourgeois headquarters led by Liu Shaoqi, followed by

the dismantling of the bourgeois headquarters led by Lin Biao. These are the
greatest triumphs. At the same time, the Cultural Revolution trained a large
number of cadres, mobilized the masses, promoted revolutionary changes in
the superstructure, and advanced the development of both industrial and agri-
cultural production, significantly liberating the productive forces.

Many comrades have recognized these achievements, although a small number

remain unaware. Notably, the Cultural Revolution has fostered a mass move-
ment to popularize Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, which is
steadily deepening nationwide.

Eight years of practice have fully proven Chairman Mao’s instruction: “This
Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is entirely necessary and extreme-
ly timely for consolidating the dictatorship of the proletariat, preventing
capitalist restoration, and building socialism.” Without this Cultural Revo-
lution, what would the state of our country be today?

Recently, the Central Committee is preparing to release a document titled “Lin

Biao and the Doctrine of Confucius and Mencius” (Central Document No. 1 of
1974) for distribution across the entire Party, aimed at launching a critique. Lin
Biao, along with his wife Ye Qun and Chen Boda, displayed extreme hatred
toward socialism. When this material was shared with comrades involved in the
work, it sparked strong indignation among them.

105
Regarding this political revolution, it is unsurprising that both domestic and
international class enemies have attacked it in every possible way. Chiang Kai-
shek criticizes the Cultural Revolution on a daily basis, and the Soviet revision-
ist newspapers and radio stations have been denouncing it for seven or eight
years. Lin Biao, in the “571 Anti-Revolutionary Coup Outline,” even used the
language of the Soviet revisionists to insult us. As Chairman Mao said, “To be
opposed by the enemy is a good thing, not a bad thing.” This proves that our
Cultural Revolution was carried out correctly and effectively.

As our campaign to criticize Confucius deepens, Chiang Kai-shek, South Ko-

rea, South Vietnam, and the Soviet revisionists have all intensified their denun-
ciations of our critique of Confucianism. From the perspective of class struggle,
this is not surprising. The issue, however, lies within our own ranks. Inside and
outside the Party, some comrades still lack understanding, seriousness, or com-
mitment regarding the Cultural Revolution, just as they did seven or eight years
ago. Some even distort facts and confuse right and wrong. A few have gone so
far as to portray the Cultural Revolution as entirely negative, likening it to a
devastating flood or ferocious beast.

There are those who say, “Just mentioning the Cultural Revolution sends shiv-
ers down my spine.” Despite what is stated in the Party’s Tenth Congress Con-
stitution and resolutions—that there will need to be multiple Cultural Revo-
lutions in the future—some argue that the Cultural Revolution was entirely
unnecessary and should never be conducted again, especially among high- and
mid-level cadres. These varied opinions reveal a significant lack of consensus.

Some say, “The Cultural Revolution achieved great victory nationwide, but we
don’t see it here.” This implies that if it cannot be seen here or there, then it
might not exist at all, questioning its necessity. However, as previously men-
tioned, this Cultural Revolution brought down two bourgeois headquarters,
which is its greatest victory. How can one claim not to see that? To say so is to
place oneself outside the Party and the collective will of the people across the
nation.

Had the factions of Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao come to power, capitalism would
have been restored. China would have reverted to a semi-colonial, semi-feudal
society and would likely have become a colony of Soviet social-imperialism.
Countless lives would have been lost. At that point, would one still say they
106
“cannot see” the need for the Cultural Revolution?

We argue that the Cultural Revolution was not only necessary and timely on a
national scale but also on the scale of an individual factory, school, or unit. It
addressed critical issues in every corner of society, demonstrating its significance
universally.

Chairman Mao once said, “The correctness or incorrectness of ideological

and political line determines everything.” The lines of Liu Shaoqi and Lin
Biao have left their influence in every unit, varying only in degree. In most plac-
es, Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line holds a dominant position. However, in
some areas, the influence of the revisionist line remains quite significant. For
instance, in critical departments such as the former Ministry of Propaganda and
the International Liaison Department, control did not rest firmly in our hands.
This does not even begin to address the cultural and educational sectors, which
had been dominated by the bourgeoisie for many years.

Even in the industrial sector, the impact of the revisionist line runs deep. Many
years after the Cultural Revolution, practices such as technocrats ruling fac-
tories, bureaucratic control, suppression, and the servile “worship of foreign
things” still persist. Unless these are eradicated, how can the working class truly
become the masters of the factories? How can socialist production flourish?

It is precisely due to the interference of the revisionist line that our steel produc-
tion has stagnated for ten years, unable to make significant progress.

Some enterprises may appear to be under our control, but in reality, they re-
main in the hands of bourgeois agents or even capitalists themselves. For in-
stance, in Shanghai, a number of factories are still effectively run by capitalists
as directors. In such units, how could leadership be seized by the proletariat
without this Cultural Revolution? Chairman Mao, with his profound foresight,
initiated this Cultural Revolution to address these issues. Of course, it cannot
be resolved in one single attempt.

Currently, some provinces, cities, and units still face significant problems, with
leadership being the key issue. This cannot be blamed on the masses—it’s not
that the masses are incapable—but that leadership is the root problem. This
does not mean that all leaders are bad people; some are good but hold revisionist
107
or semi-revisionist ideas. Once these issues are pointed out, many of these com-
rades will rectify their errors. After seven or eight years of the Cultural Revo-
lution, certain problems in some places should have been resolved. To tackle
these issues, the root causes must first be identified, as only then can effective
solutions be implemented.

Some people, indiscriminately attributing all the problems in certain units to

the Cultural Revolution or labeling them as its “aftereffects,” are clearly mis-
taken. These problems are remnants of revisionism, not of the Cultural Revo-
lution. On the contrary, these issues highlight the necessity of carrying out the
Cultural Revolution. Where the line is incorrect, it becomes impossible to unite
the masses and cadres effectively, or to root out bad elements. In such cases,
even the efforts to criticize Lin Biao or rectify the Party’s style fail to take hold.

For example, the recent resolution of issues at twelve factories in Sichuan high-
lights this. The problem was that the criticism of Lin Biao hadn’t been thor-
oughly pursued; the root cause lay there. Following the principles of the Cultur-
al Revolution, these problems were resolved. Take the Daming factory—years
of unrest were addressed within just two months, mainly because the previous
line had been wrong. While there may indeed be individuals causing trouble in
specific units, mobilizing the masses to isolate these bad elements is essential.
To label such challenges as the “aftereffects of the Cultural Revolution” is, in
essence, an attempt to revert to pre-Cultural Revolution practices, which would
only lead to greater disorder.

For instance, within the Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee, certain individu-
als have spread counter-revolutionary rumors during cadre meetings, such as:
“Sweep the temple, invite the true gods; let the teachers return to their posi-
tions, and send the young soldiers back to their camps.” This rhetoric effectively
aims to suppress the “young soldiers,” causing them to rise up in rebellion.
Recently, we learned from a telegram that these young soldiers have indeed re-
volted, leaving their two leaders overwhelmed. The truth is clear: “Oppression
breeds resistance.” We have directly addressed these issues with some Jiangxi
leaders, reminding them that there are individuals attempting to overturn the
verdict on the Cultural Revolution—a matter discussed before and during the
Tenth National Congress but to no avail.

108
However, there is no need to worry. The central leadership is well aware of these
matters.

Some people say, “The Cultural Revolution was good, but was it necessary to
carry it out in this way?” They argue that the “Four Bigs”—big criticism, big ex-
posure, big posters, and big debates—should not be used. They oppose directly
mobilizing hundreds of millions of revolutionary masses and uniting the prole-
tarian revolutionaries to seize power from the small group of capitalist roaders
within the Party. Essentially, their objection is to this very approach. Because
if these methods are denied, then the Cultural Revolution itself is also denied.

In a 1967 speech, Chairman Mao pointed out: “In the past, we conducted
struggles in the countryside, in factories, and in the cultural sector. We
carried out the Socialist Education Movement, but these did not solve the
problems because we had not yet found a form, a method, to openly and
comprehensively mobilize the masses from the bottom up to expose our
dark sides.” Now we have found this form, and that is the Proletarian Cultural
Revolution. Honestly, if it were not for the Proletarian Cultural Revolution,
how could we have exposed a traitor like Liu Shaoqi, who had hidden himself
so deeply? In the past, we did not fully grasp some aspects of Liu Shaoqi, espe-
cially the historical issues. His treasonous behavior was uncovered by the Red
Guards during the Cultural Revolution, who searched everywhere (of course, we
had already grasped the revisionist things he had publicly stated). At the same
time, the Cultural Revolution exposed and destroyed the Lin Biao anti-Party
clique. If it weren’t for the Cultural Revolution and its form, how would we
have had the revolutionary committees, the May 7th Cadre Schools, and the
movement of sending educated youth to the countryside, along with a series of
new developments? It would have been impossible. Industrial and agricultural
production would not have developed so rapidly. Without the large-scale mass
movement of the Cultural Revolution, we could not have popularized Marx-
ism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought.

Of course, as a new phenomenon, the Cultural Revolution itself also went

through a process of development and improvement. Chairman Mao pointed
out that historical experience is worth noting: A line, a viewpoint, must be re-
peated and communicated regularly, not just to a few people, but to the broad
revolutionary masses. That is, the masses must be mobilized. Nowadays, how-
ever, Chairman Mao’s instructions and the Central Committee’s directives, in
109
some places, are being obstructed by a few individuals who prevent them from
reaching the masses. When the masses are told, some of the words are presented
as if they were the Chairman’s words or the Central Committee’s words, and
some are presented as the words of those individuals, causing confusion.

Some people oppose the Cultural Revolution, claiming that after the move-
ment, the masses became disobedient, frequently posting big-character posters
and arguing at meetings. Isn’t this a good thing? In fact, this is precisely one of
the victories brought about by the Cultural Revolution. Chairman Mao has al-
ways instructed that the life within our Party should be lively, dynamic, and full
of vitality, not rigid and stifling. When Chairman Mao spoke to Comrade Wang
Hairong, saying that students could sleep in class or read novels, some peo-
ple did not understand. My understanding is that we shouldn’t make students
too rigid. Mao called on students to dare to oppose the revisionist educational
line. The military also faced similar issues, with the demand for unconditional
obedience to orders. But actually, obedience is conditional: it is obedience to
correct, Marxist-Leninist, Mao Zedong Thought-based commands. If an order
does not align with these principles, then rebellion is justified.

Each of us, as Communist Party members, follows superior instructions based

on conscious understanding. Some people cannot tolerate this, mainly because
they are afraid that soldiers will become hard to manage and will raise objec-
tions. This is quite clear. The key issue is whether the line is correct. We should
carry out the correct line and obey the correct orders, but we cannot follow
incorrect ones. Today, in the military, the political issues stem from poor educa-
tion of soldiers, where political work is too simple and harsh, without doing the
necessary in-depth ideological work. As a result, it leads to chaos and exacer-
bates contradictions. The key here is also a line issue—how we treat the masses.
With the changing situation, we must rethink how political and ideological
work should be done. The old methods are no longer sufficient.

From our perspective, these things are positive, but some people don’t see it
that way. In a socialist country like ours, the workers, peasants, and soldiers are
the masters of all undertakings, and this must never be forgotten. The report
from the 10th Party Congress emphasized the need for a revolutionary spirit
that dares to go against the tide. We should welcome people like Li Qinglin
and Zhang Tiesheng, who dare to challenge the mainstream, who are willing
to reflect issues to higher authorities. We should praise this kind of spirit. This
110
includes the two young students recently mentioned in the newspapers—one
named Huang Shuai and another from Guangdong—who wrote a letter to the
People’s Daily asking for support. The letter was well-written and full of emo-
tion. After reading it, we felt that we should support them.

Recently, Chairman Mao again said, “Why do cows have two horns? It’s for
fighting.” He made this point as early as 1955. Chairman Mao also said, “We
are all Communist Party members, so why speak hesitantly? We should talk
less about blowing things up and more about criticizing.” We must have the
courage to grow “two horns” on our heads, and be bold in confronting the re-
visionists, just like the workers, peasants, and soldiers who rise up. Some units
are terrified of the “Four Bigs” mentioned in the 10th Party Congress, and
even now they are afraid to organize the masses to learn and engage with them.
When the masses rise up and use the “Four Bigs” to go against the tide, we
should praise them, not be afraid. Only those who are promoting revisionism
fear the “Four Bigs.” Anyone who supports Marxism-Leninism should support
the revolutionary spirit of the masses. Chairman Mao taught us, “If we are not
afraid of imperialism, why be afraid of the common people? Those who
are afraid of the people think the masses are unreasonable and believe that
they can only be repressed, not persuaded. Such people are not true Com-
munists.” Some people simply do not accept this teaching of Chairman Mao.
They prefer to oppress, and if they can’t repress, they arrest.

Some people say, “Old cadres fought in the north and south in the past, but
during the Cultural Revolution, they fought and argued.” This statement is
incorrect and does not align with the true wishes of the old cadres. The correct
perspective is that the old cadres are a valuable asset to our Party. They fought
bravely in the past, with some even being wounded. However, they did not use
their past achievements as an excuse to distance themselves from the masses or
to act arrogantly. On the contrary, they actively participated in the Cultural
Revolution, recognized their own mistakes, and made self-criticism. These old
cadres made new contributions during the Cultural Revolution, and they were
not just one or two, but a group. These are the true representatives of the older
generation of proletarian revolutionaries.

As for some cadres who were heavily criticized during the Cultural Revolution,
it is necessary to analyze the situation specifically. Chairman Mao, during his
inspection of the three regions, explained why some cadres were criticized
111
and struggled by the masses. One reason was that they implemented the bour-
geois reactionary line, which angered the people. Another reason was that they
became too powerful, had high salaries, and became arrogant, setting themselves
apart from the masses. They didn’t consult with the people, treated others un-
fairly, and acted undemocratically. They enjoyed insulting others and seriously
distanced themselves from the people, leading to public resentment. In normal
circumstances, the people had no opportunity to voice their complaints, but
when the Cultural Revolution erupted, these frustrations exploded, and those
cadres were left in a very embarrassing situation.

As Chairman Mao pointed out, why should these people not be criticized? Why
should the masses not be allowed to criticize you if you can reprimand others?
Mao’s instructions on this matter, which were familiar to everyone, have been
forgotten by some. It is important to note that the cadres who found themselves
in difficult situations were not all the same. Some, through positive reflection
and lessons learned, corrected their mistakes. Their negative actions turned into
positive changes, and they gained the trust of the masses. Many such old cadres
exist, like Comrade Ma Tianshui from Shanghai. After the Cultural Revolu-
tion, his spirit and attitude changed, he became more involved with the masses,
and his line of work was more correct.

Another situation is when some people, reflecting on their mistakes from a

negative perspective, become hesitant and tentative in front of the masses. In
reality, they remain detached from the people, though in a different form. There
are also those who, instead of recognizing that the Cultural Revolution’s success
in overthrowing the two bourgeois command posts was crucial for determining
whether the country would undergo a fundamental change, remain resentful
about being confronted by the masses. These individuals, having been liberat-
ed and having risen to power, often seek opportunities to retaliate against the
masses. This is particularly the case with some cadres in Jiangxi province. The
result of such retaliation is that it will ultimately backfire and fall on them. If
the issue isn’t resolved, the masses will eventually overthrow them again.

Some argue, “In the Cultural Revolution, we were criticized and struggled
against. The score will be settled eventually, and it’s fine if we don’t collect inter-
est. It’s not a problem to release some frustration.”

112
To such comrades, we must firmly say: “Comrade, this is too dangerous!” What
debt do the masses owe you? Chairman Mao said: “Who gave us our power? It
was the working class, the poor and lower-middle peasants, and the more than
ninety percent of the laboring masses. We represent the proletariat and the
people. We have overthrown the enemies of the people, and the people support
us. One of the basic principles of the Communist Party is to directly rely on the
vast revolutionary masses.” If you insist on asking the masses for repayment, the
people have the right to take back the power they entrusted to you.

Another tendency is the belief that Lin Biao’s revisionist line was not extreme
right but extreme left. In fact, Lin Biao’s revisionist line was extremely right-
wing, and could not have been more right-wing. However, not long ago, some-
one at a certain university said: “If we don’t criticize extreme leftism, we can’t
distinguish right from wrong.” The biggest misunderstanding here is the ques-
tion of who should evaluate the so-called “seventeen years of achievements and
mistakes.” This evaluation has already been made in the national education
work conference summary issued by the central government. It means that for
the past seventeen years, the education sector has not implemented Chairman
Mao’s revolutionary line and has been dominated by revisionist lines. In a letter
Chairman Mao sent to Jiang Qing, he said that Peking University and Tsing-
hua University were deeply entrenched and intertwined. Now, some people are
saying that this summary is no longer valid, calling it the product of extreme
“leftist” thinking. They spread these nonsensical ideas everywhere. For some
people, criticizing extreme leftism and Lin Biao is just a pretext; the real target
is the Cultural Revolution. Our conclusion is clear: “If extreme rightism is not
criticized, right and wrong cannot be distinguished.”

At present, in order to consolidate and develop the great achievements of the

Cultural Revolution, we must thoroughly criticize the extreme right essence of
Lin Biao’s revisionist line. Without criticizing the extreme right nature of Lin
Biao’s line, it is absolutely impossible to consolidate and develop the gains of
the Cultural Revolution. Last year, a certain unit published an article claiming
that the youth of that unit were all extreme “leftists.” They portrayed the youth
as completely bad. If that is the case, where is the hope for China’s revolution?
Who will take over the revolution from us? The central leadership pointed out
in reports on the youth congress in several provinces that the majority of youth
are good. Otherwise, our revolution would have no future, no bright prospects.

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It is worth noting that some places have been spreading counter-revolutionary
rumors, such as “cleaning the temples, inviting the real gods, the old leaders are
restored, and the small soldiers return to their camps.” They want to restore ev-
erything—traitors, spies, capitalist roaders—all should return to power, includ-
ing Liu Shaoqi, and the new things created by the Cultural Revolution should
all be undone. This is a typical reactionary attempt to restore the old, or a coun-
terattack to reverse the revolution. This rumor was spread by two high-ranking
cadres in the military. Spreading such harmful counter-revolutionary rumors is
very dangerous. In Jiangxi province, such rumors were even presented as Chair-
man Mao’s instructions at a cadre meeting attended by hundreds of people.
These strange occurrences are not surprising, as some of our cadres have fallen
prey to the rumor market. Once they get hold of rumors, they spread them
immediately. From the perspective of class struggle, this is understandable.

Some of these people may not be bad, but their ideological defense has already
been dismantled, and they have no ability to distinguish between good and
bad. Recently, Chairman Mao sternly criticized this counter-revolutionary ru-
mor and modified it to: “Cleaning the temples, inviting the real gods, the old
soldiers lead the way, and the small soldiers are promoted.” Chairman Mao’s
instructions fully reflect the revolutionary line on cadres. We should utilize the
guidance of veteran proletarian revolutionaries, who play an important role in
teaching, helping, and bringing up the next generation of revolutionaries. It is
also crucial to vigorously cultivate successors for the proletarian revolutionary
cause—not just a few, but thousands or millions.

To neglect the role of cadres is wrong. But when it comes to veteran cadres, we
should not simply follow seniority rules and dismiss their performance in the
current class struggle and ideological battles. In the past, their experience in
battles, such as during the Northern and Southern campaigns, was important,
but what matters more now is how they perform in the current class struggle
and the struggle between two lines. If their thinking is revisionist, can they fight
for the proletariat? I do not believe so. Especially in critical moments, when
selecting cadres, we should focus not just on their history but on their current
ideological awareness in the struggle of two lines, whether they are old or new,
local or military cadres. This should be the main criterion.

114
When veteran cadres make mistakes, they should be given the opportunity to
reflect and correct, with support to help them improve. The same principle
should apply to new cadres. However, in some places, while errors made by
veteran cadres can be allowed to be corrected and they are given the freedom to
reform, new cadres are often harshly criticized without a chance for correction.
This is unfair and detrimental to the unity of the party. Mao Zedong recently
criticized people who looked down on the Children’s Brigade, pointing out that
when you were in your teens or twenties, were you so wise? Of course, new cad-
res must be modest and cautious, avoiding arrogance and complacency. They
should respect veteran cadres and learn from them. At the same time, veteran
cadres should guide and mentor the new ones, passing on their knowledge and
experience.

Training and developing millions of successors for the proletarian revolutionary

cause is a major strategic task, a long-term plan that spans over a century. We
must focus on this critical task and ensure that successors are cultivated from
the top down. The problem of training successors is easier to address in local
areas, but more challenging in the military. I propose selecting a person around
30 years old to be the deputy commander of a large military district.

The debate on whether the Cultural Revolution was ultimately good or bad
has been ongoing for a long time and runs through the entire process of the
Cultural Revolution. Peng Zhen’s February Outline and Liu Shaoqi’s bourgeois
reactionary line both aimed to stifle the Cultural Revolution. Lin Biao also, at
his core, followed a revisionist line similar to Liu Shaoqi’s. Together with Chen
Boda, he presented a political report prior to the Ninth Party Congress, advo-
cating the theory of productive forces and proposing that the main task after
the Ninth Congress be the development of production, attempting to reverse
the Cultural Revolution under a seemingly legitimate guise. Chairman Mao
rejected this political report and personally led the formulation of the political
line for the Ninth Congress, affirming the need for continuing revolution under
the dictatorship of the proletariat and the necessity of the Cultural Revolution.

After the Ninth Congress, under Mao’s revolutionary guidance, the great victo-
ry of smashing the Lin Biao anti-party clique was achieved. The struggle, crit-
icism, and reform movements continued to deepen. However, the debate over
whether the Cultural Revolution was ultimately good or bad has not ended,
especially since the Second Plenary Session of the Ninth Central Committee.
115
Since then, a right-wing revisionist tendency has been emerging sporadically
across different regions. Figures like Long Shujin in Xinjiang, and others in Si-
chuan and Henan, have shifted the focus of the criticism away from Chen and
Lin and attempted to reverse the Cultural Revolution. This practice is essen-
tially a continuation of the struggle between two classes and two lines, and this
conflict will continue in the future. Chairman Mao recently mentioned that
the evaluation of the Cultural Revolution should be seen in terms of a ten-year
period, reminding us that we need to be prepared for a long struggle.

Comrades have recently read articles criticizing Confucius, pointing out that
Qin Shi Huang replaced one form of exploitation with another, leading to a
revolution that was condemned for over two thousand years. So, how much
more will the Cultural Revolution be criticized? Of course, there will be crit-
icism, but we must prepare ourselves for the fact that in ten, twenty, or even
more years, there will be people trying to vindicate Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao.
Confucius has been dead for thousands of years, yet people still worship him.
While Qin Shi Huang was revolutionary in his time, he was condemned for
over two thousand years. The same will be true for the Cultural Revolution.

Opposing the Cultural Revolution is equivalent to opposing the decisions

made at the Ninth and Tenth Party Congresses. This is not just a minor issue;
it is about supporting revisionism and capitalist restoration. This is my under-
standing. Those who oppose the Cultural Revolution are inevitably advocating
for bourgeois dictatorship. Comrades, do not think that there are no longer any
“capitalist roaders” today. This is incorrect. In some places, there is a trend of
saying that there will no longer be “capitalist roaders” and even that the term
should not be mentioned at all. Some even disagree with including the term in
discussions about amending the Party constitution. This is an absurd argument!
As long as class struggle exists, the bourgeoisie will continue to seek agents
within the Party, and there will always be capitalist roaders. If we deny the
existence of capitalist roaders, we would be negating all past movements: the
“Three-anti” and “Five-anti” campaigns, the anti-rightist campaign in 1957,
the 1959 anti-right deviation campaign, and the Four Clean-ups campaign.
All of these would be denied. Therefore, it is important to insist that this term
remains in the Party constitution. This is a major issue, not a trivial one.

As for those who have made errors by following a capitalist road but have been
helped to correct their mistakes, that is good! But this does not mean we can
116
now claim that there are no capitalist roaders. Capitalist roaders existed in the
past, they exist now, and they will continue to exist in the future. Some people,
even today, still implement bourgeois dictatorship over the masses and claim
that the “rebel factions” have no good people. Such statements show no trace of
being a Communist! Marxism, in its essence, is about rebellion. Our ancestors,
Marx and Engels, led us in rebellion. The “Communist Manifesto” itself is a
manifesto for rebellion. Today, under Chairman Mao’s leadership, we are con-
tinuing the revolution. Some criticize us for rising through rebellion, but they
are right. Communists come from rebellion. The Chinese Communist Party,
under Chairman Mao’s leadership, fought against imperialism, feudalism, and
the bureaucratic bourgeoisie, and only through rebellion did we achieve victory
and take power. What’s wrong with that? During the Cultural Revolution, we
rebelled against the bourgeoisie and all exploiting classes to consolidate the
dictatorship of the proletariat. What’s wrong with that?

Some people were once part of the rebel factions, but now they criticize the
rebels. This shows their thinking has changed, that they have forgotten the past.
Weren’t we rebelling when we fought the landlords and distributed land? Wasn’t
that rebellion? When we fought Japan, wasn’t that rebellion? When we fought
Chiang Kai-shek, wasn’t that rebellion? If that wasn’t rebellion, then what was?
Some people have forgotten all this. Of course, in a great revolution, it is inev-
itable that bad elements will mix with the good, that some bad people will join
the rebel factions. This is not surprising. When we first organized the Workers
and Peasants Red Army, it wasn’t pure either! That’s inevitable. How can one
criticize the rebels and claim there are no good people among them? Saying that
rebels have no good people is essentially denying oneself! Those who say this
have forgotten who led the rebellion, and they’ve forgotten the legacy of the
rebel factions. A Communist should be a rebel against the old world. What else
should they do? A Communist who says such things is betraying the Commu-
nist Party! A Communist must rebel against the bourgeoisie and all exploiting
classes.

Of course, for most people, these are internal contradictions within the people,
and the issues can be addressed through ideological reflection and by adjust-
ing one’s worldview. The key is to transform one’s worldview through Marx-
ism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought. For some, this transformation may
be difficult. There are two types of contradictions: some can be transformed in
a positive direction, while others may become worse. Some people may realize
117
their errors and improve or completely change, transforming an enemy con-
tradiction into a contradiction within the people. Conversely, some internal
contradictions within the people may transform into enemy contradictions.

In the minds of some of our comrades, the Cultural Revolution is not seen as
the inevitable result of class struggle since liberation, but rather as a sudden,
unexpected event, like a bolt from the blue. Some even go so far as to call the
Cultural Revolution a “big misunderstanding,” which is extremely reactionary.
They have a whole set of arguments: “Old cadres return to their positions, new
cadres return to their units, the personnel supporting the Left return to the
military, and the Cultural Revolution was a big misunderstanding.” Is this a
problem of thought or a typical idealistic view of history? Since they regard the
Cultural Revolution as a big misunderstanding, they are dissatisfied with every-
thing in the present, always waiting for everything to return to normal. They
view development not as a spiral ascent but as merely spinning in a closed cir-
cle. In factories, they implement strict control and suppression, and in schools,
they bring back the “intellectual primacy” system. In short, everything is being
redone in the old format. What kind of ideology is this? It is a typical form of
vulgar evolutionism. Marxist dialectical materialism believes that all things are
in constant forward motion and development. These advocates of restoration
verbally acknowledge dialectical materialism, but in practice, they oppose it.
When it comes to enterprise management, they advocate for the full restoration
of old rules and regulations that were once swept away by the masses. They
are enthusiastic about implementing piecework wages, time-based wages, and
bonuses. They claim that this will stimulate enthusiasm, but they fail to think
about what the Chinese revolution relied on for several decades. Was it bonus-
es, piecework wages, or time-based wages? No, we relied on Chairman Mao’s
revolutionary line, on the billions of revolutionary masses, and on the small
amount of grain and rifles. If material incentives were the key to success, then
why did the workers in Leningrad revolt under the Soviet regime, where indus-
trial stagnation and external and internal crises were severe? The Cultural Rev-
olution was not driven by material incentives; it was driven by the awakening
of the masses and by Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, which mobilized the
broad revolutionary masses. Of course, this does not mean that we do not care
about the people’s lives, but caring for the people’s lives and engaging in mate-
rial incentives are two different things. Improving labor productivity should be
done through technological innovation and mechanization. It is necessary to
improve the people’s living standards appropriately, based on the development
118
of production. But implementing piecework wages and bonuses is not about
caring for the people’s lives; it is a great insult to the working class. The rail-
way soldiers who built so many railroads didn’t rely on piecework wages. These
soldiers earned only eight yuan a month, with no bonuses. They relied entirely
on Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line. Some of the departments involved may
not understand this. Two central ministries were promoting this and even tried
a pilot program in Shanghai, but the workers drove them out. This issue is di-
rectly related to the Cultural Revolution. I am raising this issue here, and I hope
that comrades in study groups will return and organize struggles in these de-
partments, or at least reflect the situation to the central authorities. Some areas
have raised the question of whether we can restore the pre-Cultural Revolution
regulations. In a planning meeting, someone answered firmly that this is not
possible. He explained three points: first, we oppose the old system of control,
repression, and restriction; second, we oppose the emphasis on bonuses; third,
although the old system may have been correct in the past, once production has
developed, we cannot simply apply the old model unchanged. It’s like adults
cannot wear children’s clothes. This worker understands dialectics. What he
said is correct—things develop, and our leadership thoughts and work must
keep up and adapt to the new situation. We must firmly oppose regression, as
there is no way out in regression. Yet, some people now want to turn back.

Mao Zedong taught us: “We must make discoveries, inventions, creations,
and progress. Any arguments that stop progress, are pessimistic, unproduc-
tive, or full of pride and complacency are wrong.” To carry out the criticism
of Lin and rectify the Party, we must thoroughly continue the movement, which
involves toppling the “Confucian temple.” Confucius was the first systematic
and comprehensive philosopher in Chinese history to advocate idealism. All
the conservatives praise Confucius, and Lin Biao is the modern counterpart to
Confucius—thus, criticizing Lin and criticizing Confucius can and must be
combined. We must eliminate the “Confucian temple” from our minds.

Confucius lived during a period of great social upheaval in China when soci-
ety was transitioning from a slave system to a feudal system. He hated social
change, desperately tried to preserve the slave system, and opposed the feudal
system, attempting to block the progress of history. When Confucius served as
the prime minister of the state of Lu, he killed the reformist Shao Zhengmao
within seven days of taking office. His student, Ran Qiu, had reformist ideas,
so Confucius incited other students to attack him with drumbeats. Chairman
119
Mao said that Confucius had some tyrannical and fascist tendencies. Due to his
backward policies, he was ousted three months after taking office. Although he
was removed, his desire for a revival of the old system did not die. He traveled
around and, seeing the favorable situation, cried out “rituals are collapsing and
music is decaying,” thinking it was a bad thing. Yesterday’s People’s Daily pub-
lished an article by Zhe Jun, and I hope everyone reads it carefully. The article
is excellent. (Note: On January 13th, People’s Daily published an article by Zhe
Jun titled “Confucius’ Doctrine of the Doctrine of the Mean is a Philosophy
Against Social Change.”)

Some people have no affection for Marxism-Leninism, but they linger on and
are deeply attached to revisionism. They are uncomfortable with the new things
that emerged during the Cultural Revolution, but are very nostalgic about the
old things. Chairman Mao said: “The capitalist ideological system and social
system are already ‘fading into the dusk, on the verge of death, and their fate
is on the brink, they are unsure of the next day,’ while only the communist
ideological system and social system are surging forward with an overwhelm-
ing force, with a mighty power, sweeping across the world, and retaining its
beautiful youthfulness.” As a communist who takes communism as the goal
of struggle, why would one be so attached to old things? This is an issue we
comrades here should study carefully. I mainly want to encourage everyone to
study Chairman Mao’s important instructions since the Cultural Revolution
and keep in mind the three principles of adhering to Marxism and rejecting
revisionism.

Recently, Chairman Mao also said that if China were to develop revisionism,
comrades should be alert. He criticized the Politburo for not discussing political
issues, the Military Commission for not discussing military matters, and gen-
erally not engaging in politics. Chairman Mao’s instructions apply to the Party,
government, military, civilian sectors, and all aspects of society. He is telling
us to focus on the major issues, to learn and discuss the great significance of
the Cultural Revolution. This is a major matter that comrades should discuss.
Whether revisionism will emerge in the future will still be in the superstructure.

120
Chairman Mao has repeatedly instructed and personally directed us to sing the
Three Main Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points of Attention, so that we
can always remember that unity in action is the key to victory. We need to cor-
rectly understand Chairman Mao’s instructions to better implement the spirit
of the 10th Party Congress, unite, and strive for even greater victories.

121
1974
 Wang Hongwen and Jiang Qing issued the compilation
of “Lin Biao and the Way of Confucius and Mencius”
from Peking University and Tsinghua University

A letter to Mao Zedong.

Wang Hongwen and Jiang Qing

1974.01.12

Chairman,

We have reviewed the material “Lin Biao and the Way of Confucius and Mencius”
compiled by Peking University and Tsinghua University and believe it is highly
beneficial for the current criticism of Confucius. There is an urgent need for
similar concise materials across the country.

We propose that this material be distributed to all provinces, cities, autonomous

regions, military branches, major headquarters, and departments under the
State Council as a reference for the current campaign to criticize Lin Biao and
Confucius.

We are submitting the material for your review. Please provide instructions.

Wang Hongwen and Jiang Qing

January 12, 1974

124
Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao’s Remarks During
the Military Commission Office Meeting on Reports
from the Three General Departments Regarding the
Campaign to Criticize Lin Biao and Confucius (Excerpt)

Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao

1974.2.8

When Comrade Zhong Hua from the General Staff Department was reporting:

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao (hereafter referred to as Zhang): Don’t just read

from the script during reports. Focus on key points, and the leaders themselves
must take charge. Fifty-seven big-character posters—out of over 30,000, only
fifty-seven! Chairman said the campaign to criticize Confucius did not start in
May 1973; it was mentioned earlier, as far back as the 12th Plenary Session of
the 8th Central Committee.

When Comrade Qian Qian was discussing unresolved issues related to Yan
Zhongchuan and Wen Yucheng, Zhang commented: You have left many issues
unclear. You say it’s not in-depth or thorough, but you haven’t mentioned
anything specific. For example, this matter regarding Zhang Ting—I’m hearing
about it for the first time today.

When other leaders criticized the General Staff Department for being too weak,
Zhang said: None of the major issues you’ve handled have had any outcomes,
as far as I know. For instance, someone from the Operations Department went
to Shandong and joined Yuan Shengping in criticizing Haoliang. I reviewed
your report section by section, and after writing just a few pages, you pushed
it back to me. I didn’t want to deal with it anymore. Ai Ling’s husband is still
in your Second Department, unresolved, isn’t he? Shanghai provided you with
materials, but you haven’t shared anything in return. Only a few people are
aware of this—why haven’t you mobilized the masses to expose it?

125
Comrade Wang Hongwen (hereafter referred to as Wang): She [likely referring
to a specific individual] expressed opinions and took actions. Qiu, Li, and Ye
were directing and executing things over there.

Zhang Chunqiao (hereafter referred to as Zhang): You just claim nothing is

happening, but when it gets to you, you still say nothing is happening.

Wang: The masses should be fully mobilized to expose these issues.

Zhang: The issue of Zhang Ting’s vindication case has also not been resolved.
It’s not just a grassroots problem—what about you higher-ups?

Wang: The leadership of the General Staff Department is leaning to the right—
very much to the right. The masses have been criticizing you for being passive
since “September 13th” [referring to Lin Biao’s fall in 1971], and they are cor-
rect. There are many issues with titles but no conclusions. For example, Wen
Yucheng and Huang Yongsheng—after operating for so many years, who would
they rely on if they didn’t involve several others?

When other leaders asked about Lei Yingfu’s situation:

Wang and Zhang: Locking him up is one thing, but the facts need to be investi-
gated. Otherwise, after being detained for two years, he’ll just be released again.

Wang: The General Staff leadership has been very ineffective in guiding the
campaign to criticize Lin Biao and rectify the party—very ineffective.

Zhang: The issue of the “Children’s Corps” [possibly referring to some organi-
zational faction or group] is something I’m hearing about for the first time from
your department. I’ve already argued against it. Fifty years from now, both the
Chairman and Vice Chairman will need to be recruited from kindergartens!
You haven’t resolved these issues yet. You need to research, discuss, resolve, and
implement solutions.

Wang: Criticism is one thing, but implementing and resolving issues is another.

Zhang: If major issues are not addressed, the responsibility cannot rest solely
on you. The Military Commission also bears responsibility—some matters can
126
be seen this way. Your mental state still has some issues; it seems you are being
pushed forward by the masses.

When other leaders gave instructions on the campaign within the General Staff
Department:

Zhang: You must boldly mobilize the masses. Don’t be afraid—it’s good if bad
elements try to exploit the situation; they’ll expose themselves. Ensure opera-
tional command remains unaffected. The Air Force has made some suggestions
that are worth considering.

Don’t dwell on historical grievances—what old grievances? Avoid disruptive

behavior (“firing side shots”), and report unresolved issues through internal
communications.

Zhang (to Comrade Cai Qian): Are you fully aware of the situation in the Gen-
eral Staff Department? I think you may not necessarily know more than I do.

Transcribed from “Criminal Activities of the ‘Gang of Four’ (Volume IX),”

published by the Political Department of the General Staff Department.

December 1976.

127
 Wang Hongwen’s Speech During the Meeting with
Comrades from the Sichuan Dazhu
Automobile Factory Study Class in Beijing

Wang Hongwen

1974.2.9
I haven’t made any preparations. Yesterday, Comrades Xian, Deng Kui, and
Jiang Qing told me that the comrades from the Dazhu Automobile Factory are
going back, and I feel that no matter how busy I am, I must meet with them.
The reason is that this factory is very important; it is the country’s only one
of its kind, and the country really needs the vehicles produced by the Dazhu
Automobile Factory. The military especially requires these vehicles for their
equipment. I want to say a few words that I hope will help resolve the issues.

This time, the comrades came to Beijing, and although their time here was a
bit longer, they gained a lot. Today, compared to when we first met, there is a
big difference. Their spirit has changed. The Dazhu Factory now has hope. But
does that mean that all the problems have been solved and there are no more
struggles? I don’t think so. After the comrades return, they will still face various
problems. There will still be struggles, and sometimes they might even be quite
intense. So, what should we do? The comrades must follow the Party Central
Committee’s instructions and hold onto the big direction of criticizing Lin
Biao and Confucius. No matter how many problems arise, they must be solved
through this campaign. This will help unite all the workers in the factory.

Now, the nationwide campaign to criticize Lin Biao and Confucius is being
launched, and Dazhu is no exception. This is the greatest driving force to solve
the problems at Dazhu. After returning, the comrades must first focus on the
campaign to criticize Lin Biao and Confucius. In addition, they must be vigilant
against sabotage and disruption by class enemies.

While the comrades may feel that their problems are solved, their thinking is
clearer, and the Dazhu factory has changed its appearance, the class enemies will
not be satisfied. We must remain alert and take action against their disruptive
128
activities. If these two points are well grasped, we can solidify and develop the
achievements made by the study class.

Leaders at all levels must focus on major issues, which means criticizing Lin
Biao and Confucius, focusing on class struggle and ideological struggle, and
addressing the specific situation in Sichuan by criticizing the erroneous line
of Liang Xingchu, Chen XX. Many of Sichuan’s problems were caused by the
implementation of Lin Biao’s line. When you came here, some wanted to criti-
cize, while others were afraid to do so, hesitant. During the first meeting, there
was no speech, no one dared to expose contradictions. But through study, these
issues were resolved, and now the spirit has improved. Therefore, we must con-
tinue to focus on the criticism of Lin Biao and Confucius as our top priority
and never relax on it.

Having a common enemy and a shared goal makes the direction for building
socialism clear. So, the focus must still be on the direction of criticizing Lin
Biao and Confucius.

Just now, Comrade Xian Nian said that we should not hold grudges against
our class brothers. Among the masses, and within the workers, we must unite
on the basis of Mao Zedong Thought, but when it comes to class enemies, we
must criticize and struggle against them without hesitation. Some leaders, like
Comrade XX from their factory, still have three grievances about the Great Pro-
letarian Cultural Revolution: resentment, frustration, and bitterness. (Comrade
Deng Kui interjects: “Chairman said in Tianjin, actually it’s just one grievance:
resentment.”) The Cultural Revolution was personally initiated and led by the
Chairman; if you are resentful, who are you being resentful against? Therefore,
don’t make general mistakes; the Cultural Revolution has already been going
on for eight years. If you didn’t understand it in 1966 or 1968, that can still be
understood, but our Party’s 10th Congress has been held, and if you still don’t
understand, it’s no longer a small problem. As Communist Party members,
it’s a matter of whether or not you are following Chairman Mao’s revolution,
whether or not you are for revolution or whether you are late in making the
revolution. I hope that comrades who still have resentment can quickly change
their stance. If they remain resentful, sooner or later they will be overthrown by
the masses and abandoned by history.

129
Some people advocate restoring everything to the way it was before the Cultural
Revolution. This is wrong. This is the thinking of Confucius—the thinking of
regression and restoration. It’s about restoring the rites, or “li.” We are people
who are involved in industry, and some want to return to the period before
the Cultural Revolution, rejecting all new things. This is restoration. Are we
advancing or retreating? We advocate moving forward.

Whether you support or oppose the Cultural Revolution is fundamentally

about whether you support socialism or capitalism and revisionism. This issue
must be resolved. I don’t know whether there are such people in Dazhu, but
such thoughts and such individuals definitely exist. This campaign to criticize
Lin Biao and Confucius must also address the attitude toward the Cultural
Revolution. Isn’t it supposed to be connected to reality?

This is a very important practical issue. For example, some people are very
interested in abolishing the grassroots revolutionary committees. Where did
this wind come from? It’s worth studying. Comrades, you need to pay atten-
tion, some people want to restore the old system of factory directors, chief
engineers, and workshop managers, replacing the new system of the Cultural
Revolution—the revolutionary committees. This is wrong. Chairman Mao has
said: “Revolutionary committees are good!” And they are good because of the
“three combinations” (military, cadres, workers, old, middle-aged, young). I’ve
heard that in Sichuan, there’s a saying of “using workers to replace cadres.” This
is a new term. What does “using workers to replace cadres” mean? The Central
Committee never said this, but these cadres emerged during the Cultural Rev-
olution. Some people don’t even acknowledge that they are cadres, calling it
“using workers to replace cadres.” I am such a cadre, but some do not acknowl-
edge that I am a worker. There are also units where they talk about ranks, such
as level 18, 19 or higher national cadres. In a report for a meeting, it said that
only those above level 19 could attend. I criticized this on the report: “I don’t
qualify to attend this meeting,” and this caused a big change. Some people are
trying to find all kinds of ways to limit the new forces.

In Jiangxi, there was a counter-revolutionary rumor: “Clear the temple, bring

in the real gods, the old general returns to his position, the little soldiers take
the side path.” The Jiangxi Provincial Party Committee even made a statement
in a big meeting, claiming that the rumor was said by the Chairman. After the
Chairman saw it, he said that the first two lines weren’t the key; the real issue
130
was in the last two lines. The Chairman changed it to: “The old general leads
the way, and the little soldiers are promoted.” The Chairman directly refuted
the rumor. (Xian Nian: There is also a forged Central Document No. 51, which
is aimed at restoring the old order by overturning the political movements that
happened after the liberation.) Comrades, when you hear these rumors, you
must harshly criticize them. The forged Document No. 51 is meant for res-
toration, to bring Chiang Kai-shek back, and to bring people like Lin Biao
and Liu Shaoqi to power. Why do some people within our revolutionary ranks
accept these counter-revolutionary rumors? It shows that their thoughts have
changed. They are dissatisfied with the Cultural Revolution, so they are more
likely to accept them. Moreover, there is a responsible cadre in a unit who curs-
es the rebels, calling them all bad. I said, “You’ve just cursed yourself.” (Xian
Nian: We are also rebels, rebelling against the Kuomintang.) (Deng Kui: Even
Marx was a rebel.) Marx is the ancestor of rebels; The Communist Manifesto is
a manifesto of rebellion. (Deng Kui: In Henan, there was a secretary who didn’t
even allow the rebels to marry, saying it would “cut off their descendants.”)
(Xian Nian: See how much hatred he has for the Cultural Revolution!)

When the Party constitution was amended, some people didn’t want to write
about the capitalist roaders, saying that there are no capitalist roaders anymore.
Of course, that’s an issue of understanding. So, were Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao
capitalist roaders? And what about that county party secretary? What about
Chen Dezhi from your factory? Chen Dezhi could be called a degenerate or a
corrupt element. (Xian Nian: He could be called a bad element.) There is still
struggle, and it is still very intense. That’s why we must continue to criticize
Lin Biao and Confucius and keep solving this issue. Many units’ problems
cannot be solved, and I think an important factor is that the attitude toward
the Cultural Revolution hasn’t been resolved, nor has the issue of the ninth and
tenth line struggles been solved. If not handled well, it could cause our socialist
country to regress and become corrupt. Of course, there are different types of
contradictions here, and they must be handled correctly, but the problem must
be solved. There are many rumors against the Cultural Revolution, and they
exist everywhere. Some people say that the Cultural Revolution was a misun-
derstanding. This is very reactionary. Comrades, don’t split into this faction or
that faction. Within the working class, whether it’s workers or cadres, we must
unite through criticism and self-criticism, and direct the criticism toward Lin
Biao and his ancestor Confucius. Criticize them harshly and criticize their ru-
mors and sophistry against the Cultural Revolution. I didn’t prepare anything,
131
I mainly came to see everyone. If I’ve said something wrong, feel free to criticize
me, and even post a big-character poster. I hope everyone will focus on produc-
tion and get the cars out quickly.

Jinan Workers Reprinted, March 4, 1974

132
Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao during the report
on the situation of the ‘Criticize Lin Biao, Criticize
Confucius’ movement from the three departments

Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao

1974.2.9

When the report was about to end,

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: What do you think is the most difficult
problem? What should be done next? Who will speak?

When the report reached the issue of the unresolved problem with the Standing
Committee members, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: How many Standing
Committee members?

After the report was finished,

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: If you (referring to the younger comrades)
have any opinions, feel free to raise them. When some comrades mentioned
difficulties in addressing the issue of the three departments,

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: Don’t view it as so difficult. I believe the

situation in the three departments is good, and the vast masses and grassroots
cadres in the three departments are good. The cover can be uncovered. If it can’t
be uncovered, we’ll smash it. If it still can’t be uncovered, we’ll use bombs to
blow it up!

When some comrades raised critical opinions about the leadership of the
Military Commission and the General Staff, Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said:
I agree with your opinion. You can criticize the Military Commission and the
General Staff if you have issues with them. Your style is a bit higher than his
(referring to a certain leader). (After saying this, Zhang Chunqiao left.) When
some comrades mentioned that middle-level cadres still had concerns, Comrade
Wang Hongwen said: You should find ways to encourage them.

133
When some comrades mentioned that some leaders wanted revolution but were
also afraid of revolution, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: That’s a good point!
When some comrades mentioned that the four vice chiefs had written a letter
to Comrade Hu Beiwén, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: (To Comrade Zhang
Caijian) Did you sign it? What’s the point of signing that? In that situation,
what’s the need to reply to that letter? Why bother? The impact on the masses
is huge! So when people say there’s a cover-up from above, I don’t think that’s
wrong.

When some comrades said the masses exposed a leader’s statement to another
leader, saying, “We are close friends, dependent on each other, inseparable,”
Comrade Wang Hongwen said: This is a serious issue. The General Staff’s prob-
lems must be solved, including the problems with the Operations Department,
the Third Department, and the Confidential Bureau. Didn’t Comrade ××× just
mention that the situation is complex? That’s right. You need to study it further,
continue mobilizing the masses, uncover the cover-up, and expose the leader-
ship issues of the General Staff, including you (referring to Comrade Zhang
Caijian). As for what was said about “dependent on each other,” are you saying
the masses are wrong? You people above should remove your own cover-up, and
the problem will be solved.

When ××× said that Lin Biao’s group was very focused on controlling the Third
Department as a tool for class struggle, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: The
proletariat, for the sake of revolution, must control this tool; the bourgeoisie,
for the sake of counter-revolution and restoration, must also control this tool.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: This type of intelligence department needs to

be watched closely, as in class struggle, both classes are fighting for control. He
continued: From the recent exposures, it can be seen that there aren’t many
people trying to cover things up; they are a minority. As long as we mobilize
the masses, it can be done, and we should have confidence. The General Staff
has improved compared to before, but we still need to continue overcoming
right-wing thoughts and mobilize the masses to uncover things. We need to
expose the cover-up from above. There will be difficulties, but they are not in-
surmountable. This time, we must make a firm decision to expose it. If it can’t
be uncovered, we’ll smash it. If it can’t be smashed, we’ll use bombs to blow it
up. This might sound a bit extreme, but we must uncover it.

134
Wang Hongwen said: I’d like to discuss an issue with you. In the previous stage,
you wrote a report. Should we write big-character posters? Considering the
importance of this department, we had already criticized it once. Now, to truly
uncover the issues within the General Staff and better mobilize the masses, do
you think it’s feasible to use big-character posters? You should set some appro-
priate guidelines, placing big-character posters in the classified area. For matters
involving confidentiality, you can write small-character posters. Use big-charac-
ter posters for matters concerning Huang, Wu, Ye, Li, Qiu, and issues related to
the 10th route struggle. Use small-character posters for technical and business
secrets. This approach will benefit the movement. We’ve discussed this issue,
and now I’m bringing it up for your consideration. The guidelines should not
be too complicated. There is a momentum issue with big-character posters.
Big-character posters can inspire each other and broaden our thinking. Some
cadres are still at a crossroads, and this could help prompt them.

Wang Hongwen said: When someone proposed adding a few people from the
Standing Committee to lead the movement, I agree with having younger peo-
ple, those with energy, to take on a few positions.

When some comrades mentioned that the masses wanted to post big-character
posters, but were hesitant because the General Staff’s party committee had reg-
ulations prohibiting them, Wang Hongwen said: Recently, I’ve observed some
situations, and based on experiences from certain units, this issue can be con-
sidered, but there are two conditions: First, we must pay attention to confiden-
tiality; second, work cannot stop. Some people are not afraid of small-character
posters, but once big-character posters are used, they get scared. In the past,
there was an experience where many confidential units, during the movement,
didn’t dare post big-character posters or expose issues. As a result, problems ex-
ploded during the Cultural Revolution, and those units had the most issues. In
Shanghai, all the confidential units I worked with became difficult to manage
toward the later stages of the movement. On the other hand, civilian factories
generally had good mass mobilization during each movement. During the Cul-
tural Revolution, many units broke through and made progress. Compared
to now, there weren’t as many deaths as during the Cultural Revolution. So,
we should discuss with the General Staff to fully uncover the issues within the
General Staff by posting big-character posters in certain areas.

135
Wang Hongwen said: When some comrades mentioned that the leadership of
the three departments had longstanding connections of over thirty years, Wang
Hongwen replied: “Besides old relationships, there are also nepotistic ties.”

When Comrade ××× mentioned the issue of the relocation of troops from the
North to the South, Wang Hongwen said: “Cai Qian, this matter is worth
the General Staff’s attention. Recently, I reviewed some materials, and I saw
that the Air Force and Navy had written reports to the central leadership and
Chairman Mao. They didn’t mention how many troops were transferred, but
the Air Force and Navy had moved a large number of troops to the South. To
move a regiment, it needs the approval of the Chairman, so how did they do it?
They moved troops one company at a time, one battalion at a time. They even
moved twelve companies but not yet a whole regiment. All of this was done
through the Operations Department. How many naval ships were relocated?
Seven, eight, nine—until the September 13th incident. Some of them were
still on the way, some advanced units had already arrived, and others were still
surveying the terrain. It was only after the September 13th incident that they
stopped. This was a big conspiracy. So, Cai Qian, the Operations Department
needs to do a good job.”

The text is excerpted from “The Criminal Acts of the ‘Gang of Four’ Materials
(V)”, published by the Political Department of the General Staff Headquarters.

The text was published in December 1976

136
 Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao’s
report and criticism on March 15, 1974, at the
Operations Department

Interjections during the report on the Lin Biao

and Criticize Confucius movement

Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao

1974.3.15

When the report mentioned the issue of Yan Hongfu, the former deputy
director of the Defense Emergency Response Office and liaison for the Lin
Biao group (currently under arrest), Zhang Chunqiao asked: Have you
reported this to the General Staff Department? What did the report say?
Comrade Jin Yufeng responded: Yes, we reported it, and the report mentioned
that an investigation should be conducted. Zhang Chunqiao said: You can’t
defend yourself now, don’t always think you’re right. After handing it over to
the Operations Department, did you ask about it? Did you take a responsible
attitude? Yan Hongfu was so reactionary, and the Operations Department was
so lenient, and the General Staff Department didn’t take any action. With such
a serious issue, as a Communist Party member, why didn’t you report it to the
Central Committee? What is your conclusion about Hongfu? (Jin replied: No
conclusion was made.)
Wang Hongwen asked: Why wasn’t a conclusion made?
Zhang Chunqiao said: You’re the team leader, why didn’t you make one? You
don’t have a firm attitude. You just gave a long explanation, all saying you did
well, but didn’t mention your shortcomings. The report needs to be investigated.

Zhang Chunqiao said: Comrade Caiqian, Yan Hongfu is such a bad person.
When did you first know about it? (Comrade Zhang Caiqian replied: I only
realized it during the Operations Department meeting this time.) You didn’t
know before? Did you know about these poems?

137
(Zhang Caiqian replied: I didn’t see the poems, I knew there were poems but
didn’t know there were so many.) Did you know about Yan Hongfu stealing
confidential information? When did you first know about it? Did you hear a
couple of sentences about it, or did you know it clearly? (Zhang Caiqian re-
plied: Not very clear.) Don’t be vague; you need to clarify what you mean.

When the report reached the point that Yan Hongfu had stolen a large amount
of confidential information during the study session, Wang Hongwen asked:
How could he steal so many core secrets during the study session? I don’t believe
it was actually a study session. The purpose of holding a study session should
have been to study Marxism-Leninism and Chairman Mao’s writings. I noticed
this issue during the investigation of the “5.16” case. You knew he had such
serious problems, yet you allowed him to do whatever he wanted, placed him
in such an important department, and let him steal secrets.

When the report mentioned that Yan Hongfu’s study group moved to the an-
ti-sabotage office and was balanced with another study group, Wang Hongwen
said: How can class struggle be balanced? The Operations Department is for
military operations; how can they balance things?

Zhang Chunqiao said: A lot of confidential information from the General Staff
has been taken. Comrade Caiqian, how will you explain this to the Central
Committee?

Wang Hongwen said: If the Soviet revisionists and American imperialists really
come to attack, I suspect the Operations Department will have a “maintenance
committee.” If a war really breaks out, Comrade Caiqian, the General Staff will
have a “maintenance committee chairperson and vice-chairperson,” with a full
set of personnel.

Why should we send this (referring to economic plans) to them (referring to the
anti-sabotage office)? Wang Hongwen said: Why give them the whole military
strength and economic plans? The anti-sabotage office is supposed to handle
anti-sabotage, not deal with our information. This issue must be thoroughly in-
vestigated. Such important material is being centralized here—no matter who
authorized it, it must be investigated. This is essentially our intelligence. Why
do you need all this material?

138
Zhang Chunqiao said: This needs to be clarified—who made this decision?

Zhang Chunqiao asked: What issues does ××× have?

Wang Hongwen said: The head and deputy head of the anti-sabotage office
were sitting with Yan Hongfu, even showing him confidential materials. They
are still reusing him, even though he is a staunch ally of Lin Biao. Cai Hongji-
ang, you need to keep an eye on him; don’t let him escape. (Zhang Caiqian said:
He won’t escape.) Zhang Chunqiao said: You can’t rely on that.

Wang Hongwen said: This is not good, not good. Measures need to be taken; he
should be kept at a distance. You (referring to Cai Hongjiang) need to handle
this properly. If he dies, you’ll be responsible. If he escapes, you’ll be respon-
sible. If something happens, I’ll hold you accountable. Caiqian, if we remain
careless for too long, it will be too late. We must be careful, or they might
eliminate him to silence him. This time, we need to be cautious. If something
happens, I’ll come to you, Caiqian. In the rear, Qiu Ruiguang, son of Qiu Hui-
zuo, had six people watching him. He escaped four times, including once when
he made it all the way to Diaoyutai. Do you think all the people watching him
are trustworthy?

When the report reached the point where the Operations Department’s Par-
ty committee was discussing Yan Hongfu’s theft of secrets, and some believed
there was no evidence to show that the secrets had been sent to Hong Kong,
Wang Hongwen asked: Which Party committee member thinks this way?
What is the basis for saying nothing was taken? There are many issues here.
Cai Hongjiang said it’s a problem of understanding, but I think that’s wrong.
After “September 13,” it might have been understandable at first, but once we
have discovered all of Yan Hongfu’s crimes, continuing to say this is no longer
a matter of understanding—it’s a matter of stance. They are aligning with the
enemy’s position. You haven’t investigated it thoroughly, and you haven’t dealt
with it, yet you say nothing was sent to Hong Kong? What about sending it to
the Soviet revisionists?

Zhang Chunqiao said: Do you know if it was sent to Moscow?

139
When the report reached the point where the Party committees of the depart-
ment and the General Staff were discussing the Yan Hongfu issue, and someone
told him about it,

Wang Hongwen asked: Who told him? Measures need to be taken against such
a person. To support the masses, at the very least, he should be removed from
the Anti-Sabotage Office and made to explain his actions. The previous resolu-
tion was not thorough; today we need to study how to handle this.

Zhang Chunqiao said: The Anti-Sabotage Office used to be Lin Biao’s intelli-
gence-gathering agency, but now it has become an office used to attack us.

When some comrades said that Lin Biao and Ye Qun wanted Yan Hongfu to
gather intelligence as quickly and sensitively as a radar, including any new opin-
ions or proposals from the central leadership, Wang Hongwen asked: Sensitive
like a radar, Caiqian, when did you know this? The 5th Air Force already had
a group of people like this, collecting intelligence everywhere. Lin Biao’s words
clearly show the issue, including “what new opinions the central leaders have.”
Who is this aimed at? Isn’t it obvious?

Zhang Chunqiao said: Given how many secrets Yan Hongfu has stolen, he
should have been arrested long ago.

Zhang Chunqiao asked: How many people are there in the Anti-Sabotage Of-
fice? (Everyone answered: 14) How many are defending Yan Hongfu?

When the report turned to how the next phase of the movement should be
carried out and there were differing opinions among the masses, Zhang Chun-
qiao said: There is no such thing as universal agreement! If everyone agrees, the
Operations Department would be finished! Your (referring to Cai Hongjiang)
mood is wrong.

When some comrades reported that the Lin Biao anti-Party group had three
black lines extending to the Operations Department: one was Lin and Ye’s liai-
son officer Yan Hongfu; the second was the Four Big Kings, Wen and Yan; the
third was the small fleet, Zhang Chunqiao said: Your order of listing is wrong.
Huang, Wu, Li, and Qiu should be listed first. Why did you put Yan Hongfu
first? This is not just a matter of order, it’s a big problem. If you estimate the
140
situation in the General Staff this way, you’re making a mistake. The big fleet is
formidable! Then comes the small fleet, and only third is Yan Hongfu. This is
no small matter. I always feel like you’re not focusing on Huang, Wu, Li, and
Qiu. Why can’t the investigation into Yan Zhongchuan’s case move forward? It’s
because there’s no emphasis on it. Yan Hongfu is just a small pawn. Getting the
order wrong will lead to mistakes.

When some comrades mentioned that there were still ten issues to discuss
with Cai Hongjiang, Zhang Chunqiao asked: Are all these issues related to Cai
Hongjiang? (Answer: Yes.) Why are all the issues you mentioned related to Cai
Hongjiang? (Answer: We’ve studied it, with some emphasis.) You’ve been orga-
nizing this together! (Some comrades replied, “No.”) I find this strange! I’m not
protecting Cai Hongjiang, but why don’t you mention Huang Yongsheng and
others? Why are all ten issues related to Cai Hongjiang? What about Zuo Yong?
Are those people just dead tigers? If you reveal the issues about Huang, Wu, Li,
Qiu, Wen, and Yan, I’ll listen. If ten issues include Cai’s, Zuo’s, Wang’s, then it
would make sense.

Wang Hongwen said: We’re not defending Cai Hongjiang. It’s fine to expose
issues with Cai Hongjiang, but don’t confuse the main issues with the second-
ary ones.

Zhang Chunqiao said: You can list all ten issues and post big-character posters.
Is the problem in the Operations Department mainly Cai Hongjiang’s issue?
Today, you didn’t mention Wang Fuzhi or Zuo Yong. Your list of black lines is
also wrong. Do you have clarity in your mind about the order of the enemies?
If you write big-character posters, I won’t oppose it, but it’s up to you, we won’t
interfere.

Wang Hongwen said: Both big-character posters and small-character posters

are fine.

When some comrades suggested that the Central Military Commission send a
work group or observation group to the Operations Department to guide the
work, Wang Hongwen said: Historically, sending observation groups has not
had good results.

141
Wang Hongwen said: Let’s stop here for today, but we will have another meet-
ing. After you return, you need to go back and start organizing the masses to
continue exposing the issues. The situation is good, mainly the leadership prob-
lem has improved compared to before, but it’s still not enough.

Wang Hongwen said: You need to clarify the priorities. The issue of moving
troops from the north to the south has been mentioned, and we definitely need
to investigate it thoroughly. I have already reviewed the materials from the Air
Force and Navy. You should also go back and check, to find out exactly what
happened. Some problems are clear, some are still unclear. If Cai Hongjiang is
involved, then you should take the lead in investigating it. If Zhang Caiqian is
involved, you should also take the lead. You all need to clarify the issues. I’ve
reviewed the phone records from the Air Force, and they are connected to the
Operations Department. Don’t make conclusions yet, investigate it clearly first.
You can also look through the phone records from the Operations Department.
Be thorough in your investigation. The issue has been mentioned in the Air and
Navy meetings, but it has not been fully clarified yet.

Recorded from ‘The Crimes of the Gang of Four’ Materials (Volume Four),
printed by the Political Department of the General Staff Department.

December 1976

142
 Wang Hongwen Vice Chairman gave important
telephone instructions to Tan Qilong

Wang Hongwen

1974.3.16

1. Some leaders of the two factions in Zhejiang, firstly, do not criticize Lin Biao
and criticize Confucius, and secondly, do not criticize Chen Liyun and Nan
Ping. Some people have been going to factories and rural areas to organize, seize
guns, materials, and vehicles, etc. This completely goes against the big direction
of criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius and is an extreme mistake. Those people
outside should return to their original units and participate in the campaign to
criticize Lin Biao and Confucius.

2. The Provincial Party Committee, especially the Provincial Military District,

has not firmly implemented the two gun confiscation orders from the Central
Committee and the Central Military Commission. This is a mistake, and they
must make a self-criticism to the Central Committee and the Central Military
Commission.

3. Some of the main responsible persons in the Provincial Party Committee,

especially the Secretary and members of the Standing Committee, who have
gone to other places to recuperate, should return to their work positions and
join the masses in criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius and getting the work
done. Those who do not return should be seriously dealt with by the Provincial
Party Committee.

4. While criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius, it is important to ensure that

industrial and agricultural production is properly arranged, especially
agricultural production. We must carefully manage it, and the measures must
be implemented.

143
As for the problem of Yao Guobiao in Wenzhou, who seized guns, this is no
longer a simple mistake. The Provincial Military District’s action to arrest him
and detain him in the province should be supported.

This phone call was personally made by Vice Chairman Wang to Comrade Tan
Qilong, and the record was later double-checked. Vice Chairman Wang said:
“The Central Committee discussed this issue the night before yesterday, and
these are the points I have summarized.” On March 21st at 6:25 p.m., a call
came from Vice Chairman Wang’s office, conveying his instructions, changing
“leaders of the two factions in Zhejiang” to “some leaders of the two factions
in Zhejiang.”

Wang Hongwen, Vice Chairman, gave an important telephone directive.

March 16, 1974, 2:05 AM

144
 Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao were present at
the Central Military Commission when the leadership
members heard the communication troops’ report on the
Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius campaign

Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao’s interjections

during the report on the situation of the Criticize Lin
and Criticize Confucius campaign, presented to the
leadership of the Central Military Commission

Wang Hongwen, Zhang Chunqiao

1974.3.18

Wang Hongwen said: Start, (to Huang Wenming) do you want to speak? Don’t
just read from the script, briefly talk, time is short, there are many people, just
talk about what problems exist, and then listen to everyone’s opinions.

When Huang Wenming mentioned that before February 11, we neither

advocated nor prohibited large-character posters,

Wang Hongwen said: In fact, we didn’t allow them to be posted, that’s how it is!

When the report came up that this week the communications troops were
preparing to hold a criticism meeting, Wang Hongwen asked: Are the
communications troops mainly referring to those in Beijing? How many people
are there?

Wang Hongwen said: (to Huang Wenming) Do you still have any problems
now?

145
When the report mentioned the issue of a post-meeting after the “June 21”
meeting, Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: I didn’t attend.

Comrade Huang Wenming said: You attended, and this can be verified. (Some-
one interjected: It was Li Ruhong who mentioned it.)

When the report mentioned that Comrade Zhou Shizhong had twice asked
someone to send regards to Lin Liguo, Wang Hongwen asked: Who sent the
regards?

Comrade Huang Wenming said: Zhou Shizhong.

When the report mentioned Li Zuopeng revealing to Comrade Zhou Shizhong

that Wen Yucheng was “not revolving around the Red Sun,” Comrade Wang
Hongwen said: Lin Biao’s “May 19” speech already talked about “revolving
around the Red Sun.” Li Zuopeng then went to Qingdao and Xuzhou to repeat
it.

Comrade Huang Wenming continued the report.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: (To Comrade Huang Wenming) The Politburo
is having a meeting tonight, and this meeting should be finished earlier. It’s
best to keep it short and concise so that the grassroots comrades can share their
views. The representatives of the masses started their reports.

When the report mentioned that Comrade Zhou Shizhong was involved in
reporting the Shanghai case, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: That’s connected
to the struggle over the line. In fact, most of Shanghai’s electronic industry was
for civilian use, and most of it had developed through handcrafts. This group
of people wanted to take control of this industry, which was against Chairman
Mao’s instructions at that time. The factories weren’t allowed to provide, so
they were pressured with tasks. At that time, Shanghai was overwhelmed. One
person said it was from the Central Committee, and another person said it was
from the Central Committee. The Fourth and Seventh Ministry of Machinery
all said it was from the Central Committee, but the real projects discussed by
the Central Committee could not be implemented. It was all just pressure, with
no way to proceed. Because many of the national projects were tied to Shang-
hai’s supporting industries, many key materials couldn’t be supplied. They came
146
up with a national uniform distribution plan, delaying the whole country’s proj-
ect coordination. They took everything and then redistributed it. At the 1970
planning meeting, I was also upset. You all represent the Central Committee,
but the real tasks from the Central Committee couldn’t be implemented.

When the report mentioned Li Zuopeng using the “6910” meeting to deny
Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line in the electronic industry, Comrade Wang
Hongwen said: If they had been allowed to control the electronic industry for
another year or two, by now, I think it would have been completely ruined. Ev-
erything would have been deadlocked. We were working on military industry,
producing large quantities of tubes and storing them in warehouses, and others
couldn’t use them. The production units were losing money.

When the report mentioned that the purge of Shanghai was personally arranged
by Comrade Zhou Shizhong, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: The method they
used to deal with Shanghai was to undermine the foundations, to arrest the
directors. It wasn’t just about dealing with Shanghai.

When the report mentioned that Comrade Zhou Shizhong had an extreme-
ly hostile attitude, calling the “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” campaign
“Criticize Zhou, Correct the Wind,” refusing to attend the Standing Com-
mittee meetings, and verbally abusing others, Comrade Wang Hongwen said:
What are you all going to do about his words?

When discussing not fearing retaliation from Comrade Zhou Shizhong, Com-
rade Wang Hongwen said: Not afraid of being beheaded, not afraid of going to
jail, not afraid of your wife divorcing you... If you’re not afraid of these, then
what else is there to be afraid of?

When the report mentioned the previous two expanded meetings of the Mil-
itary Party Committee and the General Staff sending work teams, Comrade
Wang Hongwen asked: Did you send a work team this time? (To Comrade
Zhang Caiqian) Did the General Staff send one?

Comrade Zhang Caiqian: The movement is managed by the General Political

Department, and the General Staff did not send a work team.

147
Comrade Wang Hongwen said: The General Political Department didn’t send
one either?
Comrade Huang Wenming answered that the General Political Department
did not send a team.

When the report mentioned that the work teams sent by the General Political
Department had not had a good effect, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: Who
was the head of the General Political Department’s work team?
After the report concluded, Comrade Wang Hongwen asked: Do you have any
other opinions, any different opinions? The response was: No different opin-
ions.

At this point, Comrade Zhang Chunqiao, based on the report mentioning

the communication troops’ movement being covered up, which was related to
Comrade Zhang Caiqian,
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Caiqian, people are saying you are a cause of
the issue, and they have some criticism of you. Aren’t you going to speak up,
make a statement? Explain it clearly in front of everyone!

Comrade Zhang Caiqian: He (referring to Comrade Zhou Shizhong) talked

about his mistakes and his relationship with Comrade Huang Wenming. I said
your movement is managed by the General Political Department, and you can
reflect this to the General Political Department. The relationship between com-
rades should be clarified at the Party Committee meeting.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Look at what you’re saying, what’s the pur-
pose? People are saying this is a struggle over the line, and you’re talking about
something else!
Comrade Wang Hongwen said: It’s a struggle over the line.
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: With just these few words, people are using
your title as Vice Chief of the General Staff, Zhang Caiqian, to speak.

Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: I want him to report to Vice Chairman Ye.
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: What do you mean by asking him to report?
Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: I want someone from above to come.
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Zhou Shizhong, are you being wronged? Do
you want someone from above to come and “judge your case”? Why ask for
people to come?!
148
Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: I have made mistakes, and I want to explain.
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Explain? What are you explaining? The re-
sponsibility lies with you first. What have you explained? We believe the vast
majority of the communication troops will figure out your issues.
Comrade Wang Hongwen said: There are so many people in the communica-
tion troops; I don’t believe your problem can’t be resolved.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: You said most of it has been explained, but I
have a question for you: Why wasn’t the new encryption machine given to the
Chairman?
Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: Huang Yongsheng removed it and only gave it
to the military security.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Why did you carry out such an order?! Why
didn’t you report to the Chairman? In your mind, where is the Chairman?!

Comrade Zhou Shizhong replied: I didn’t recognize it.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: How could you not recognize it? This is basic
common sense. The whole army, the whole country, and the whole world know
that Chairman Mao is the Chairman of the Military Commission. How could
you not recognize that?

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: This is not a recognition problem.

Comrade Zhou Shizhong responded: Huang Yongsheng’s notice was seen by

the Standing Committee.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: Don’t pass it off to the Standing Committee.
You are the head of the communications troops!

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: How could you dare to carry out such an or-
der? How could you not give the Chairman the secure communication device?
As for this issue, my view is a bit different from theirs (referring to those report-
ing). It’s not just about giving or not giving the Chairman a secure communi-
cation device. It’s about how they used this device as a tool for their anti-party
group’s conspiratorial activities. Others didn’t have it, but they did, so they
could use this phone to contact each other.
149
Comrade Wang Hongwen said: You didn’t have one either, right?

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: The Chairman didn’t have one, so what am I?

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao added: This view isn’t something I just came up
with. After “September 13” (the coup attempt), I mentioned this in the Mili-
tary Commission meeting, but there was no follow-up. Today, I am bringing it
up again. If we are talking about conspiracy, using communication tools is the
most obvious form. Zhou Shizhong, go ahead and explain.

Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: I didn’t resist.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: It’s not that you didn’t resist, you resolutely
carried out the order. You didn’t report it to anyone. This matter needs to be
investigated. Ye Qun wanted two machines, and you quickly provided them.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: Of course, how could we not provide it? Can
this be called a unity issue?

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Comrade Cai Qian, I am not satisfied with
your statement just now. You should support the vast masses of the communi-
cations troops.

Comrade Cai Qian responded: Of course.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: “Of course”? What you said is wrong.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: Your statement is wrong.

Comrade Cai Qian replied: He (Zhou Shizhong) was talking about his rela-
tionship with Comrade Huang Wenming.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Look at what kind of relationship issue this is!

Comrade Cai Qian said: The masses of the communications troops exposing
and struggling against him is justified.

150
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: Your statement before was wrong, and your
statement now is even more incorrect.

Comrade Cai Qian said: We do not intervene in the movement of the commu-
nications troops.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: You are a Communist Party member! When
the communications troops encounter problems, do you, as the deputy head,
have no responsibility?

Comrade Cai Qian said: Of course.

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: The communications troops have been con-
trolled by bad elements, and their power has been usurped. You, as the deputy
head, are responsible. You can ask around. If you don’t understand the situa-
tion, you can keep silent.

Comrade Cai Qian responded: I have no answer.

Wang Hongwen said: I think every time you attend a meeting, your stance on
which side you are on is always unclear. Therefore, I criticize you as being right-
wing. You should firmly stand with the broad masses of the General Staff and
thoroughly expose the cover-up. You need to support the masses.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: At the very least, you should say this: I used
to be a protector, but now I am no longer. (Comrade Cai Qian said a few
more words.) Stop explaining; the more you explain, the more complicated it
becomes.

Comrade Cai Qian said: I’m no longer a protector; I will examine my mistakes.

Comrade Cai Qian said: I only spoke with Comrade Zhou Shizhong once.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: If you had spoken twice, you wouldn’t be
saying this today.

151
Wang Hongwen said: Stop explaining. As for the General Staff, no matter what,
we must definitely support the broad masses of the communication troops and
expose the issues. The reason we called you to this meeting today, initially we
planned to hear reports from other units, but after discussing with Vice Chair-
man Ye, the reason is that recently there have been many letters from the mass-
es of the communication troops to the Central Committee, exposing a large
number of issues that need to be addressed. We must fully mobilize the broad
masses of the communication troops to continue exposing and criticizing, and
these issues must be thoroughly investigated. Some major issues, such as the
secure communication machine problem raised by Comrade Chunqiao earlier,
comrades, don’t underestimate the importance of one secure communication
machine; this is connected to the conspiracy of the Lin Biao group. If it’s a con-
spiracy, Comrade Zhou Shizhong is involved, and you cannot shirk responsibil-
ity for this. By resolutely implementing and carrying out such a counter-revolu-
tionary order, you have shown where you stand, or rather, which command you
are aligned with. This is not a simple question of understanding. To treat it as
such would be wrong. Why would Huang, Wu, Li, Qiu, Ye Qun, and Hu Min
get one, but the chairman can’t be equipped with one? If it’s military equip-
ment, the chairman of the Military Commission is Chairman Mao, as Com-
rade Chunqiao just said. The broadcasting of television, while a public display,
is in fact a counter-revolutionary propaganda, aimed at Lin Biao’s group to pre-
pare for their counter-revolutionary coup and create conditions for their rise to
power. Comrade Zhou Shizhong, you personally supervised the arrangements
and directed the reception, all of it was your doing. I don’t think I’m mistaken,
am I? Can we really say this is just a simple problem of understanding? Let’s
analyze the timing of the situation at that time (Comrade Zhou Shizhong: At
that time, I didn’t know about the Ninth Party Congress second plenary ses-
sion). I don’t care whether you knew or not, but did you report such an action
to the Chairman or the Central Committee? Was this action not something
that Huang, Wu, Li, and Qiu instructed you to carry out? Is this a unity issue?
Is it an issue between comrades internally? This was a conspiracy by Lin Biao’s
group to prepare for their rise to power. These issues, you must explain clearly
to the Party, to the Central Committee, and to the broad masses of the people.

You’ve gone to so many places and said so many things, creating so much public
opinion for Lin Biao’s group. Is this a unity issue?

152
Recently, there have been a considerable number of letters from the masses
in the communication troops. Of course, there may be some inaccuracies in
individual cases, but the overwhelming majority of their opinions are correct.
They are concerned that the issues within the communication troops cannot
be resolved and are requesting that the Central Committee help address them.
This meeting today is being held under these circumstances. Through the Criti-
cize Lin, Criticize Confucius movement, we must link it to the actual situation
of the communication troops. The issues surrounding the ten aspects of the
line struggle should be resolved. As comrades mentioned earlier, the commu-
nication troops are a key unit. If the problems here are not clarified, we will be
unable to ensure communication, especially in wartime, which will make it im-
possible to secure communications. Therefore, we must thoroughly investigate
and clarify these issues.

Here, the primary issue is leadership. The masses have concerns about the lead-
ership of the communication troops’ Party Committee. Aside from Comrade
Zhou Shizhong, other comrades have not been effective. The letters from the
masses, as well as the opinions directly heard earlier, reflect this issue. Those
who have made mistakes must clarify their errors and stand with the masses.
This includes Comrade Zhou Shizhong. I hope you will clarify the issues and
seek the understanding of the masses. Otherwise, as some comrades just men-
tioned, they cannot trust you. If you still insist on a reactionary stance, how
can the masses trust you? If you still resist, go ahead and resist! We believe the
broad masses, who are loyal to Chairman Mao’s revolution, will ultimately clar-
ify these issues. I hope that the leading cadres stand with the masses to resolve
the problems within the communication troops, especially the comrades on the
Standing Committee of the Party Committee.

Because the Lin Biao anti-Party clique placed great importance on this depart-
ment, the issues within the communication troops are as critical as those in
the Operations Department or the Third Department. As some comrades just
mentioned, if Lin Biao was planning a coup, not controlling communications
would be unthinkable! A large number of facts have already been presented.
The leadership must work with the broad masses, through the Criticize Lin,
Criticize Confucius movement, to address the actual issues within the commu-
nication troops and ensure that the department is under the control of revolu-
tionaries loyal to Chairman Mao. Only then can we guarantee uninterrupted
communication and contact in case of any situation. Otherwise, there will be
153
dangers in the future.

The Party Committee must clearly explain to the masses that retaliation is not
allowed, and they should be encouraged to fully expose problems. Anyone en-
gaging in retaliation should be dealt with severely according to Party discipline,
and may even be expelled from the Party or the military. This guarantee must
be made; without such a guarantee, the Party Committee cannot proceed. The
Party Committee must show the masses this stance. The Party Constitution
stipulates that if the masses have grievances, they can report them to Chairman
Mao or the Central Committee. Even if some of the issues raised by the masses
are inaccurate or contain errors, they should still be allowed to speak out, and
retaliation is prohibited, except in cases of counter-revolutionary activities.

When it was mentioned that Comrade Zhou Shizhong was the Party Com-
mittee Secretary, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: The masses are afraid to sign
a big-character poster individually; they often sign collectively, which reflects
their concerns about possible retaliation. We must trust the majority of the
masses. While some people may have concerns, the comrades in the Party
Committee must work to address them.

For those involved in the Tenth Line Struggle, as well as the cadres who made
mistakes with Zhou Shizhong, the policies must be clarified. Those who have
made errors must come forward to expose and criticize them, and if they cor-
rect their mistakes, that should be the end of it. Last time, when the Party
Committee reported plans to hold a meeting, the delay in timing was due to
the consideration that the masses had just been mobilized, and it would be easy
to just go through the motions. This time, we hope that the movement in the
communication troops will not go through the motions again, and that the
issues will be thoroughly clarified.

When someone mentioned that Comrade Zhou Shizhong had made attacks
against Chairman Mao, Comrade Wang Hongwen said: “We must criticize and
struggle against it harshly.”

Comrade Wang Hongwen continued: “There were also large-scale actions.”

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao added: “The organization was very tight, includ-
ing the mobile communications units.” Comrade Wang Hongwen responded:
“Even those belonging to Chairman Mao were not given.”
154
Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: “I have a few words to say to the leaders. On
the night of July 4th, 1969, when I arrived at the communications unit, I im-
mediately became deeply involved in the electronic industry. The tasks were
heavy, and I followed people rather than the Party, leading to a series of serious
mistakes. There are some discrepancies in the report from Comrade Huang
Wenming just now, but I will not discuss them here; I will write a report and
explain the situation to the Central Committee.”

Comrade Wang Hongwen responded: “Making such a statement is not appro-

priate. Your attitude is dangerous, Comrade Zhou Shizhong! If you really want
to correct your mistakes, you must clearly explain the problems. Instead of
clearly stating your position, you first mention discrepancies—this is the wrong
attitude. Can this attitude earn the forgiveness of the masses? Your issues are
very serious.”

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: “Don’t be afraid of him.

After listening today, you can go back and work on it. If there are any issues,
we can study them further. The Party committee members need to be careful
not to impose rigid constraints on the masses. In the past, we didn’t advocate
for big-character posters, but in reality, we didn’t allow them to be posted. Not
advocating and not stopping them is essentially imposing constraints.

First, we must fully mobilize the masses. Once the issues are exposed and the
masses have no objections, then we can hold meetings. Some comrades are
afraid of big-character posters, but this is wrong. Chairman Mao advocates for
great criticism, great openness, big-character posters, and big debates. Some
comrades treat big-character posters as if they are a flood or a wild beast. What
is there to be afraid of? I say if you are a good person, there is nothing to fear;
bad people, of course, will be afraid. We need to make it clear to everyone:
don’t be afraid of posting big-character posters. Reprisal and retaliation are not
allowed. We must stand by the truth and not fear retribution. Go back and
discuss it, and push the movement forward.”

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: “Go back and work on it.”

Comrade Zhou Shizhong said: “I support the central leadership’s instructions

and must clarify things to Chairman Mao and the Party Central Committee.”
155
Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: “There’s also the issue of explaining things
to the masses. If you’re going to explain things to the Chairman and the Party
Central Committee, you must first explain things to the masses. Otherwise,
you’ll just say that you’ve explained everything to the central leadership. Your
problems aren’t secret. You could say that you drilled right into the Lin Biao
anti-Party group. You didn’t follow the Party, and people are divided by class.
Who did you follow? You didn’t follow Marx or Chairman Mao, so who did
you follow? You followed Lin Biao’s party. You didn’t follow Chairman Mao’s
instructions. We, as comrades, can’t be easily deceived. The masses are watch-
ing, and it’s not so easy to fool them.”

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: “We’ll be watching your actions.”

Entered from ‘The Crimes of the Gang of Four (Volume 10)’, printed by the
Political Department of the General Staff Department.

December 1976

156
 Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao, in response
to Xie Kecheng’s report on the quiet and lackluster
‘Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius’ campaign
in the Military Region.

The instructions on the letter.

Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao

1974.4.7

Zhang Chunqiao’s instruction:

It is suggested that the Municipal Committee distribute this letter (referring

to the letter written by Xie Kecheng, Secretary of the Political Department of
the Shanghai Garrison, on April 2, 1974, reflecting the lack of enthusiasm in
the Garrison’s “Criticize Lin, Criticize Confucius” movement) to the Standing
Committee of the Municipal Committee and the Standing Committee of the
Garrison Party Committee. The Municipal Committee should convene a joint
meeting of both committees to discuss and help the leadership of the Garrison
take the initiative. Please consider and decide.

Wang Hongwen’s instruction:

I agree with Comrade Chunqiao’s opinion. Please forward it to Comrade Tian

Shui for further handling.

A copy was made by the Office of the Wenzhou Revolutionary Committee on

August 7, 1974.

157
 Wang Hongwen’s speech to the
leaders of the Operations Department

Wang Hongwen

1974.5.5

On the afternoon of May 4, 1974, Wang Hongwen had a discussion with the
leaders of the Operations Department, Cai Hongjiang, Li Li, and others. The
following issues were addressed:

1. The issue of transferring troops from the north to the south must be treated
as a key focus. The masses should be mobilized to thoroughly investigate,
leaving no stone unturned. Work diaries, notes, telephone records, and duty
logs should all be reviewed. Anyone who is involved or knows anything should
provide clues and materials. Even if there are no records, people should try
to recall and write it down. The investigation should be directed at the “big
fleet” and the counter-revolutionary conspiracies of the Lin Biao anti-party
group must be completely uncovered. At the same time, the issues within the
Operations Department must also be fully investigated. If these issues are not
addressed now, they will continue to be a problem in the future.

The issue of transferring troops from the north to the south is being investigated
by the navy and air force, and some materials have been collected. You have also
sent some materials here. However, I still feel that the issue is not completely
clear. Not all troop transfers involve conspiracies, but there are indeed some
conspiracies involved, and you need to analyze them. For example, why were
so many troops transferred to deal with the scale of the Jiang Clique’s divisions
and regiments? There are already many naval and air force units in Jiangsu,
Zhejiang, and Shanghai, so why transfer troops from the north? Why were
troops from north of the Yangtze River transferred? Why were southern troops
not used? In any case, there is something fishy here—there are both genuine
and false elements. It is a mix of truth and falsehood. Therefore, your party
committee should focus on researching and analyzing the issue, and not easily
affirm or deny things. For matters that are uncertain or difficult to handle,
158
you should report them to the central government. Depending on the situa-
tion, you can either submit a comprehensive report or a specialized one.

2. The issue of transferring troops from the north to the south is related to
your current investigation into the Lin Biao anti-party group’s attempts to carry
out a counterrevolutionary coup in the capital. There is a connection between
the two, and you should mobilize the masses to act freely while conducting
both tasks simultaneously. Engage the masses to expose and investigate, allow-
ing everyone to participate. This will motivate their enthusiasm and make the
movement more active. The Lin Biao anti-party group always used legal forms
to carry out counterrevolutionary activities, so you need to have a mindset of
understanding the enemy situation. Present the materials and allow the masses
to analyze and study them. Identify which are conspiracies and which are not,
and make sure everything is clear.

3. You must repeatedly explain the policies and do a good job working with
those who are informed. Keep the focus of the struggle on the “big fleet,” pri-
marily addressing the issues related to it. You must strictly differentiate between
the two types of contradictions—those of different natures. Do a good job with
the informed people; those who are involved should not be afraid. They should
expose the problems and clearly state them. For those who have made mistakes,
the goal is not to defeat them, but to help, educate, unite, and win them back.
If Lin Biao could pull them over, why can’t we help them return to the revolu-
tionary path laid out by Chairman Mao? At all times, we must follow Chair-
man Mao’s policies, unite the majority, and minimize the scope of the struggle.

4. The leadership teams of various departments and bureaus should primarily

be formed from within their own ranks, rather than relying on transfers from
outside. Based on experience, transferring from outside has not been effective.
You should cultivate and select young and excellent cadres from within the
struggle itself and incorporate them into the leadership teams.

5. Continuously summarize experiences. Actively mobilize the masses, while

criticizing and exposing, and summarizing experiences as you go. Strengthen
organizational leadership. Through the great movement of criticizing Lin Biao
and Confucius, and through the mass campaigns of exposure and criticism, we
aim to raise everyone’s awareness of class struggle and ideological line struggle,
and unite the broad masses of cadres.
159
Entered from “The Crimes of the ‘Gang of Four’ Materials (Eight)”, printed by
the Political Department of the General Staff Headquarters.

December 1976

160
 Wang Hongwen’s speech at the report meeting on the
“Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius”
movement at key enterprises in Shandong

Wang Hongwen

1974.6.27
Comrade Bai Ruibing spoke just now, and Comrade Xian Nian also spoke; I
agree with both. Comrade Bai Ruibing’s speech was very comprehensive, and I
believe that if comrades follow this spirit after returning, the issues in Shandong
will be solved even better. Comrade Xian Nian raised some important points in
his speech and criticized some incorrect views, all of which are very important.
I hope comrades will implement them after returning. Recently, I’ve been
busy with other matters and didn’t have time to study the issues in Shandong
thoroughly. I only spent a little time listening to some opinions, without
thinking deeply. The main responsibility for solving the problems lies with
Comrades Xian Nian, Deng Kui, Zhenhua, and everyone else.

This time, the key enterprises from Shandong came to Beijing to attend
the report meeting on criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius. After a period of
study, everyone has made significant improvements. Although it took a bit
longer than expected, it was necessary. As Comrade Xian Nian said, he felt
responsible for the time spent, and I thought about it; it was indeed necessary.
Solving ideological problems can’t be done in just three to five days. It takes
time. During this period, everyone studied Marx, Lenin, and Mao Zedong’s
works, as well as a series of central documents, critically analyzed Lin Biao and
Confucius, and connected the study to the reality in Shandong. The comrades’
awareness of class struggle, line struggle, and the continuing revolution under
the dictatorship of the proletariat has greatly improved, and confidence has
been built in solving the problems of some key units. These four months were
worth it. In the past, comrades did not sit down to study the problems; some
units were unable to express their just opinions, and incorrect ideas were either
not criticized or not criticized deeply, and the problems weren’t solved. Now,
everyone has sat down and carefully thought about the problems, examined
them according to Mao Zedong’s and the Party’s instructions, criticized the
161
errors, and the ideological issues have been addressed. This is a good thing, and
I believe the time spent was necessary.

Comrade Xian Nian just spoke very comprehensively, and I don’t have much to
add, but there are a few things I want to address. If I’m wrong, I hope comrades
will criticize me.

First, after comrades return, there will be a lot of work and many things to
do. So, what should be the main focus? I hope comrades, after returning, will
concentrate all their efforts on carrying out the Criticizing Lin Biao and Con-
fucius movement. There are countless tasks, but we need to focus on the most
important ones. The current priority is the Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius
movement, which must be carried out in a lasting and in-depth manner. Relat-
ing it to the situation in Shandong, we must further expose and criticize Yuan
Shengping’s counter-revolutionary crimes, and also criticize and investigate a
series of counter-revolutionary political rumors in society. This means we must
first focus on class struggle and line struggle. This is the most important task.
No matter how many things there are, this point must not be relaxed.

After the issuance of the Central Document No. 17, a few people in society,
including some bad elements, incorrectly estimated the situation, thinking
that Document No. 17 was about “correcting deviations” and that “the earlier
phase went too far,” while others believed that the movement was “almost over.”
In fact, the situation is the opposite. Document No. 17 is meant to help the
Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius movement develop better. It’s not about
“correcting deviations”; there were no deviations. The overall Criticizing Lin
Biao and Confucius movement is on the right track nationwide. The goal is to
remove distractions and allow the movement to continue in-depth and for a
long time. I hope that after returning, comrades in Shandong will prioritize this
task above all else. If this work is done well, the problems in some units will be
solved faster and more effectively.

At the same time, comrades must recognize that the deeper development of the
Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius movement will encounter various resistanc-
es and difficulties. There will be interference from right-wing or extreme “left”
elements. The erroneous views that Comrade Xian Nian criticized earlier will
also emerge and cause disruption. A small group of class enemies will try every
means to sabotage the work. Even within our Party, there will be different
162
understandings. A lot of work will need to be done to eliminate these distur-
bances. Don’t think that just because the problems have been addressed here,
things will go smoothly when you return. I don’t think so; comrades need to be
mentally prepared. But I believe comrades will definitely be able to carry out
the Criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius movement in depth. This is my first
point.

When the Central Political Bureau was studying the Shandong issue, everyone
had an opinion and asked me to mention it in this meeting. This is related to
the future issue of “filling in the gaps.” Comrade Bai Ruibing mentioned this
issue in his speech just now. Recently, in Shandong and other places, a small
number of people have been seeking positions of power. Some individuals and
units have even suggested that the current Party organizations and revolution-
ary committees should be completely overthrown and rebuilt. We believe this
is a mistake. One can be revolutionary without holding a position. Why must
one always seek a position? Seeking a position shows lack of ambition. Anyone
who seeks a position should not be given one. If one is truly revolutionary, can
correctly implement Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, has credibility among
the masses, and is trusted by them, there is no need to seek the position — the
masses will recommend you to the leadership role. The idea that the bigger the
faction, the stronger the position, and the greater the desire for power, is wrong.
Even if one seeks a position, if the line is incorrect, if it is not following Chair-
man Mao’s revolutionary line but rather revisionism, division, and conspiracies,
sooner or later they will collapse.

The Shanghai Revolutionary Committee was established relatively early. After

the January Revolution and the seizure of power, it was set up soon after, but
at that time, it was not officially approved. Comrade Spring Bridge told the
Chairman that the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee had not yet been ap-
proved. The Chairman said, “As long as the masses approve, it is fine.” So, the
key issue is not whether you seek a position, but whether the masses approve
of you. If you implement the correct line, the masses will recommend you. If
you don’t implement the correct line, you will collapse. As a Communist Party
member and revolutionary, one should not have such thoughts. A revolutionary
can be a revolutionary even in the workshop or in the production team. Seeking
a position is not proletarian thinking; it is thoroughly bourgeois thinking. This
is a small minority.

163
In the next phase, when Shandong carries out the task of “filling in the gaps,”
this issue will also occur. Of course, as leaders, we must pay attention to com-
bining old, middle-aged, and young cadres when filling in positions and make
sure all parties are considered. This is the responsibility of leadership. In select-
ing cadres, as Comrade Bai Ruibing mentioned, we should use the five criteria
for successors proposed by the Chairman. It is not about the size of the faction;
just because one’s faction is large doesn’t mean they should be given a high po-
sition. If the faction is large but does not follow Chairman Mao’s revolutionary
line, does not meet the five criteria, they should not be given a position, and
they should not participate in leadership. Of course, no one is perfect. If some-
one is mostly following Marxism and not revisionism, and has shortcomings or
errors in their work, it is a matter of helping and educating them — it is about
looking at the mainstream. If someone is not following Marxism but following
revisionism, they certainly should not be in leadership.

In the next phase of leadership team building, we must do the work well. Some
may seek positions, and they need to be educated. Those who seek positions
should not be given them. The leadership should select cadres who meet the five
criteria from among the masses. Those who have made mistakes need to study
hard, correct their mistakes, and win the trust and support of the masses.

Another point, comrades, especially comrades in leadership positions at all lev-

els, is that we must seriously summarize the lessons learned from our experienc-
es. The Cultural Revolution has lasted for more than eight years, and Shandong
has experienced several cycles of problems. Soon after seizing power, Wang
Xiaoyu made mistakes. After Wang Xiaoyu’s downfall, Yuan Shengping also
formed one faction to suppress another, but the root cause was his implemen-
tation of Lin Biao’s counter-revolutionary revisionist line. Some individuals in
the Provincial Party Committee also made mistakes. It is essential for us to learn
from those who have made mistakes, which is very necessary. In the early stag-
es of the Cultural Revolution in Shandong, Comrade Tan Qilong made mis-
takes. After seizing power, not long after, Wang Xiaoyu made mistakes. During
the process of dealing with Wang Xiaoyu’s errors, aside from Yuan Shengping’s
counter-revolutionary needs, some comrades also made mistakes. Why? It was
because they did not seriously summarize their experiences and lessons.

164
Therefore, in the current process of criticizing Lin Biao and Confucius, linking
it to Shandong’s reality, and exposing Yuan Shengping’s actions, we must learn
from the mistakes of the past. We should not keep repeating the same mistakes.
When one faction suppresses another, it leads to no good results. We must con-
tinue to follow Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, resolutely act according to
the Party’s policies, and unite the majority. Only in this way can we carry out
the revolution and improve production in Shandong. There are still some com-
rades who must learn from their own mistakes, and this is especially important
for comrades in leadership positions to take seriously.

One major reason some comrades made mistakes is that they failed to correctly
treat the masses. Those who suppressed others could not properly deal with
the masses and made mistakes. Similarly, those who were oppressed and rose
up against their oppressors but did not handle the masses correctly also made
mistakes.

The Central Seventeenth Document conveys an important spirit: nationwide

stability. Comrade Xianian just criticized many wrong viewpoints, one of which
is that some have attacked the Twelfth Document’s provisions prohibiting the
formation of alliances and the establishment of factions, claiming that the doc-
ument was created by a small group of people, and so on. In fact, the Twelfth
Document was formulated based on Chairman Mao’s speech, and after it was
written, it was approved by him. The Seventeenth Document follows the same
process—it was also written according to Chairman Mao’s instructions and was
approved by him.

One key issue addressed in the Seventeenth Document is stability. After the
Cultural Revolution, we successfully defeated the two counter-revolutionary
factions led by Liu Shaoqi and Lin Biao, achieving great victories. The situation
nationwide is very positive and improving. Whether in terms of revolution or
production, the situation is flourishing. Of course, some problems remain to
be solved. Some are unresolved issues left over from the Cultural Revolution
that need to continue to be addressed, while others are new issues, but these
are secondary, not the main issues. As the movement to criticize Lin Biao and
Confucius deepens, these problems can be resolved.

165
To consolidate and further develop the great situation nationwide, especially
in advancing the movement to criticize Lin Biao and Confucius, stability is
necessary. There should no longer be any formation of factions, building of
power bases, or creating alliances. The situation is different now compared to
the early days of the Cultural Revolution, and such actions are not needed any-
more. Recently, I saw reports from Huainan City, Anhui Province, where some
people held meetings and broadcasted messages criticizing the Twelfth and Sev-
enteenth Documents, which is completely wrong. I’m not sure if the same is
happening in Shandong. These two documents were issued to better guide the
movement to criticize Lin Biao and Confucius.

In the view of some people, they believe that these two documents are wrong
because they hinder their ability to form factions and promote bourgeois sec-
tarianism. However, the vast majority of the masses strongly support them,
while only a few people are unhappy. There are also some comrades who are
very good; they established “combat teams” and “contact stations,” and as soon
as they saw the documents, they immediately dissolved them. Recently, the
central authorities discussed and decided to issue another document focusing
on “grabbing the revolution and promoting production.” The movement to
criticize Lin Biao and Confucius must deepen, and production must also be
improved.

The situation in Zaozhuang has already influenced the larger situation. I hope
comrades in Zaozhuang will go back and clarify how their situation is related to
the overall situation. If things do not improve there, it will have an impact on
the entire nation. They must make the determination to improve the situation.
The same applies to other places in Shandong. In places where progress is slow,
the key lies in leadership. Leaders must mobilize the vast majority of cadres and
the masses to improve production.

Currently, some leadership cadres are not taking the lead in grabbing the revo-
lution and promoting production. Instead, they are neglecting their responsi-
bilities and running away at the slightest sign of difficulty. A few have left their
positions without permission and are not working at all. Some have been absent
for a long time, and no one knows where they have gone. There is even a county
party secretary in Shandong who could not be found for a whole year. For such
individuals, I believe their wages should not be paid. If this is not being en-
forced in Shandong, it is wrong. Especially for cadres who are absent for a long
166
time, they should not receive wages. We are a socialist country, and in socialism,
no work means no pay. Why should wages be given to those who don’t work?

If a cadre has been absent for a long period and insists on receiving wages, they
should go to the masses and discuss whether they should receive them. For the
few cadres who repeatedly fail to improve despite being educated, they should
be dismissed from their positions. For those in the masses who are absent from
work for a long time, education is necessary, but for the very few, appropriate
actions must be taken.

These are the few things I wanted to share with you. I do not know much about
the issues in Shandong, and there are many things I have not fully understood.
What I’ve said may not be entirely accurate, but I wanted to share my thoughts.
If any mistakes were made, I welcome comrades to criticize. I believe the com-
rades at the Shandong report meeting, after more than four months of study,
the movement to criticize Lin Biao and Confucius, and exposing and criticizing
Yuan Shengping, will definitely improve the revolution and production in their
respective units and live up to the expectations of the Central Committee and
Chairman Mao.

There is one more thing I need to mention. The situation in Shandong has
already been discussed. Since the implementation of the Ten Articles, a great
deal of work has been done, and the situation is very good. Now, we need to
continue developing this favorable situation, and one very important issue is to
implement policies. During the investigation of the May 16th incident, due to
the interference and sabotage of Lin Biao’s anti-party group, which, in direct
terms, was the sabotage of Yuan Shengping’s actions, the mistake of overgener-
alization was made.

Previously, a lot of work was done by the provincial party committee to imple-
ment policies. However, some units still face resistance, and some individuals
refuse to admit their mistakes. This is not the responsibility of grassroots cadres.
The upper leadership organs must take on some responsibility. It is wrong to
label good people as counter-revolutionaries and to confuse two different types
of contradictions. This needs to be solved, and it must be solved. There is no
need to be hesitant. If it’s a mistake, just correct it!

167
The mistake in handling the May 16th issue was mainly not due to grassroots
cadres, but due to the sabotage of Yuan Shengping. The provincial committee
bears some responsibility. Leaders at all levels must solve the issue in a timely
manner and rehabilitate the affected individuals. They should not be reluctant
or hesitate.

Additionally, regarding the comrades in the military, several comrades have

mentioned that the army, navy, and air force stationed in Shandong made sig-
nificant contributions to the work of supporting the left-wing. The favorable
situation in Shandong is inseparable from the efforts of the three support forces.
The individuals who made mistakes are in the minority, and these mistakes
were primarily due to the interference and sabotage of Yuan Shengping.

Comrades, you must distinguish between Yuan Shengping and the comrades
who were supporting the left. Even if a few comrades implemented some of
Yuan Shengping’s erroneous ideas, we should still help them and act with fair-
ness. The solution is not to simply eliminate them. We need to separate the
main stream of the support work from the minority deviations, and distinguish
between Yuan Shengping and the broader three support forces personnel. We
cannot adopt the approach of just eliminating or persecuting those who make
mistakes. This spirit is reflected in the Central Documents No. 12 and No. 17.
As long as we correctly implement the Party’s policies, I believe the situation in
Shandong will continue to improve.

168
 Wang Hongwen’s Speech at the General Staff
Militia Training Work Symposium

Wang Hongwen

1974.9.22

I don’t have much to say. Comrades Peng Shaohui, as well as leaders from
the General Political Department and the General Logistics Department, have
already spoken. I would like to briefly mention a few points, and other comrades
can elaborate further. Since the Cultural Revolution, the militia has achieved
significant results across various fronts. They have made great contributions in
defending the sea, border, and air defenses, as well as in advancing revolution,
promoting production, work, and combat readiness. In many regions, the
militia has played an important role in safeguarding socialist revolution and
socialist construction. Today, we have representatives from the Xisha Islands,
ethnic minority regions of Yunnan, Xinjiang, Guangxi, and Guizhou. In short,
all border regions, including Heilongjiang, have made great achievements.
Although the conditions on the borders are harsher than in the interior,
comrades have diligently guarded the coastal defenses and fought against the
enemy, making significant contributions.

Since the founding of the People’s Republic, especially during the Cultural
Revolution, there has been intense struggle between two opposing lines,
particularly in how to build the militia. In ten major ideological struggles,
the Lin Biao clique sabotaged militia development. At the 1970 militia work
meeting, Huang Yongsheng and his group made many absurd remarks, which
comrades have criticized. These destructive activities affected the militia’s work.
Lin Biao said that the militia was outdated, but he didn’t actually want to
abolish it. Rather, he sought to construct the militia based on his own ideology
and line, opposing the use of Chairman Mao’s thoughts and line for building
the militia. So, has this issue been fully resolved? Not yet. Lin Biao has fallen, he
is dead, and Huang, Wu, Li, and Qiu have been arrested, but their ideological
poison has not been completely eradicated. Therefore, the struggle against Lin
Biao remains a very important task. Up until now, the situation has changed
169
a lot, but I believe that the ideological poison of Lin Biao has not been fully
eradicated among a few people. The struggle between the two lines regarding
militia development is still very sharp. The Central Military Commission issued
Document No. 162, and there are various interpretations of this document.
From the materials I have seen, the majority of units and comrades support
it, but there are a few who either do not fully support it or even oppose it, or
only agree with certain parts. Apart from Lin Biao’s sabotage, there are also
differing opinions among a few comrades within our own ranks. For exam-
ple, some comrades in this meeting have expressed concerns about the issue of
transforming the militia. When the topic of transformation is raised, they seem
uncomfortable, as if it’s something that cannot be touched or changed. This is
wrong. Why can’t the militia be reformed? Let me make it clear to everyone: the
transformation of the militia was proposed by Chairman Mao. This issue has
sparked too much debate, and the materials from across the country reflect this
problem. Some comrades even attack this idea, claiming that it was invented
by a certain comrade from Shanghai, but that’s not true. It was Chairman Mao
who raised this idea. Reforming the militia is a basic principle. Not only the
militia, but also the People’s Liberation Army, senior cadres, and every comrade
must undergo transformation of their worldview through struggle. So why is it
so uncomfortable when the term “transformation” is mentioned? It makes no
sense at all!

Document No. 162 primarily forwards the experience from Shanghai. The es-
tablishment of the Shanghai militia was based on Chairman Mao’s instruc-
tions to arm the leftist forces. On July 31, 1967, based on several instructions
from Chairman Mao and the situation in Shanghai, Chen Boda wrote a report,
which was approved by Chairman Mao. It was circulated to Premier Zhou,
other comrades in the Cultural Revolution Group, and marked with circles for
further attention. The report, submitted to the Chairman on the 31st, led to
the establishment of the “Cultural Revolution Propaganda and Defense Teams”
(Wengong Wuwei) in a few large factories that had performed well in the Great
Union in August. After the establishment of the Wengong Wuwei in Shanghai,
Chairman Mao inquired about the situation every year. When he met with me,
he would always ask whether the Shanghai Wengong Wuwei still existed. Now,
it is called the Shanghai militia.

170
The formation of the Shanghai militia was approved by Chairman Mao and has
been established and grown under his kind care. Therefore, last year, the State
Council and the Central Military Commission forwarded the materials from
Shanghai. These materials are not only applicable to urban militias but also to
rural militias. Some comrades may not fully understand this situation, so I will
clarify it today. Why did the Shanghai Wengong Wuwei change to the Shang-
hai militia, and why are some people still attacking it? Lin Biao and his faction
attacked it for many years, and even after September 13, some continued to
criticize it. But this was not something done by that person in Shanghai; it was
something that grew under Chairman Mao’s guidance. Upon strict examina-
tion, the work of the Shanghai militia also had flaws and problems, and while
it was not perfect in executing Chairman Mao’s instructions and guidelines, the
overall direction was correct.

In terms of the militia’s tasks: in wartime, they join the army to support the
front lines and cooperate with the People’s Liberation Army in combat; in
peacetime, they safeguard socialist revolution and construction, consolidating
the dictatorship of the proletariat. This aligns with the mission and is consistent
with Chairman Mao’s teachings on the organization, politics, and military. This
is the situation I want to explain to you all. At this meeting, a few comrades
also raised concerns. Regarding Document No. 162, I have shared the situation
as I know it.

Another point I would like to mention is that we need to summarize our ex-
periences and lessons learned. In the 25 years since the liberation, how much
experience and how many lessons have been learned in militia work? I believe
that every region and unit needs to carefully summarize its own experiences,
particularly focusing on the lessons learned from the struggle of correct versus
incorrect lines. This is very necessary. For example, during the early stages of the
Cultural Revolution, when the struggle was intense, many militia organizations
became paralyzed and fractured. The experience and lessons from this must be
carefully analyzed.

Even now, some areas have managed to organize militias, but their influence
among the masses is low. In some regions, militias have even participated in
factional armed struggles. I think it is important to seriously summarize these
experiences and lessons. Only by doing so can we clarify the issues in terms of
the line, increase awareness of class struggle and the struggle of correct versus
171
incorrect lines, and improve our understanding of militia work.

Over the 25 years since liberation, especially in the eight years of the Cultural
Revolution, the national situation has changed significantly. Through nine or
ten major line struggles, significant changes have occurred. Militia work must
keep up with the changing situation and be elevated to a new level. We need to
summarize our experiences in this regard. Only then can militia work advance
further. Otherwise, we risk stagnating and standing still.

From my observations, some comrades are still using the methods from the
early days of liberation to handle militia work, stuck in outdated practices. That
cannot work. The militia is not just about standing guard or military training;
the more important task is to engage in ideological education, enhance class
struggle and line struggle awareness. Otherwise, even if they carry guns, they
could serve either the proletariat or the bourgeoisie, or even serve the counter-
revolutionaries. For instance, in Yunnan, there was an example where a militia
squad leader was bought off by the enemy—this is a lesson we must learn from.

At this meeting, we have comrades from the military regions, provincial mil-
itary districts, garrison districts, command centers, and border defense forces
from inland areas, as well as comrades from the grassroots level. I hope everyone
will summarize their experiences and lessons learned, and I believe this is very
necessary.

Some comrades have raised the question: why did the Liberation Army Daily
stop publishing the militia column? The reason is that some things in the past
were wrong, and the articles published were incorrect. For example, on May
17, 1973, the Liberation Army Daily published a militia lecture that stated the
militia should not handle internal contradictions among the people, and that
when the enemy was sabotaging, the militia could only report to the commune
or production team but should not take action themselves. This was completely
wrong. I once asked the comrades at Liberation Army Daily who was behind
this idea—when encountering bad people sabotaging production, how could
the militia not take action and not struggle? What is the militia for if they do
not fight?

172
In essence, this is about removing the militia from class struggle. If the militia
is not engaged in class struggle, what is the point of its existence? Of course,
the article also talked about combating enemy sabotage activities, but the way
it prescribed to deal with them was filled with many restrictions, effectively can-
celing class struggle. In reality, it was about maintaining the bureaucratic status
quo, like having officials on the fence and soldiers in drawers. This was entirely
wrong. Such publications had to be stopped. Now, a rectification is underway,
and I hope they will publish good articles from now on. Publications like these
must not be allowed to continue because they mislead the militia down the
wrong path. Some people supported this viewpoint, and such articles contin-
ued to be published until last year, but this is wrong.

I hope comrades will seriously study Marxism, Leninism, and Chairman Mao’s
works, and improve their ability to distinguish between true and false Marxism.
Some matters need to be carefully discerned. Publications like these should not
be allowed to continue; if they do, it will be dangerous. And it’s not just that
article; I haven’t looked at all the articles in detail, but Liberation Army Daily
reviewed them themselves, and found many errors. Because of these errors, they
had to be stopped.

Recorded from ‘The Crimes of the Gang of Four (Volume III)’, printed by the
Political Department of the General Staff Headquarters

December 1976

173
 The interjections of Wang Hongwen and Zhang
Chunqiao at the General Staff’s Militia
Training Work Seminar Report Meeting

Wang Hongwen and Zhang Chunqiao

1974.5.5
When Comrade Peng Shaohui reported on the streamlining of organizations
in 1969, where the headquarters, large military regions, provincial military
regions’ military affairs, and mobilization departments were merged, which
weakened the militia’s strength and was not suited to the current tasks of the
militia, he suggested restoring and strengthening the militia’s role.

Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: “I do not agree with this view. The issue
is not about this; the issue is whether the entire Party values it or not, and
whether the military region Party committees value it or not. You can have
a big organization, but if the Party committee does not value it, the problem
will not be solved. This type of opinion ultimately boils down to increasing
manpower without summarizing the experience based on the correct line, and
this problem cannot be solved.”

When the report mentioned that some comrades suggested restoring the Militia
Special Publication, Comrade Zhang Chunqiao said: “It was good that the
Militia Special Publication was stopped; it had to be stopped, because it only
spread wrong ideas, not addressing things based on the correct line. I told Li
Desheng to stop it. Now, some people say that stopping it was wrong.”

Comrade Wang Hongwen said: “Some of this is completely wrong, and some
things have not been fully cleared up to this day. For example, in a May 17, 1973
issue of the Liberation Army Daily, there was an article on militia lectures, which
laid out many rules and regulations. One of them stated that the militia cannot
handle internal contradictions among the people, only enemy contradictions.
This is a wrong viewpoint. It says that if the militia discovers sabotage by the
enemy, they should only report it to the commune or brigade and cannot arrest
them. This does not encourage class struggle. Where is this guiding
174
the militia? I told Zhang Zhi: If a thief breaks into your house, do you arrest
him or not? It’s not about whether we can handle internal contradictions among
the people, but how we handle them. The militia has two main tasks: to de-
fend socialist construction and consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat, so
why can’t we handle internal contradictions? Later, the Liberation Army Daily
criticized this issue, and there were several other articles with similar mistakes.”

At the end of the report, Wang Hongwen asked: “The State Council and the
Central Military Commission issued Document No. 162. Have you all studied
it? How well have you understood it? What are your views on this form (refer-
ring to the militia command structure)? Do you support it or not? Full-time
armed cadres are different from regular military cadres, and there have long
been conflicts, not just the ones that have surfaced now. Since 1966, during
the Cultural Revolution, every year when I interacted with these people, the
conflict was evident. The factory where I worked is like this, with both full-time
and part-time cadres. There are conflicts between full-time and active-duty per-
sonnel, and conflicts between full-time and part-time personnel. The conflicts
are huge. Now, this organizational form is related to this issue, and the conflicts
have never been resolved. After 1970, when full-time cadres were assigned spe-
cific responsibilities, the contradictions became even sharper. Now, what kind
of organizational structure is best should be carefully studied.”

When the report mentioned several proposals: one is to establish a militia com-
mand, the second is to establish a people’s armed forces department, and the
third is to establish a mobilization department, Wang Hongwen said: “A county
with tens of thousands or even hundreds of thousands of militia members, can
a few people manage it? It can’t be managed. We still have to rely on the masses,
rely on the party organizations at all levels. Without the masses and without
the party organizations, it can’t be managed well. To organize the militia, if you
don’t understand factories or rural areas, it won’t work well. I don’t understand
rural situations, so I can’t speak clearly about the combination of labor and
military work. We can talk about the military in uniform, but we can’t talk
about labor. Many issues are unclear. The debate over organizational structures
has been ongoing for many years. Shanghai has debated it, Beijing has debated
it, and the military regions, provincial military districts, defense districts, and
security districts have all been debating it.”

175
The issue of organization doesn’t necessarily require so many people. Having
more people doesn’t mean it will be done well. If we don’t research it from the
perspective of the correct political line, don’t follow the mass line, and don’t
build the militia according to Chairman Mao’s principles, even if you put 200
people in a militia department, it won’t solve the problem. I’m not clear about
the situation in Beijing, but in one district in Shanghai, there are tens of thou-
sands or even over a hundred thousand militia members. With so many facto-
ries, how much can 200 cadres in a district understand in a day?

Zhang Chunqiao said: “Are you still going to speak today? It’s difficult to speak
because it doesn’t align with what was discussed in the meeting, and it doesn’t
align with the minutes either. What should we do? Speaking may only confuse
things further. The reason we are invited today is just to take a picture.”

Wang Hongwen replied: “How can you speak if it’s different from the minutes?”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “It’s a bit difficult for me to speak. I haven’t seen the
minutes. I might fully agree, or I might completely disagree. How should I
speak about it?”

Wang Hongwen responded: “Should we have a discussion? Why just meet and
take pictures? If you want to speak, now it seems a bit difficult.”

He continued: “Can we really clarify everything just by talking? Without con-

ducting serious investigation and research, without extracting some good expe-
riences, it’s hard to solve the problem. The situation has developed a lot since
1965, and the militia work needs to adapt to this development, and our under-
standing needs to keep up. The situation of the militia has changed so rapidly.
Using the methods from before 1965 won’t work. The proposal to reform the
militia—when people hear the word ‘reform,’ they get upset. Reforming the
militia was something Chairman Mao proposed. Some people oppose these
two words. Some question who invented this idea—how can the militia be
reformed? Can’t the militia be reformed? Can’t the People’s Liberation Army
be reformed? We all need to reform ourselves in the struggle. But whenever
the word ‘reform’ is mentioned, there’s resistance. I’ve heard different opinions
about reform at this meeting too. Did you hear them? There was once intense
debate in Beijing, and it hasn’t been fully resolved. I heard differing views at this
meeting too.”
176
We need to summarize our experiences and lessons. Since the Cultural Rev-
olution, what are the lessons and experiences of militia work? It’s not just
about handling operations; if the line issues aren’t resolved, the work can’t be
done properly. Right now, in Jiangxi and Zhejiang, militias are still engaging
in armed struggles! I don’t have much experience, but I feel something is not
quite right. If the line issues aren’t resolved, militia work can’t be done well—it
ends up being soldiers without a purpose, officials in a drawer, or officials who
are also soldiers, with many different interpretations. The work on the “three
implementations” (implementing the correct line, implementing military ed-
ucation, and implementing correct leadership) has been pursued for so many
years—how well has it been implemented? In some areas, militia organizations
are good, with even lists, battalion commanders, and political instructors, but
it’s all just on paper.

Zhang Chunqiao said: “You say we need to add more armament repairmen. I
think the workers should still manage the anti-aircraft guns. Workers manage
anti-aircraft guns better than the troops. They deal with machinery every day.
Most soldiers are farmers who learn after training. One is a worker, the other
is a farmer who becomes a soldier. I believe the workers are still better at man-
aging them.”

Wang Hongwen said: “In Shanghai, the anti-aircraft guns were incomplete at
first. The workers just did it themselves, fitting the parts, and even improving
the unreasonable parts.”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “Simply increasing the establishment doesn’t work. In-
creasing the establishment is bottomless.”

Wang Hongwen said: “Whether we rely on the masses or just a few people is
essentially a line issue.”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “For militia weapon depots, should each province have
one? Isn’t that absurd? They should be spread out; centralized management
doesn’t work. How would it work if there’s a war? We need to summarize the
experience. Those who suggest this are completely disconnected from the mass-
es. They’ve been acting like officials, pampered as lords, and don’t understand
the situation on the ground.”

177
Wang Hongwen said: “If there’s a warehouse in Xinjiang, it takes half a month
from Urumqi to the border. How would that work in a war? Warehouses should
be built based on local conditions.”

When some comrades mentioned that over 10,000 workers and militia mem-
bers in Beijing had been patrolling regularly and that petty theft had greatly
decreased, Wang Hongwen said:

“On May 17 last year, there was an article in Liberation Army Daily ‘Militia
Lectures’ that said: ‘When the militia is performing protection tasks related to
production, if they encounter actions that damage production, they can dis-
courage and stop them. For particularly serious cases, they can report them to
the production team or commune, but they are not allowed to handle the sit-
uation themselves, let alone use firearms.’ Such publications must be stopped.
On the surface, it seems they care for production, but in fact, they do not. The
commune and factories forming militias are all connected to production. They
not only complete militia tasks but also production tasks. The article also said:
‘The use of militia forces in peacetime must be strictly controlled to conserve
human resources. Chairman Mao taught us: ‘We must use our human and
material resources sparingly and avoid waste.’ The militia is not a detached
armed organization but is connected to the masses in production. They are the
main labor force on all production fronts. Therefore, in peacetime, the tasks
assigned to the militia should be minimized. Tasks that do not require constant
surveillance should not use the militia. Duties that can be handled by the army
or civilian police should not use the militia. Even for duties that must use the
militia, they should be strictly controlled. For example, if the militia is needed
for coastal defense posts, border defense posts, air defense posts, or guarding
railways, bridges, and important warehouses, the county (city) armed depart-
ment must calculate the required manpower in coordination with the stationed
troops and relevant departments, and submit it for approval from the county
(city) and above party committees and military departments.’ It set out many
cumbersome rules. For coastal defense, if enemy actions occur, the militia can-
not handle it—they must get approval from the county to do so. This is truly
hard to understand. Telling the militia not to act is essentially telling them not
to engage in class struggle.”

178
When some comrades spoke of 30 or 40 people from Hebei coming to the Bei-
jing Military Region to petition, and the military region had trouble resolving
the issue and had to call on the Beijing militia to intervene, Zhang Chunqiao
said: “During the January storm, the East Sea Fleet was stormed, and it was the
worker militia that was sent to handle it.”

Wang Hongwen said: “We shouldn’t pit the military against the masses.”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “I have said that when the military or military personnel
handle disputes among the people, it will eventually cause dissatisfaction. It’s
better to have the masses resolve these matters themselves. When the military
intervenes, and people fight back, they can’t retaliate. But if it’s workers, it’s
much easier. They can just use force if necessary.”

Wang Hongwen said: “If I may speak, let’s focus on summarizing our experi-
ences. The General Staff, General Political Department, and General Logis-
tics Department must all summarize their experiences and lessons. First, the
three major headquarters need to resolve this issue, then we can persuade each
military district to solve it. If we can’t resolve it ideologically, things will only
become more chaotic at the grassroots level. How can we solve the issues down
below?”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “There has been a long-standing ideological struggle on

the militia issue, even during Huang Yongsheng’s time. When forwarding the
experience from Shanghai, the word ‘reform’ was included, but it was deliber-
ately crossed out. When the document was sent to me and I saw that these two
words were deleted in the military commission’s directive, I changed a sentence
in the Shanghai militia experience document. I revised it to ‘The experience
of arming workers and reforming urban militias.’ It wasn’t without struggle.
At that time, I didn’t know who crossed it out, but later I found out it was Li
Desheng who did it.”

Wang Hongwen said: “In July 1967, Comrade Chunqiao pointed out in the
report to Chairman Mao: ‘If we propose a reorganization now, the conditions
for militia are not ripe, and there will be many troubles. It might be better to
establish a workers’ ‘armed defense’ organization, starting small, from unarmed
to armed, and gradually building a people’s armed force based on the rebel fac-
tion. Because I had heard Chairman Mao raise the issue of milita reform several
179
times, and the question of whether to rush to take back the guns seized by the
rebel factions, and connecting that with the request raised by the Shanghai
worker rebels, I formed this idea. I’m not sure if it’s appropriate. If the general
direction is correct, could we try it in Shanghai? Please approve.’ This issue
caused intense debates in Shanghai at the time, starting with the Shanghai Gar-
rison District.”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “At that time, Shanghai issued some guns and asked
Chairman Mao whether they should be taken back. Chairman Mao said, ‘Why
take them back? Why can these people have guns, but these people cannot?
They are all workers!’”

Wang Hongwen said: “The Shanghai militia was established in August 1967,
originally called ‘Cultural and Armed Defense.’ Chairman Mao was very con-
cerned about it and asked every year if ‘Cultural and Armed Defense’ still exist-
ed. The Shanghai militia grew under the care of Chairman Mao’s direct approv-
al, so it makes no sense for people to criticize this now.”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “Chairman Mao spoke several times, which led to the
formal written document.”

Wang Hongwen said: “There was a struggle during Huang Yongsheng’s time,
and after the 1970 militia work meeting, there were significant opinions from
below. The Garrison District sent a group to seize power. The formal proposal
came after September 13th.”

Zhang Chunqiao said: “In the report I sent to Chairman Mao, he approved it,
saying, ‘I agree. Please have ×, Zhou, and the comrades from the Central Cul-
tural Revolution Group read it.’ Everyone in the group read it. The document
was kept in the Central Office but wasn’t issued.”

Wang Hongwen said: “The ideological issues within the three major headquar-
ters need to be resolved first. If we say we want to reform the militia, the speech-
es should be firm. What exactly is going on? Do we support this or not?”

180
Entered from ‘The Criminal Acts of the ‘Gang of Four’ (Volume 3)’, printed by
the Political Department of the General Staff Headquarters.

December 1976

181
1975
 Wang Hongwen’s Speech on the Issue
of Studying Chairman Mao’s Theories

Wang Hongwen

1975.1.14

On Chairman Mao’s instructions regarding theoretical issues, we must

understand them word by word and sentence by sentence. I have not fully
grasped the Chairman’s instructions either and have asked him several times.
The Chairman provided explanations, but even now, I have not fully understood
them. The Chairman’s instructions have further developed the Marxist principles
on the dictatorship of the proletariat and profoundly elaborated on the theory
of continuous revolution.

The Chairman’s instructions tell us that we must not only focus on the revolution
in the superstructure but also carry forward the continuous revolution in the
economic sphere. This includes limiting bourgeois rights, eradicating the soil that
breeds capitalism, striking at the emerging bourgeois elements, and preventing
the restoration of capitalism. Fighting for the transition to communism is the
task of the entire Party.

The Chairman’s several instructions can be summarized as follows:

The first part serves as the outline, emphasizing the necessity and importance of
the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The second part analyzes the economic system of socialist states, pointing out
the existence of bourgeois rights, the soil that breeds capitalism, the danger of
capitalist restoration, and the crucial conditions for preventing such restoration.

The third part analyzes the class relations in socialist countries, identifying the
possibility of the emergence of capitalism and a bourgeois class.

184
This is how I understand these points, which the Chairman has repeatedly clar-
ified. However, I cannot claim to have grasped them with deep comprehension.

“Why did Lenin specifically mention the dictatorship of the proletariat?”

Why did he mention Lenin alone and not Marx or Engels? Marx and Engels
proposed the idea of the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is the essence of
Marxism (some have asked, “What is essence?”). Essence refers to the most fun-
damental, core, and refined aspect of Marxism, which is the dictatorship of the
proletariat. Without the dictatorship of the proletariat, there is no Marxism.

However, Marx and Engels only had the experience of the Paris Commune and
had not yet established a proletarian dictatorship in a state, so their practical
experience in this area was limited. Stalin did not deeply understand bourgeois
rights. In 1936, he proposed the elimination of classes, a significant theoretical
mistake. Later, he gained some understanding, such as in Economic Problems of
Socialism in the USSR, where he discussed the contradictions between produc-
tive forces and relations of production.

Although he declared that classes no longer existed, he still pursued class strug-
gle, such as combating major opportunistic leaders and decisively suppressing
counter-revolutionary uprisings in Belarus. While he had insights, he did not
develop a systematic theory, which is the issue at hand.

1. Lenin produced many works that contributed to the development of Marx-

ism.

2. Around the October Revolution, Lenin faced more practical tasks and estab-
lished the first proletarian dictatorship, with seven years of experience.

3. Lenin fiercely fought against the Second International traitor Kautsky and
had substantial experience in opposing revisionism. Through these struggles,
Lenin advanced Marx’s theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat.

This is why Chairman Mao mentioned Lenin and not Marx or Engels. It is not
because Marx and Engels did not propose the dictatorship of the proletariat but
because Lenin had more practical experience in this regard, aligning more close-
ly with the realities of socialist revolution. Lenin defended, inherited, and de-
veloped Marxism, making his contributions especially relevant in this context.
185
“This issue must be clarified.” My Marxist foundation is not strong, so if I
don’t understand something, I ask! I also wanted to get to the root of it and
sought out Chairman Mao several times. What issues need to be clarified? For
example:

Are there capitalist elements and bourgeois rights within the socialist state and
its economic system?

Why does capitalism arise, and how can it be restricted?

Should the economic base undergo continuous revolution, and if so, how
should it be carried out?

Why might the principles of socialist distribution, such as distribution accord-

ing to labor and the eight-tier wage system, lead to capitalism or the bourgeoisie
if not properly handled?

When discussing the dictatorship of the proletariat, these are the core issues.
Without addressing these points, the concept of the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat cannot be clearly explained.

If we are theoretically confused, our actions will inevitably be blind. This is

precisely what Chairman Mao meant when he said, “If this issue is not clarified,
revisionism will emerge. We must ensure that the entire nation understands.”
If the people of the country do not comprehend the theory of the dictatorship
of the proletariat, how can they exercise dictatorship over the bourgeoisie? The
dictatorship of the working masses is the oppression of a small exploiting class
by the majority. This involves suppressing both the new and old bourgeois el-
ements.

“These aspects have little difference from the old society.” The Chairman
explained that there are differences: one is that it is a socialist state, ownership
has changed, the class nature of state power has changed, the dictatorship of the
proletariat has replaced the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, and the relations of
production have changed. The working people are not only masters of the state
but also of the means of production.

186
However, the Chairman emphasized that there are “little differences,” which he
raised from the perspective of bourgeois rights. Lenin once said, “A bourgeois
state without the bourgeoisie” is essentially the same.

What are bourgeois rights? The foundation of bourgeois rights is private owner-
ship, or its core. Its characteristic is hierarchy, where formal equality hides fac-
tual inequality. Its class content is the exploitation class oppressing the laboring
people. Bourgeois rights are a product of capitalism and are unavoidable under
socialism. This is because capitalism cannot contain elements of socialism; so-
cialism is built on the ruins of capitalism.

From this perspective, the eight-tier wage system, distribution according to la-
bor, and monetary exchange are not much different from capitalist society. In
socialist society:

1. Distribution according to labor is a socialist principle because it eliminates

exploitation, making it different from capitalism.

2. However, bourgeois rights are still present because distribution according to

labor creates hierarchies, resulting in factual inequalities that resemble the old
society.

Essentially, the hierarchical system in distribution continues the hierarchical

system of the bourgeoisie. Bourgeois rights are characterized by this hierarchy.

“This can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the proletariat.” Why
must it be restricted? After the Chairman raised this question, I was both clear
and unclear. The Chairman told me to think about it myself, and then I be-
came clearer. From the opposite perspective, bourgeois rights are the soil for
the emergence of the bourgeoisie. In the Soviet revisionist system, there were
large wage disparities, with high wages, bonuses, and rewards, which created
privileged classes and groups.

From the positive side, our dictatorship of the proletariat is so solid, with the
Chairman’s revolutionary line and correct policies, providing necessary restric-
tions on bourgeois rights. However, this restriction has not yet eliminated the
soil for the emergence of the bourgeoisie. If it is not restricted, bourgeois rights
will develop, expand, and run rampant, such as prioritizing bonuses, material
187
incentives, and ultimately leading to the development of capitalism.

The Chairman repeatedly raised this issue, saying that the Soviet revisionist
approach could not be adopted. Liu Shaoqi’s approach was very dangerous, and
Lin Biao was also actively trying to use this to develop capitalism. “If someone
like Lin Biao comes to power, it will be easy to establish a capitalist system.”

The Chairman said this because he predicted that someone like Lin Biao would
emerge again and easily introduce capitalism. Why? Reflecting on the lessons
of the Soviet revisionist system’s failure (“satellites in the sky, red flags on the
ground”), the repeated ideological struggles within our Party, particularly the
lessons from the tenth ideological struggle, and recalling international and do-
mestic historical experiences, this becomes clear.

Therefore, the Chairman said, “We must read more Marxist-Leninist books.”
Without clarifying these theoretical issues, these phenomena cannot be under-
stood.

Why did the Chairman quote Lenin saying, “Small-scale production con-
stantly, spontaneously, and in large numbers produces capitalism and the
bourgeoisie”? At the time, Lenin made this statement before small-scale pro-
duction had entered collective farming. Now that our country has been collec-
tivized, does it still apply? I understand that the Chairman quoted Lenin’s words
to restore Lenin’s thinking because Stalin did not acknowledge the existence of
classes or class struggle in socialist society and failed to recognize the immense
influence of the spontaneous forces of small-scale production. By citing this,
the Chairman emphasized that Lenin’s assertion was not outdated.

So, does Lenin’s statement apply to our situation? The Chairman repeatedly
explained why it still applies:

1. We still have remnants of individual production.

2. Small-scale production includes the original farmers from individual pro-

duction, and the inherent characteristics of small-scale production still exist—
selfishness (note: Huanggang edition uses “private ownership”), spontaneous
capitalist tendencies, customary influences, etc. If these tendencies develop to a
certain point, they will lead to the emergence of capitalism.
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After the Chairman explained it this way, I understood much better; the rea-
soning is right here.

“Some of the working class, and some of the Party members, are also in
this situation.” I did not understand this instruction from the Chairman at
first. Why did he mention this after talking about small-scale production? The
Chairman said, “Think about it, where do some of your workers and some
of your Party members come from? Are there landlords or capitalists among
them?”

The Chairman’s instruction was based on an analysis of the class relations in so-
cialism and the real class struggles in socialist society. It represents a significant
development of Lenin’s thought and fully illustrates the sharpness and complex-
ity of class struggle in socialist society. The restoration of capitalism has class
characteristics. It is not just about landlords, rich people, counter-revolution-
aries, and right-wingers; within our leading class, the vanguard party, bourgeois
elements and counter-revolutionary figures can also emerge.

“The proletariat, including the staff in government offices, also has instanc-
es of adopting bourgeois lifestyles.” Some have raised the question: Is there a
difference between the proletariat and the working class? My understanding is
that the proletariat includes the working class as well as a portion of the landless
peasants. Within the proletariat, among government office staff, there are also
examples of bourgeois lifestyles.

1. This refers to a broader scope.

2. Bourgeois lifestyles manifest in many ways, reflecting political, ideological,

and economic fronts.

3. Bourgeois lifestyles are very widespread and can lead to the moral degenera-
tion of individuals, the revision of state policies, and affect future generations.

The Chairman placed great importance on this issue. It was only recently that I
fully understood: bourgeois lifestyles are a breeding ground for the emergence
of bourgeois elements, the soil for the growth of capitalism. They foster people’s
desire for enjoyment, promoting elitism and detachment from the masses. It is
a crucial factor that undermines the dictatorship of the proletariat.
189
The Chairman’s significant development of Marxism lies in how he enriched
and advanced Marxist thought and theory.

1. Failure to clarify the theory of the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie will lead to
revisionism. This is the first time in the history of Marxism that such a scientific
conclusion has been clearly, sharply, and definitively proposed.

2. Distribution according to labor is bourgeois rights, and it has little differ-

ence from the old society. This is a major theoretical issue that the Chairman
addressed regarding the economic and class relations in socialist states. It rep-
resents a significant development in Marxist economics.

3. Bourgeois rights can only be restricted under the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat. Lenin discussed this, but Stalin did not. The Chairman inherited and
developed Lenin’s thought on this matter.

4. Some of the working class and some Party members also exhibit bourgeois
tendencies. This is a concrete analysis of the actual situation during the socialist
period and provides new content to the scope of the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat.

The “Thirty-Three Articles of Quotations” have now been published, and

Chairman Mao has reviewed them several times. The Chairman said, “Two of
the points need to be reordered, and adding a few more would be great.”
This is a complete system, the most fundamental thing for the proletariat. With
this framework, reading becomes much more insightful.

The bourgeois rights must be viewed dialectically, recognizing both its historical
role and its negative aspects. It should not be allowed to expand, develop, or run
rampant. If you overemphasize its positive role, do you still want communism?
If you overstate its negative side and treat it as something to be immediately
abolished, do you still want socialism? One must view it dialectically, acknowl-
edging both sides.

The Thirty-Three Articles were reviewed by the Chairman. The order of the
points itself forms a complete system. If it’s disrupted, it would not be good,
but repetition is acceptable. Each point has its focus, and it depends on how
you understand it. The Quotations were compiled according to the Chairman’s
190
instructions, so they constitute a complete system. To deeply understand the
Chairman’s guidance, they were selected based on his four instructions. This is
one thing, not two separate things.

As for the “Quotations,” even though they do not have titles, the structure is
very clear. They represent several key points from the Chairman, which should
be divided into four parts: “The Issue of Proletarian Dictatorship,” “The Issue of
Bourgeois Rights,” “The Issue of the Emergence of New Bourgeois Elements,”
and “The Issue of Study.” When discussing the latter issues, one cannot separate
them from the question of proletarian dictatorship. These later issues are a fur-
ther elaboration on the dictatorship of the proletariat. At the beginning, there
may be a period of flourishing ideas, a process of learning and understanding,
and a deepening process. Do not be afraid to speak up; everyone should par-
ticipate, and through discussion, understanding will deepen, leading to further
understanding, summarizing, and deepening again.

Some people say that as long as bourgeois rights exist, capitalism will inevitably
emerge. While bourgeois rights are the soil and conditions for the growth of
capitalism, whether capitalism will emerge or if it will necessarily emerge is not
determined solely by bourgeois rights themselves. Bourgeois rights have two
possibilities: one, under the guidance of a revolutionary line, can serve socialist
construction; the other, when faced with people influenced by capitalist ideas,
will lead to the expansion and development of bourgeois rights, which can then
foster capitalism.

Therefore, what determines the outcome is the line and ideology. Under the
dictatorship of the proletariat, bourgeois rights must be restricted, and this
requires focusing on the line. Restricting bourgeois rights means limiting its
negative effects. This is looking forward, toward communism. It is essential to
guide bourgeois rights to serve socialist construction.

This is why Chairman Mao particularly emphasized studying Marx and Lenin’s
books, and highlighted the importance of raising the three kinds of awareness.
Beyond the issue of class abolition, the two most important factors for commu-
nism are: one, material conditions; and two, communist consciousness. With-
out these two conditions, “distribution according to need” cannot be realized.

191
I have already stated that the “Quotations” form a complete system. Disrupting
the order would hinder the understanding of Chairman Mao’s instructions.
This arrangement was carefully considered, based on the order of the Chair-
man’s theoretical instructions.

Some comrades say that the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat is dif-
ficult to explain clearly. If it cannot be explained clearly, don’t force it. Start
from the reality, explain as much as you can, and if it’s unclear, keep learning
and keep explaining. Don’t let being unclear hold you back. Not speaking out
is not an option—how will the people of the whole country understand? When
discussing the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat, do not speak or in-
terpret it randomly, but rather seek truth from facts. Of course, don’t be afraid
to speak up. If you make a mistake the first time, you can correct it the second
time, and that will deepen the understanding. If you don’t study, how can any-
one explain it clearly?

This text is from “Learning Theory Speech”, reprinted by Gansu Normal Uni-
versity on August 19, 1975.

192
 The Conversation Between Wang Hongwen
and Jiang Qing (On the Arts)

1975.4.4

Wang Hongwen: The film industry recently held a meeting. Tonight, we will
invite the representatives from the meeting, as well as several factories in Beijing,
including Beijing Film Studio, New Film Studio, Science and Education Film
Studio, and Bayi Film Studio. Comrades from the Ministry of Culture will also
attend. The purpose is that, after recently viewing the films we have produced
ourselves, we can see that progress is moving quickly and there have been
significant improvements. Taking this opportunity, I would like to meet with
everyone and say a few words. The main speaker will be Comrade Jiang Qing

Jiang Qing: I haven’t prepared much. It’s one meeting after another. Last night
and this noon, I took some time to look at the comrades’ opinions on the
two films, which I gave to Hongwen... In the past few days, I’ve watched all
the films for this movie meeting, except for Cuckoo Mountain, which I haven’t
seen yet; I’ve seen all the others. I didn’t know about this meeting. For some
reason, I only found out. Although neither Comrade Hongwen nor I are from
the State Council, I’ve been in charge for seven years, and Comrade Hongwen
for three or four years. Once I know about something, I must take on some
responsibility.

I generally feel that we should not have a sense of inferiority, whether it is the
film industry or film art, especially for science and education films. These past
two years have seen significant achievements. However, there are also many
problems.

193
I see and feel that your study of Chairman Mao’s instructions, the Marxist-Le-
ninist quotations, and the theory of the dictatorship of the proletariat may still
be at different levels and not deep enough, not solid enough, and even in some
cases, there is resistance. Some people are busy day in and day out with trivial
matters. I feel this is not the way to go. If we want the proletarian politics to
take the lead, if we want Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, then we must
be independent, self-reliant, work hard, and struggle persistently. I encourage
comrades when I see some progress. When I saw the Shanghai screen printing
process of ‘Shanghai’s Western Suburb Park,’ I encouraged it—it can be per-
formed, and we can improve it while using it. Today, I finally saw Baoding’s
oil-soluble multi-layer film, where the negatives and positives are all our own.
Overall, there has been significant progress compared to the past. The clarity is
a bit lacking, the contrast is high, the tone is harsh and not soft—that’s pointing
out the flaws. Overall, though, it’s a great improvement. I think it has surpassed
West Germany, Japan, and has left the Soviet revisionists far behind.

Today, I have a suggestion to make to the State Council. Overall, I think New
Zealand is good, and Crossing the Yangtze River is also good after watching both
versions. I didn’t have a standard to compare them against; I relied on memory.
You can find a place to compare, where this side is ours and that side is foreign.
Why do I recommend these two films? I feel that your positive education is not
solid enough, so I’ve found two negative examples to educate you. In my own
growth, the revolutionary path I’ve taken has been influenced by two major
negative educators. When I was a child, I deeply hated feudalism. Feudalism
attacked my mother, and in order to protect her, I was pushed down onto the
ground. My teeth were damaged, and one tooth turned yellow—it’s that tooth.
From childhood, I resisted feudalism.

I was educated by two negative teachers: feudalism and the foreign devils.
When I was young, I studied English but refused to learn it, saying it was a
form of cultural servitude. However, I still had to get at least a 60 to graduate.
Later, I realized it was just a tool, but by then it was too late; I was poor and
had no money. In 1931, during the September 18 Incident, imperialism, this
negative teacher, had a huge impact on me. I was afraid of becoming a slave
to a foreign power, so I ran around, shouting, and joined the Party’s peripheral
organizations. Eventually, I joined the Party. These two negative teachers led
me to the revolution. I was also a young person caught between the struggle of
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. At the age of 15, I was already being fought
194
over, and I chose the path of proletarian revolution.

The first Marxist-Leninist book I studied was Lenin’s State and Revolution. I was
worried about making mistakes, so I studied it six times and burned it six times.
I understood it somewhat, but not completely. When I understood, I applied
it. At that time, I only understood that the bourgeois state oppresses the peo-
ple. After the September 18 Incident, the national patriotic movement surged.
Some people said the student movement was causing trouble, but I couldn’t
understand it and ran into the woods, crying in anger. I couldn’t explain it, and
no one explained it to me. Now we have the Party, and under the leadership of
Chairman Mao, we fight against imperialism, revisionism, and reactionaries,
limit bourgeois rights, and consolidate the dictatorship of the proletariat.

We all have bad things in our minds, to varying degrees. I, too, have both public
and private concerns. Public and private are opposites that form a unity. With-
out the public, there is no private, and without the private, there is no public.
For a Communist Party member, a Communist Youth League member, or a
patriot, should the public come first or the private? I think the public should
come first. Light and darkness are also opposites that form a unity. When we
look at our motherland, is the bright side greater or the dark side greater? This
is a fundamental issue, and we should say that the bright side is greater. As for
myself, is my bright side greater or my dark side greater? It should be balanced,
and we should often examine ourselves. Yesterday, I talked to the workers and
reflected on myself. I am a person with personal concerns, and sometimes per-
sonal desires cause problems. When personal desires take the lead, I am not
as pure. However, from my overall history, I can say that the public interest
has always been my priority. In the past three months, I have caught a cold
five times, working for several days and nights in a row. I worked hard, but of
course, this is also wrong. As someone serving by the Chairman’s side, I should
take care of my health so that I can contribute to the revolution for more years,
and not just lie down.

Today, seeing your reactions, I feel very happy and moved. People work hard to
make money, become famous, and establish themselves. We don’t worry about
food or clothing, and our conditions are so good, but the results we produce
are quite rough. Sometimes, I don’t even want to look at them. For example,
the later parts of The Guerilla on the Plain, where the colors don’t match, it’s

195
all very messy. The director isn’t doing his job properly, the cinematography is
also bad, and the lighting isn’t right; it’s chaotic. Look again, have the director
and actors come today? I see some of your films have issues with lighting tech-
niques, and some are just general film problems. The film stock you’re using
might have a lower sensitivity, like Weston 64°, while I use imported 80-100°,
which has greater flexibility. You might be familiar with it, so you don’t always
need a light meter. I am very careful when using the exposure meter, even
measuring the background carefully. I’m not doing this for fame; I’m doing it
to practice listening to sounds, observing light, and seeing if I can endure it.
But once I immersed myself in it, it proved helpful to my work. Some people
say I’m losing focus by indulging in this. I’ve taken many photos, and some
people have praised me, which made me happy, but that’s personal. Comrades,
I burned all the big photos I took, and I dismantled the studio. Everything
was handed over to Xinhua News Agency, everything was given to the Party.
Some people say I wasted it, but actually, I bought it all myself, and my waste
is much less than yours. For a Xinhua reporter, if 30% of the photos are suc-
cessful, that’s already very good, but for me, I can succeed 80% of the time, and
often an entire roll of film is successful. There is a question of conditions here,
whether you’re hardworking or not, whether you’re bold enough. Qian Jiang, Li
Wenhua, Zhang Dongliang, I brought you all to the Summer Palace to use my
lighting techniques, but you refused to use them, stubborn to this extent. You
think from a personal perspective, afraid of failure, and worried about losing
your reputation. I’m not afraid. It’s not because I think I’m great or clever, it’s
because I dare to do it. I hope you all think about the 800 million people, think
about the 95% of working people, and aim to bring glory to our socialist moth-
erland and add bricks to our socialism. You should be willing to be a stepping
stone. I am a small stepping stone. Some people, especially those working in the
darkroom, don’t want to be stepping stones.

“Southward and Northward” is not worse than “The Guerrilla on the Plain.” I
told you to use a soft-focus lens, but the director refused to use it. Even when
the actors requested it multiple times, they still refused, which made me not
want to watch. Who is the cinematographer? (Cheng Yin answers: Nie Jing.)
Why didn’t you let him use it? (Cheng Yin: The transitions between scenes don’t
match when a soft-focus lens is used.) The director should be disciplined. You’re
all just eating for nothing. The night scenes in “Southward and Northward” are
terrible, whereas the night scenes in “Pigeon No.” are done so well. You’re all
eating for nothing. When personal interests take precedence, it’s disastrous. You
196
should be content to be a small stepping stone on the great revolutionary path.
Without ideals, you’re just eating for nothing. You shouldn’t treat your labor as
a commodity to be sold.

You at Beijing Film Studio talk about public ownership, but since Liu Shaoqi,
it’s no longer the case. The Cultural Revolution made some changes, but not
many. Now it’s “Three Selfs and One Center.” Today, I’m calling you out direct-
ly. I’ve cared enough for you, but what have you produced? Of course, I won’t
deny everything. “Southward and Northward” is still good, it’s been modified
according to my suggestions. “Taking the Fort” was filmed three times, and I’ve
paid a lot in terms of lessons learned.

I’ve cared for you enough and talked to you a lot, right? Qian Jiang! Your ap-
proach is still that of the Soviet revisionists. For the revolution, you must have
great ambition and determination. Now, the whole world is watching us, the
oppressed people are looking to us. We must take on this responsibility. Wheth-
er we revert to revisionism or not, it’s not just about our eight hundred million
people; it concerns all the oppressed nations around the world. We must follow
the Chairman’s teachings: don’t engage in great power chauvinism, don’t seek
hegemony, be humble and cautious, but also bold and composed.

Today, we’ve achieved some progress. We just discussed the pros and cons. Be-
fore Eastman stops imports, we need to push forward, using our own positive
and negative film. I compared them, and they are still acceptable. We need to
set a target for when to do this. We must make sure the coating is even. Some
of the technical details I don’t understand, but the photographers need to focus
on exposure and the focal point. In Cold Heart, from the main character to the
background, everything is clear. For us, it’s only the main character that is clear.
Photographers need to put more effort into focusing; our focal points are often
a little off, making everything else unclear.

Recently, I read two documents: one by a historian, the other by an economist.

They say that the West views China today with the same perspective that Qing
Dynasty officials once had on the West. This version hasn’t been distributed
yet, but we’ll print 500 copies to send to you all, and also to Science and Film.

I spent a lot of time looking for Pigeon No. I’ve watched quite a few films with
you all, and it took up my time. The issue is that there is a lack of ideological
197
liberation; you can’t break free from the constraints.

Pigeon No. is a big harmful influence, a very good negative example, with much
to learn from. It’s not just in terms of technique, but also in content, where
it deceived us. It claimed there was no way out, but in reality, it was all about
personal struggle, achieving fame and success. None of you mentioned this. It
suggests that capitalism has no way out, and then it shows the next generation
traveling the world, with personal struggle, fame, and success at the forefront,
employing all artistic means to help him grow. Where does he grow? It’s when
his father tells him to sell the boat and return home. It used so much space to
depict him thinking on an island for quite a while, before he finally returns
from sailing. It’s all misleading, and none of you addressed it.

The second deception is that it claims the character travels the world, but in
reality, we don’t actually see him travel. Instead, it focuses more on dissecting
the inner world of a young person, using various angles and many scenes—
madness, loneliness, joy, with a bold use of light. Some shots, I still don’t know
how he captured them. The sea was filmed with great uniqueness, very myste-
rious and ever-changing. I watched the sea in Qingdao for years, and at that
time, people said I was a fool, a monster. When it rained heavily, I would wear
a raincoat and jump onto a rock in the seaside park to watch the changes in
the sea—its surging waves, the sunny days, rainy days, windy days. This movie
doesn’t have many actors, it focuses mainly on the sea and the small boat. The
sea is filmed in a way that doesn’t make it boring, but makes you want to keep
watching.

You, sitting here, are far removed from youth, so you can’t fully understand the
emotions of young people. When the woman jumps into the water, you didn’t
notice. Only the actors from the Bayi Factory mentioned how unexpected it
was, but that’s not right. I completely expected it. If it were me, I would’ve
jumped into the water. At first, I thought the young person was dead, but later I
found out that he was sailing the boat back, and I would desperately go to meet
him. This situation, I experienced in my youth, and still feel it now. It might be
my personality, but it hasn’t changed at all. The portrayal of the youth’s feelings
was very detailed, and it didn’t distort them at all. The two actors were not heav-
ily made up, if at all, and the female lead was natural, as was the male lead. In
film, makeup shouldn’t be too heavy or exaggerated. Especially in feature films,
it should look very natural.
198
The whole film mainly shows a vast sea and a single boat, but there are many
conflicts and it’s very bold. This production company must have invested a lot
of resources, mobilizing everything, because if the film can’t attract people, the
company will collapse, and the filmmakers will lose their jobs. So, they used
every means to make sure the film is engaging. I think he’s trying to address
the frustrations of capitalist youth. In the end, though, it still leads to fame and
success. At the start, both characters were innocent, but when he starts to think
about whether or not to sell the boat, it becomes a serious, adult decision.

You need to recognize the strengths of others—he’s both bold and cautious.
His use of midtones is rich. Today, I saw a film with chrysanthemums, but the
large red and green were overwhelming, the contrast was too strong, and the
dark parts stood out too much. The opening shots had a bluish tint. These are
minor issues. What matters is that our own work has improved. New Zealand is
good, and Crossing the River—the clothes didn’t look green, but yellow, which
resembled the Nationalist Party’s clothing. Is it the lighting issue? I’m not sure
what the original colors were like.

Wang Hongwen: At that time, the clothing was more yellowish.

Jiang Qing: The bourgeoisie works hard to make money, achieve fame, and
establish their families, but we, for the revolution, should not treat ourselves as
commodities. We should not eat like the workers, peasants, and soldiers, wear
their clothes, or live like them if we are not serving them. We need to study
the Quotations—study it line by line. Study the articles of Spring Bridge and
Wen Yuan. Spring Bridge’s articles focus on ownership and quote Chairman
Mao’s speech from the First Plenary Session of the Central Committee. I don’t
know if you’ve paid attention to that? Also, the biggest danger to our Party is
not dogmatism but empiricism. Without studying theory, what can guide us?
In the past, during the Yan’an Rectification Movement, the main danger was
dogmatism. Empiricism is the accomplice of revisionism.

We need to seriously study Chairman Mao’s works and the Quotations of

Marx, Lenin. I won’t say much more about it, but I will give you a reading list.
Workers should study like this, and so should farmers. You should study well.
We can learn from foreign things, but we should not imitate figures like the
Empress Dowager Cixi. Chairman Mao said to use the ancient for the present,
the foreign for China. Why reject the good from abroad? We can learn from it
199
because we haven’t surpassed it yet. All comrades need to understand this issue.
Division of labor is necessary, but not in a capitalist way. Capitalist division of
labor makes people dumb. The Soviet model is too detailed; it seeks to cultivate
specialists, but we should not be slaves to division of labor. Directors shouldn’t
be the ones who only know how to use the camera; photographers shouldn’t
just understand photography and ignore drama. Those who only know a little
and use it to blackmail the Party and the people aren’t promoting monopolism.
In the past, we closed ourselves off and didn’t engage in collaboration, and that’s
not right. A few years ago, I got really upset when I saw that Shanghai dye was
not being used, and neither was the one from Shenyang. This can’t go on. You
are monopolizing and closing yourselves off from one another, which is terrible.
You can discuss this for two more days. My words may be partial or inappropri-
ate, so I ask everyone to criticize them.

Wang Hongwen: Comrade Jiang Qing just spoke, and I fully agree with her.
Whether it’s the film industry or film studios, we still need to work together to
catch up with the world’s advanced level. Comrade Jiang Qing mentioned the
importance of having ambition and determination. Why can the Western bour-
geoisie do it, but we, the Eastern proletariat, cannot? I firmly believe we can
achieve it. We cannot crawl along; I’ve made a bold statement. In three years,
we won’t need to rely on Eastman or import; we will use our own [materials].

Jiang Qing: I’ve said that we have produced some “proud” films, and we have
made some progress. We should no longer be downcast. The capitalist world
cannot produce good films, but they want our The Battle of Crossing the Yangtze
and South China Front.

Wang Hongwen: Comrade Jiang Qing mentioned that we have proud films,
and the films sent from Baoding and Shenyang show progress compared to the
past. (Jiang Qing: Also from Shanghai.) I estimate that in three years, we will
be able to stop importing.

Jiang Qing: I’ve watched most of the science and educational films, and today I
particularly want to praise them—they have made great progress, though there’s
still some room for improvement. As for feature films, I will only watch them if
invited. For science and educational films, I’ll also suggest some films that you
should produce, to serve the national agricultural and industrial production.
Feature films are too long. I haven’t watched all of them because they’re too
200
exhausting. I watch them in installments, only two at a time.

Wang Hongwen: Over the past few years, under Chairman Mao and the Cen-
tral Committee’s leadership, and relying on the efforts of the working class,
we have established a solid foundation. We can achieve self-sufficiency in film
production in about three years, without needing to import foreign films. We
will make our own story films entirely.

Jiang Qing: When will the British equipment arrive?

Liu Qingtang: The second half of this year.

Jiang Qing: Then we must push ahead in the first half of the year, moving for-
ward with more benefits than drawbacks.

Wang Hongwen: We just discussed that sending it out will be advantageous,

with more benefits than drawbacks. You must continue to improve the film
industry, the film stock, projection equipment, and make sure to produce good
films. Right now, we must first learn the theory of the dictatorship of the pro-
letariat and Chairman Mao’s instructions. We must study the Quotations, and
study the articles of Comrades Spring Bridge and Wen Yuan thoroughly. The
priority is to focus on learning, revolutionizing, promoting production, and
advancing scientific research. Only by strengthening our studies and arming
our thoughts can we improve our own film industry.

Jiang Qing: In the past, we were the “sick man of East Asia,” with foreigners
trampling on the Chinese people. Now, we must have national pride. Today,
under Chairman Mao’s leadership, the 800 million people in China are holding
their heads high. I have a book. Whenever we have an invention, the British
people will say that Western European industry was developed on the basis
of ancient Chinese science. I want to print this article and give it to you. The
author is a professor at Cambridge, living a difficult life. I’ll give him some
royalties.

The Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Williams, asked us why, at that
time, when you had the compass and the magnetic needle, you stopped trav-
eling when you reached the South Seas, and let Columbus discover the New
World. How should I answer?
201
Wang Hongwen: First, we must get our studies right. I will emphasize again
that we need to properly implement the “three combinations” — research, ap-
plication, and production — and ensure everyone works together in collabo-
ration.

Jiang Qing: The “three combinations” issue is a big one. If they don’t imple-
ment it, directors, actors, and cinematographers will all become disconnected.

(Wang Hongwen: We need the combination of the old, the middle-aged, and
the young.)

Recently, I looked at some material, the “Small Hydroelectric” from Science

and Film (Liu Qingtang: The author of “Small Hydroelectric” from mountain
villages). The person who worked as a photography assistant for many years is
now working independently for the first time, and he’s also guiding a young
person. This is a good approach. It’s not about making you all teachers. The old
saying, “Once a teacher, always a father,” is not the right way. Every profession
needs to implement the “three combinations.”

Wang Hongwen: If the combination is done well, we’ll have more, faster, and
better results, all aligned with Chairman Mao’s path, avoiding disconnection
and squabbling. In the past, under Lin Biao’s line, there was always mutual
blame. Everyone should make an effort and look for reasons within themselves
first. If there are shortcomings in research, don’t point fingers at others. If there
are problems in production, first look at yourselves. The same goes for the ap-
plication departments. Recently, there have been significant improvements,
which are inseparable from cooperation. From what I understand, there are still
some issues with cooperation, such as between regions or between the applica-
tion and production departments. We hope to coordinate better. In any case,
we must hold ourselves to high standards and not focus on others. By improv-
ing the “three combinations,” we can further enhance our work. We must break
away from foreign frameworks and not blindly follow others, like small-footed
women crawling behind. We need to be bold and put theory into practice.

Jiang Qing: We must catch up.

Wang Hongwen: It’s okay to spend a little on learning, but we can’t keep paying
forever.
202
Jiang Qing: How many years have I paid? Now, I’m focusing on building a cri-
tique team, to criticize you directors, cinematographers, and actors. Primarily,
the criticism is for directors and cinematographers. I won’t keep paying your
learning fees anymore.

Wang Hongwen: We must break free from past frameworks. Some things must
be broken to create something new and make significant progress.

Jiang Qing: If the subjective world is not transformed, it’s a serious issue. Some
people in the factories, like Xie Tian and Ling Zifeng, and some in the Bayi
Film Studio as well, are getting high salaries without working. If they don’t go
down and learn from the working people, they won’t be able to transform into
new people. I want to learn from Chairman Mao. During the “Four Cleanups,”
Chairman Mao told Zhou Yang that if you don’t go down, I’ll send you down
with armed guards. If you don’t go down, I will enforce it with military force.
We must carry out proletarian dictatorship. At the very least, we need to get
them to do work that they are capable of. We need to learn the noble qualities
of the working people. This is something for you to take back.

Wang Hongwen: How much does the Beijing Film Studio owe the state? They
want money even before writing scripts. This is against the rules. It’s the mental-
ity of money, like parasites, just a pile of garbage. Some people treat themselves
as commodities, while others stretch out their hands for money even when
they don’t have anything to sell. They are buying and selling nothing (empty
promises).

Wang Hongwen: We must learn Chairman Mao’s theory of proletarian dicta-

torship and look for areas where we are trapped by bourgeois rights. Every in-
dustry should examine where bourgeois rights have kept us stuck, and we must
kick them out to move forward boldly.

Jiang Qing: Cheng Yin, you are one of the four handsome men of Beijing Film
Studio, and there are also the four younger handsome men, and Bayi Film Stu-
dio has some as well. Over these years, we’ve helped pull you through. What
is “Three Selfs, One Center”? Cheng Yin, tell me. It’s about self-regulation,
self-creation, and being responsible for profits and losses. It’s about changing
the system of public ownership and still getting dividends. You all get divi-
dends, including Qian Jiang and Li Wenhua. Has Bayi Film Studio done it?
203
Response: Yes, they have.) Cheng Yin, you were a reporter for the army, and
I transferred you to shoot South China Expedition, but you’ve forgotten your
roots. Later, when you returned, you needed to examine yourself and learn a
little bit at a time. The self-criticism you wrote for me was fake. This time, you
need to understand something and write a real one.

Wang Hongwen: Overall, it’s a mixed situation—there are achievements but

also many problems.

Jiang Qing: Right.

Wang Hongwen: I hope everyone can work together to improve the film indus-
try and filmmaking. I’m an outsider when it comes to the film industry, so I can
only offer general suggestions for reference.

Jiang Qing: Our film’s exposure latitude is too narrow, and the sensitivity is
low. Can we improve this? Moving from Weston 64° to 80° would make things
easier. It’s hard to shoot with 64°, and it’s even more difficult for you all. With
64°, you’re hesitant to use light boldly.

Wang Hongwen: Break through these boundaries.

Jiang Qing: I’ve also shot with 13D° West German film, and it worked well.
Static shots were fine, but it didn’t work for dynamic shots.

Jiang Qing: Can we make it by the end of this year?

Gu Ming: The dyeing and printing method is okay, but the oil-soluble solution
has some weaknesses. The Baoding color base is light-sensitive, not like the two-
way use of Ektachrome. We still need to catch up.

Jiang Qing: We must catch up, analyze it, and move forward confidently. Don’t
be self-deprecating. Analyze it, but don’t just follow the same path as others.

Jiang Qing: All photographers should take on apprentices. “Master is a teacher

for one day, a father for life.” This is Confucian and Mencian wisdom.

204
Wang Hongwen: Each unit should also focus on another “Three Combines.”

Jiang Qing: If they don’t go down, I’ll send someone to forcibly take them
down. Go back and relay this message. I don’t work any less than my comrades.
A day for me is spent either eating, sleeping, or working. My working hours are
longer than others, and I don’t even know what a Sunday is. There’s no such
thing as “work hours.” Big tasks involve watching films, and small tasks involve
looking through documents. I never count the hours I work.
Yading, have you arranged the director’s work for Xin Gang and Yong Shou?

Yading: Yes, I’ve arranged it.

Jiang Qing: You need to help them with the storyboarding. If there’s anything
suitable, they can even act in it.

Jiang Qing: Why haven’t you sent me The Sea Eagle yet? I’m not happy. If you
don’t send it to me, I won’t watch it.

Yading: The materials were scattered during the Cultural Revolution. Some
were sent to Shanghai, but they’ve been sent to you today.

Jiang Qing: The Long March must be completed while I’m still alive. Otherwise,
the task Chairman Mao assigned to me won’t be finished. What should we do?

Jiang Qing: We can’t keep criticizing Chen Qitong; we need to protect him.
We can’t always put pressure on him. Instead of pressuring him, we should find
ways to help him. We need to get this play made; it’s an important subject.
There’s no film on the Long March, and it’s discouraging. I’m also troubled—
we have such a large team, but the film still hasn’t come out.

Jiang Qing: I hope everyone here understands— we are standing up as Chinese

people, as Communist Party members, as Communist Youth League members,
and as patriots. We have a responsibility to make a significant contribution to
humanity.

Jiang Qing: Li Wenhua, where is he? He doesn’t dare to see me. Don’t be like Li
Wenhua, who hurriedly made The Scout, and ended up with a mess.

205
Jiang Qing: We must remember that time is irreplaceable and incredibly valu-
able. We need to seize time and make up for the past. Some people are guilty,
but it’s not too late to make amends. We need to strengthen our learning and
transform our worldview. It’s important to start a new wave of theoretical study.
How about it? Let’s take three days off, specifically for theoretical study. If we
can, we should extend it a bit longer; it’s worth the investment. We need to
cultivate the habit of serious study.

Since last December, I’ve been ill for three months, but I still read Mao Ze-
dong’s Report at the Seventh Plenary Session of the Second Central Committee, On
Correctly Handling Contradictions Among the People, On the People’s Democratic
Dictatorship, The Struggle of Jinggangshan, and I’ve read The State and Revolu-
tion twice, Critique of the Gotha Program twice, and I’ve gone through the Five
Volumes as well. I’ve also read the Quotations from Chairman Mao, but it’s still
not enough. We need to study each section in depth and focus on other books
as well.

We need to connect theory with practice, and first and foremost, connect it
with ourselves. Analyze ourselves. I don’t believe you can say there’s only public
interest and no private interest. Are you saying there is only light and no shad-
ow? The majority of comrades have public interest in their hearts. I acknowl-
edge that your accomplishments are great, but there are still problems. This
year, we need to push our films out. Japan wants our Taking Tiger Mountain by
Strategy, Southward March, and Shining Red Star. Do you have the courage to
take it on? Can we release them in May?

Gu Ming: We are responsible for the films; there’s no problem.

Wang Xiong: Southward March has already been provided to Japan for reprint-
ing.

Jiang Qing: What about the other two films? Can they use dye printing?

Li Gaofeng: If we reach the level of New Zealand, it can be done.

Jiang Qing: That’s fine, just add some extra processing.

206
Your film development factory has become chaotic. It’s all over the place; any-
one can walk in, even without work uniforms. There should be a proper system
in place.

Wang Hongwen: In the future, films submitted for review must have a title card
at the beginning. Has everyone seen New Zealand? If you have, you should be
pleased. Let everyone see it.

Jiang Qing: Have you seen it? Also, look at the dye-soluble film, and note how
many steps are involved in the process.

Wang Xiong: We first work on the reversal, then the reverse prints. We’re still
testing the reversal film, and the effect isn’t perfect yet.

Wang Hongwen: Pay attention to summarizing experiences—what’s successful

and what’s not.

Jiang Qing: Where was New Zealand developed?

(Wang Xiong: The negative was processed by the New Film Factory, and the
positive prints were done at the printing factory.)
Not bad. Marcos is good, Crossing the River is also okay. I also suggest you watch
The Net; it has very few lines, and Morato also has very few lines. The Net has a
low cost, just a few people, but it leaves a strong impression. The young actor
in Red Star is everywhere, but he doesn’t leave a strong impression. Now that it’s
been revised, it might be better.

Wang Hongwen: Let’s stop here for today.

(Source: Record, April 4, 1975, 10 p.m. from the Film Bureau of the Ministry
of Culture)

207
 Wang Hongwen’s Speech at the Provincial Party Work
Meeting and County Party Secretary Meeting

Wang Hongwen

1975.7.9

On the evening of July 9, the provincial party committee convened a meeting

with the heads of the various units attending the provincial work conference
and the county party secretaries. At the meeting, Comrade Tan Qilong, on
behalf of the provincial party standing committee and himself, delivered a self-
assessment. Vice Chairman Wang and Vice Premier Ji gave important speeches.

During this period, Comrades Deng Kui and I, with the approval of Chairman
Mao and the Central Committee, came to Zhejiang for some research and to
assist the provincial committee in resolving issues within Zhejiang. Over the
past few days, we participated in the provincial committee’s standing committee
meeting and visited several units. From my observations of Zhejiang’s overall
situation, as comrades have mentioned, it is generally good, but there are
still some issues. These problems must no longer be postponed; they must be
addressed, and the solutions should be found quickly.

Are the solutions difficult? After discussing with Deng Kui, we felt that it is
both difficult and not difficult. The key issues are always these: the root cause
lies in the line (the political line), the key lies in leadership, and the primary
responsibility lies with the leadership of the provincial committee. Everyone
here is a leader at some level, and I would like to offer a few thoughts:

1. Learning Issues: Comrade Qilong just now made a self-criticism on behalf

of the Provincial Committee, mentioning that the primary reason for errors
was poor study. This refers to the Provincial Party Standing Committee. Many
comrades also discussed that the main reason is the failure to thoroughly
study Chairman Mao’s series of instructions and the spirit of relevant central
documents. This is a lesson that we should all learn, myself included.

208
Currently, the whole Party and nation are studying Chairman Mao’s important
instructions on theoretical issues, and reading works by Marx, Engels, and Mao
is becoming a trend. Zhejiang cannot be an exception and must accelerate its
pace to catch up. The key leaders at all levels, especially at the provincial, re-
gional, and county levels, must lead the way in studying thoroughly.

The learning issue should become institutionalized, with monitoring and

checks to ensure it continues. Not only should we study Marx, Engels, and
Mao’s works well, but we should also deeply understand and frequently review
the central documents.

Zhejiang has many good units. Above the county level, there are good depart-
ments, and these experiences and examples should be summarized and promot-
ed to help everyone learn. For instance, we visited the gearbox factory, which is
a very good unit. The party committee there studies well, frequently reviewing
central documents. Last year, when some places and units tried to rapidly pro-
mote cadres and recruit members into the Party, they resisted the trends and
did not expand recklessly. A key reason for this was their focus on learning. The
factory’s revolution and production are thriving, as they focus on learning.

The importance of criticism is also stressed. Criticizing revisionism, bourgeois

legalism, and capitalist tendencies is necessary alongside study to create a uni-
fied approach in key areas such as understanding, policy, planning, leadership,
and action. This approach, referred to as “the five unifications,” is seen as vital
for the ideological and practical success of the Party and its work, which is
demonstrated by the successful units such as the gearbox factory. The factory’s
success is attributed to its dedication to study and unity within its leadership.

2. The issue of unity. Chairman Mao repeatedly emphasized that the Proletar-
ian Cultural Revolution has lasted for eight years. Now, stability is key. The en-
tire Party and military must unite. This year, the Cultural Revolution has lasted
for more than nine years, and we must more resolutely implement Chairman
Mao’s directives. Zhejiang, located on the southeastern coastal frontline, bears
the responsibility of defending the eastern gate of the motherland. We must not
let any enemy find an opening. The province’s 34 million people, along with the
People’s Liberation Army stationed in Zhejiang, as well as the vast majority of
cadres, Party members, and the working class, must unite under the leadership
of Chairman Mao and the central leadership of the Party. This means that
209
within the working class, there should be no further internal division or dis-
putes, but a focus on unity. Whether a region or a unit can achieve good unity
depends first on the unity of its leadership. The leadership of the gear factory
mentioned earlier is a good example of this, as they easily achieve the five unifi-
cations: unified understanding, policy, planning, command, and action.

Under Chairman Mao’s personal leadership, our Party has many good tradi-
tions in handling internal contradictions, as outlined in The Work Methods
of the Party Committees. I hope comrades will read this work. However, due
to the interference and destruction caused by Lin Biao’s counter-revolutionary
revisionist line, many of the Party’s good traditions and systems have been un-
dermined to varying degrees in Zhejiang.

We should restore the Party’s good traditions. Chairman Mao said that in Par-
ty life, “the understanding, support, and friendship between the secretary
and committee members are more important than anything else.” He also
stated, “We all come from all corners of the country. Not only must we be
good at uniting with comrades who share the same opinions, but we must
also be good at uniting with those who have different views from our own
and working together with them.” Mao further emphasized, “We must also
be good at uniting with those who have opposed us but have been proven
by practice to have made mistakes.”

These are Chairman Mao’s teachings. I suggest that the comrades in Zhejiang,
starting from this Provincial Party Committee work meeting, should work to-
gether to change certain unhealthy practices in Party life. Leadership at all lev-
els must take the lead in avoiding words or actions that harm unity. Everyone
should strive to be a model in implementing Chairman Mao’s instructions on
stability and unity.

3. On the Issue of Work Style. Cadres at all levels, especially the leadership,
must immerse themselves in the front lines, engage in labor, and conduct re-
search. Recently, Hongqi Magazine published an article titled “Advocating Re-
search and Investigation,” which I suggest everyone study carefully. We must
work together with the masses to advance both revolution and production. In
some regions and units, there has been a rise in individualistic practices among
a few cadres. The expansion of bourgeois legal rights and the abandonment of
the Party’s glorious tradition of hard work and struggle have been observed.
210
Recently, during visits to some factories, we found cases where, in some plac-
es, cadres were leading in hoarding housing and indulging in leisure activi-
ties, neglecting the lives of the masses. This issue deserves our attention. The
broad masses are dissatisfied with such conditions. Our cadres must make a
real change in their work style, so the enthusiasm of the masses can be fully
mobilized. We are confident that, as long as the whole Party unites further,
adheres to Chairman Mao’s revolutionary line, and implements his important
instructions, the revolutionary and production efforts in Zhejiang will soon
experience a new phase.

Finally, regarding this meeting. The general situation of this meeting was good.
The Standing Committee exchanged their thoughts and openly shared their
opinions. After everything was said, everyone was calm and reasonable, with a
gentle atmosphere. The Provincial Standing Committee has not had many such
meetings in the past, right? Some comrades have expressed that they still need
to observe, and are not very confident. However, we all should have confidence.
During the criticism of Lin Biao and the rectification campaign, the Provincial
Standing Committee and Comrade Tan Qilong made some mistakes. Just now,
Comrade Tan represented the Provincial Standing Committee and himself in
making self-criticism. We should trust that they will correct these mistakes, and
they will correct them well. We hope that the broad masses of cadres and leaders
at all levels in Zhejiang will support the work of the Provincial Party Commit-
tee and the work of Comrade Tan Qilong. Chairman Mao taught us that if a
mistake is made, it should be corrected, and the faster and more thoroughly it is
corrected, the better. Chairman Mao said that if mistakes are made, they should
be corrected, meaning we should not dwell on them. I hope comrades will con-
sider the larger situation, look ahead, and unite the entire provincial military
and civilian population to develop Zhejiang’s great prospects.

Entered from ‘The Speech by Comrades Wang Hongwen and Ji Dengkui at

the Provincial Work Meeting for Unit Organizers and County Party Secretaries
(Record)’, issued by the Zhejiang Provincial Committee of the Communist
Party of China, July 22, 1975.

211
1976
 The central leadership’s instructions on solving the
problems of the Zhengzhou and
Lanzhou Railway Bureaus

Wang Hongwen

1976.2.15

On February 15, 1976, from 1:00 to 2:00 a.m., central leaders such as Wang
Hongwen, Hua Guofeng, Ji Dengkui, and Wu De met with the comrades
from the Henan and Gansu Provincial Party Committees, the Zhengzhou
and Lanzhou Railway Bureau Party Committees, and the Temporary Leading
Group of the Ministry of Railways, and gave the following instructions.

Comrade Wang Hongwen’s speech:

I completely agree with Comrade Guofeng’s opinion. Comrade Guofeng has

just conveyed Chairman Mao’s recent important instructions, and everyone
should seriously follow Chairman Mao’s instructions. As long as we follow
Chairman Mao’s instructions, the issues will definitely be resolved properly.
Comrade Guofeng has already mentioned that we must continue to focus on
revolution, promote production, and guide the masses to counter the right-
wing reactionary tendencies.

In jointly criticizing the right-wing reactionary tendencies, we must strengthen

the unity between the two factions of the masses. Through this criticism, we
should work together to improve transportation and production. This is the
overall situation; we must ensure that the railway functions smoothly and that
we accomplish, or even exceed, our transportation plans. I hope everyone will
keep the overall situation in mind and not bring personal grievances into the
matter. Do not vent your anger on the masses. Please pay special attention to
this point. We believe that everyone will not act in this way. By criticizing the
right-wing reactionary tendencies, we will unite the majority of cadres and the
masses. We must prioritize the overall situation.

214
The situations are different, and some comrades are more eloquent in certain
aspects, so let them speak. Overall, everyone must do thorough and detailed
political and ideological work. Over the past few years, there have been both
positive and negative experiences in handling the issues between the two fac-
tions. If not handled well, problems can easily arise. I believe that after this
period of work, the Ministry of Railways has made self-criticism, the two pro-
vincial party committees have put forward good suggestions, and everyone will
definitely do a good job.

215
Instructions given by central leaders when meeting with
representatives attending the National
Planning Work Seminar (recorded draft)

Wang Hongwen

1976.7.30

Guofeng, Hongwen, Jiang Qing, Wude, Xilian, Wenyuan, Deng Kui, Guixian,
Zhenhua, and Zhifu comrades met with all the representatives from various
provinces, cities, and autonomous regions attending the National Planning
Work Symposium.

Comrades Guofeng and Hongwen provided instructions.

Comrade Hongwen:

Comrade Guofeng just spoke, and I have no objections. I would like to add one
point, which may not necessarily be correct. Overall, the planning symposium
has been a success. Grassroots comrades participated in the meeting and
provided feedback to the relevant central departments, firing a critical “shot.”
This “shot” was very effective.

This meeting involved studying Chairman Mao’s instructions and deepening

the criticism of Deng [Xiaoping]. In my view, comrades from the central
departments have not studied as thoroughly as those from the provinces, cities,
and regions, especially when compared to grassroots comrades. The same goes
for the criticism of Deng; the central departments have not been as thorough as
the comrades from the local areas.

Our suggestion is that after returning, comrades from the provinces, cities, and
regions should connect this with practical work and deepen the criticism of
Deng. The comrades from the central departments must work even harder. This
time, the senior officials did not study as well or criticize as thoroughly as the
grassroots comrades. As Chairman Mao said, higher levels are often not as good
216
as lower levels, and leaders are often not as good as the masses. I hope comrades
in the central departments will study diligently and deepen the criticism of
Deng.

If the superstructure is not properly managed, it may affect the economic base,
or even damage it. Not long ago, Chairman Mao mentioned that production
relations can harm productive forces. (Comrade Wenyuan interjected: “This
was said in the context of railway transportation, referring to the harmful con-
sequences of the rightist wind of reversing verdicts.”)

Let us all work together to deepen the criticism of Deng, strengthen unity, and
improve both the superstructure and industrial and agricultural production.

Entered from “Instructions Given by Central Leading Comrades During Their

Meeting with Representatives Attending the National Planning Work Sympo-
sium (Recorded Transcript)” in Wenshang County, Shandong Province.

217
Excerpt from Wang Hongwen’s Speech in Pinggu County

Wang Hongwen

1976.10.03

If revisionism arises in the central leadership, what will you do? Overthrow
it! If someone else engages in revisionism, I will overthrow them. If I engage
in revisionism, you should rebel against me as well. Of course, it would be
best if revisionism did not occur, but that is only a personal wish; in reality,
it is impossible. Since the founding of the country, we have seen individuals
like Gao Gang, Rao Shushi, Peng Dehuai, Liu Shaoqi, Lin Biao, and Deng
Xiaoping emerge—so it is impossible for it not to happen. In the future, there
might even be people like “Tang Xiaoping” or “Wang Xiaoping,” so we must
remain vigilant! It is not just Deng Xiaoping who may engage in revisionism.
The emergence of such figures is possible; it would be strange if it didn’t happen.

We must align ourselves with the poor and lower-middle peasants, and you
must also align yourselves with the working class and the poor and lower-
middle peasants. You need to spend more time in rural areas and keep your eyes
wide open to watch out for revisionism, including from me. I am someone who
both listens to others and doesn’t listen to others.

218
Appendix
 The Life of Comrade Wang Hongwen

In December 1934, Wang Hongwen was born in Kaiyuan Village, a suburb of

Changchun City. As is widely known, among the people in Northeast China
today, nine out of ten trace their ancestral origins to Shandong Province.
Wang Hongwen’s ancestors were also part of the migration known as “Chuang
Guandong” (crossing the Great Wall to the Northeast). However, due to the
passage of time, by the generation of Wang Hongwen’s father, even they could
no longer clearly recall where their ancestors had originally “crossed” from.

Kaiyuan Village was very close to the provincial capital of Jilin Province,
Changchun, at that time. The Northeast is known for its black soil, which
is fertile and rich, and its abundant mineral resources. During the puppet
Manchukuo period, the Japanese built many large factories in this region, which
contributed to the strong industrial foundation in Northeast China. However,
at the time, the people in Kaiyuan Village were still very poor, mainly due to
the harsh rule of the puppet Manchukuo regime.

Wang Hongwen’s family had been farmers for generations and was considered
poor peasant. The Northeast is vast with a sparse population, and the land
is fertile, so the grain grown each year was enough to feed the family. Wang
Hongwen’s father was named Wang Guosheng, and his mother was Yang. After
marrying into the Wang family, Yang gave birth to five children: four sons and
one daughter, filling the family with hope.

Kaiyuan Village was very close to the provincial capital of Jilin Province,
Changchun, at that time. The Northeast is known for its black soil, which
is fertile and rich, and its abundant mineral resources. During the puppet
Manchukuo period, the Japanese built many large factories in this region, which
contributed to the strong industrial foundation in Northeast China. However,
at the time, the people in Kaiyuan Village were still very poor, mainly due to
the harsh rule of the puppet Manchukuo regime.

Wang Hongwen’s family had been farmers for generations and was considered
poor peasant. The Northeast is vast with a sparse population, and the land
is fertile, so the grain grown each year was enough to feed the family. Wang

222
Guosheng, and his mother was Yang. After marrying into the Wang family,
Yang gave birth to five children: four sons and one daughter, filling the family
with hope.

Wang Guosheng was naturally cheerful and optimistic, which was partly due to
his love for watching “Er Ren Zhuan” (a traditional form of Chinese comedic
performance). At that time, the “Er Ren Zhuan” performances in Northeast
China often featured historical stories, many of which were set in ancient times,
with the Three Kingdoms period being particularly popular. Some performanc-
es portrayed Zhao Yun, while others focused on Guan Yu (known as Guan Di,
the “God of War”). In any case, they all glorified these figures for their loyalty,
righteousness, and their combination of both literary and martial prowess.

Wang Guosheng particularly admired these two figures. As an illiterate farmer

who could only make a living through farming, he placed his hopes on his sons,
wishing that they could achieve greatness like Guan Yu. Therefore, he gave his
four sons names that all contained the character “Hong”, symbolizing greatness
and strength. His eldest son was named Wang Hongwen, the second son Wang
Hongwu, the third son Wang Hongshuang, and the fourth son Wang Hongq-
uan—each name carrying a certain significance and sounding rather thought-
ful.

When Wang Hongwen was born, the puppet Manchukuo had already been
established for more than three years. The Japanese imposed brutal oppression
and exploitation on the people of Northeast China, and the people there lived
in extreme suffering. Wang Guosheng’s family was already poor, and the situa-
tion became even more difficult under these harsh conditions.

Wang Hongwen later recalled that from the day he was born, he never had a full
meal. By the time he was four years old, he was still living with his mother at
home. At that time, children were supposed to begin their education and learn
to read at the age of four, but Wang Hongwen’s family had no money to send
him to school.

At the age of five, Wang Hongwen began to form a group of like-minded play-
mates—children of similar age from nearby families. They often played togeth-
er, going to the river by the village to catch fish and swim. During the cold
winter days, they would stay indoors and play at home instead.
223
By the age of seven, children from wealthier families in Wang Hongwen’s village
had already started going to school, and Wang Hongwen himself had attended
a private school for three months. However, due to financial difficulties, his
family could no longer afford to send him to school. Not only could he not
continue his education, but Wang Hongwen also had to take on some labor to
help increase the family’s income.

What could a seven-year-old child do? Wang Hongwen’s aunt had married into
a wealthier family and needed a young child to help with her family’s pigs.

When Wang Hongwen’s mother proposed letting her son help with the pigs at
his aunt’s house, Wang Hongwen’s uncle considered that it was better to hire
a relative’s child than a stranger. Furthermore, Wang Hongwen was bright and
quick-witted, and he greeted his uncle in a warm and familiar way. His uncle,
pleased, agreed to the arrangement.

Thus, at the age of seven, Wang Hongwen became a pig herder. Since he worked
at his aunt’s house, where there was a family connection, he could eat there,
which helped save food for his own family. In the autumn, his aunt’s family
even gave his family some grain as payment. Although he was not beaten or
scolded, he often faced disdain. His aunt’s children, because of their wealthier
status, looked down on the dirty, shabby Wang Hongwen. They frequently took
advantage of their parents’ absence to bully and scold him. However, Wang
Hongwen never complained to the adults and silently endured their mistreat-
ment.

Wang Hongwen ate with these children every day, but while they finished their
meals and went to school, he had to go out to herd pigs. Seeing his aunt’s chil-
dren go to school while he had to tend to pigs left Wang Hongwen with an
indescribable feeling of sadness.

One time, when his aunt’s son was studying at home, Wang Hongwen couldn’t
help but take a glance at the book. Immediately, he was mocked by the other
children: “You’re a pig herder, can you even understand this? Hurry up and go
back to herding pigs!” This comment had a profound impact on Wang Hon-
gwen.

224
Later, when Wang Hongwen became a soldier and had the opportunity to re-
ceive an education, he worked diligently. Despite having no prior educational
foundation, he was able to attain a certain level of literacy. This determination
stemmed from his childhood experience of being a pig herder, watching other
children go to school while he couldn’t, and from the sharp words of his aunt’s
son, which deeply motivated him to seek knowledge.

In 1948, Changchun was liberated, and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)
also arrived in Wang Hongwen’s village. After the PLA arrived, the land was
distributed to the farmers. At that time, there were not as many idols as there
are today, and the common idol for everyone was the PLA soldier. To join
the army was considered an honor for the whole family, which inspired Wang
Hongwen to think about enlisting. He discussed it with his parents, and they
supported his decision.

However, Wang Hongwen was only fourteen years old at the time, which was
below the recruitment age. Seeing his son unable to join the army, Wang Hon-
gwen’s father also wanted to enlist, but unfortunately, he failed the physical ex-
amination. As a result, neither father nor son was able to join the PLA. Howev-
er, the idea of becoming a soldier had firmly taken root in both of their hearts.

At fourteen, Wang Hongwen was unable to join the PLA and had to continue
working on the farm at home. His father was in poor health, so Wang Hongw-
en became the main pillar of the family. He took on the household responsibili-
ties, and with the help of the mutual aid group in the village, the farm work did
not fall behind. By the autumn harvest, the family had a good crop, and they
were able to eat and dress warmly that year.

In 1950, the Korean War broke out. After careful consideration, Mao Zedong
decided to send troops to Korea. The slogan “Resist America, Aid Korea, Pro-
tect the Homeland” quickly spread across the country. The Central Military
Commission, in addition to deploying some troops to Korea, also decided to
recruit locally in Northeast China. After receiving some military training, these
recruits would serve as the follow-up forces of the Volunteer Army and enter
the battlefield in Korea.

225
Across Northeast China, a large-scale recruitment campaign was launched,
and many people eagerly volunteered to join the army. When Wang Hongwen
heard that Changchun, not far from his home, was recruiting soldiers, he didn’t
consult his parents first. Instead, he got into a horse-drawn cart and went to
register. After signing up, he returned home and told his parents about it. He
was recruited by the Changchun suburban People’s Government to join the
27th Army, 80th Division of the Chinese People’s Volunteer Army. Wang Hon-
gwen served as a guard and later as a communications clerk (team leader level)
in the division headquarters, participating in the Korean War.

Upon hearing this, Wang Guosheng felt both happy and worried. He was hap-
py because the Wang family finally had someone in the army. However, he was
also concerned because Wang Hongwen was the pillar of the family. If he left,
there would be no one to do the farm work, and the family’s livelihood would
be very difficult. Moreover, Wang Hongwen was only sixteen years old, and the
battlefield in Korea, with its constant gunfire and explosions, was extremely
dangerous. There was a very real possibility that he might never return.

In the end, however, Wang Guosheng still supported Wang Hongwen’s decision
to join the army. The mutual aid group in the village also decided to support
the family by helping with the farm work. With their help, Wang Hongwen was
able to leave with peace of mind and go to serve in the army.

When Wang Hongwen was about to leave, his parents sent him to the edge of
the village with tears in their eyes. His younger siblings clung to his hands and
refused to let go. Wang Hongwen also felt very sad, but he didn’t shed any tears.

Once in Korea during the Korean War, Wang Hongwen became a communi-
cations soldier. Being a communications soldier was a very dangerous job, as it
often required running through heavy gunfire to deliver orders and instructions
from higher-ups to the front lines. However, Wang Hongwen was quick-witted
and always completed his tasks successfully, managing to avoid injury during
this time, which was considered quite fortunate.

As the situation in Korea gradually stabilized, the Volunteer Army decided to

form a band to enrich the soldiers’ leisure activities. Following the decision of
the unit leaders, Wang Hongwen joined the band and learned to play the bugle.
From then on, Wang Hongwen frequently traveled with the band to perform
226
at the front lines, participating in social activities with the soldiers. In these ac-
tivities, Wang Hongwen was enthusiastic and worked hard. He loved to learn,
and whenever he encountered something he didn’t understand, he would ask
those with higher cultural knowledge for guidance. Over the years, Wang Hon-
gwen accumulated a wealth of cultural and historical knowledge.

Seeing Wang Hongwen’s excellent performance, the organization decided to re-

cruit him into the Communist Party. Soon after, he was promoted to an officer
position.

When the Korean War ended, the Volunteer Army units returned to China in
batches. Wang Hongwen’s family waited anxiously for news of him, but they
couldn’t get any updates for a long time. Eventually, Wang Hongwen sent a
letter home, informing his family that his unit was part of the last batch to
withdraw from Korea. This news reassured his family. Afterward, his unit was
relocated to Wuxi City, Jiangsu Province.

In 1956, Wang Hongwen returned to his hometown in Northeast China.

“Dad! Mom! I’m home!” Wang Hongwen shouted before he even entered the
house. When he entered the inner room, he found his mother sitting on the
kang, crying, and his younger siblings all gathered around, their faces solemn.
Seeing him return, there was no joy on their faces.

“What’s going on? Where’s Dad?”

“Brother, Dad passed away three years ago,” Wang Hongwu was the first to
speak.

“What?” Wang Hongwen was struck like a bolt of lightning upon hearing this.
“Why didn’t anyone tell me? Why did you all keep this from me?”

As he spoke, tears began to fall from Wang Hongwen’s eyes. It turned out that
his father, who had been seriously ill for a long time, had passed away in the
third year after Wang Hongwen went to fight in Korea. In order to prevent him
from being distracted while on the battlefield, his family had kept the news of
his father’s death from him.

227
Wang Hongwen ran to his father’s grave and cried bitterly. The villagers, who
knew that Wang Hongwen had returned from the Korean battlefield and had
become an officer, crowded around the narrow doorway of the Wang family
home to see him.

After spending some time at home, Wang Hongwen returned to his unit as per
military regulations, awaiting his assignment. At that time, the country was in
great need of a large number of personnel for its construction efforts. Shortly
after returning to his unit, Wang Hongwen received notice to attend training
in Nanjing. He was assigned to the Nanjing Reserve Officer Training Corps as
part of his demobilization process.

In September 1956, Wang Hongwen, wearing the military uniform issued to

him and carrying the belongings provided by the army, traveled to Nanjing to
attend the training. After completing the short-term training, he was assigned
as a reserve second lieutenant, at the deputy platoon level. He was then assigned
to the Shanghai No. 17 National Cotton Mill. The mill was a large factory at
the time, with thousands of employees.

A few days later, the factory’s organizational department called Wang Hongwen
in for a meeting and informed him that the organization had assigned him to
work as a security officer at the Second Textile Factory. At the time, socialist
New China was on the brink of a construction boom, and factories were in
need of technical personnel. The organization wanted to assign him to this
position to cultivate his skills in this area. The very next day, Wang Hongwen
reported to the factory.

As a security officer, Wang Hongwen had no technical knowledge. So what did

he do? He started studying books on textile machinery maintenance. Whenever
he encountered something he didn’t understand, he would ask senior techni-
cians and experienced workers for guidance. He was assigned to work with
an excellent technical mentor, who was very enthusiastic about teaching him.
Wang Hongwen was young, smart, and diligent in his work, and quickly mas-
tered the skills required for his job.

Thanks to his hard work and determination, Wang Hongwen gained the recog-
nition of both his colleagues and superiors at the factory. Not long after, during
the re-election of the workshop party branch, the young Wang Hongwen was
228
as a committee member and appointed as the security director of the second
textile workshop.

Later, Wang Hongwen was sent to Chongming Island for reclamation labor.
The life there was very difficult, but Wang Hongwen worked extremely hard.
He worked there for two years, and during this time, he had to return to Shang-
hai for more than ten days to undergo surgery for appendicitis. Once the recla-
mation work was completed, the reclamation team was set to return to Shang-
hai. However, the newly established Chongming Farm needed to retain some
people as cadres. The organization considered Wang Hongwen for this, but he
refused and insisted on returning to Shanghai.

In accordance with the principle of voluntary service, the organization did not
force Wang Hongwen to stay. So, Wang Hongwen left Chongming Island and
returned to the National Cotton Mill No. 17. The organization arranged a new
job for him at the factory’s security department as a staff officer, and from then
on, his monthly salary was 64 yuan. After returning to the National Cotton
Mill, Wang Hongwen also continued his education by attending night school
and graduated from junior high, earning his diploma.

Not long after, Wang Hongwen married Cui Gendi, a caregiver at the facto-
ry’s nursery. They had three children: a daughter named Yaping, and two sons
named Yajun and Yamin.

On June 12, 1966, Wang Hongwen led a group of people to post a big-charac-
ter poster titled “Peel off the Painted Skin to See the Truth” next to the factory’s
medical office, which caused a stir throughout the factory. All seven people
who signed the poster were members of the Communist Party. As a result, the
factory’s Party Committee, along with the Shanghai Cotton Spinning Compa-
ny, stopped Wang Hongwen’s work. Soon after, the Shanghai Textile Industry
Bureau’s work team and the Municipal Party Committee’s work team were dis-
patched to the factory.

On November 6, 1966, Wang Hongwen became the commander of the

“Shanghai Workers’ Revolutionary Rebel General Headquarters” (abbreviated
as Gong Zong Si), a revolutionary rebel organization in Shanghai. However, the
Shanghai Municipal Party Committee opposed his actions and tried to block
his attempts to organize and engage in political activities. On November 10, in
229
the early hours, over 10,000 rebel workers from Gong Zong Si occupied Shang-
hai’s train station. They boarded two trains bound for Beijing, intending to go
to the central government to accuse the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee
of following a bourgeois line.

However, the two groups were detained at Anting Station and Nanjing Station.
Despite multiple efforts to persuade him, Wang Hongwen remained resolute
in his determination to continue the revolutionary rebellion. This led to the
Anting Incident, where thousands of Shanghai and railway workers gathered at
Anting Station to support the rebellion and blocked the trains by lying on the
tracks. Subsequently, Zhang Chunqiao, representing the Central Cultural Rev-
olution Group, personally negotiated with Gong Zong Si at Anting and agreed
to their legitimate demands, officially recognizing the organization’s legal status.

On January 8, 1967, Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen

established the Shanghai Revolutionary Command to take over the Shanghai
Municipal Party Committee and the Shanghai People’s Government. They also
issued the “Letter to All Shanghai People,” marking the beginning of the Jan-
uary Storm. Chairman Mao gave high praise, saying: “This is one class over-
throwing another class; this is a great revolution. When the revolutionary forces
in Shanghai rise up, there is hope for the entire country.” On February 5, the
Shanghai People’s Commune was established, but after Mao’s judgment and
criticism, it was renamed the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee.

In January 1969, at the 9th National Congress of the Communist Party of Chi-
na (CPC), Wang Hongwen was elected as a member of the Central Committee.
In August 1973, at the 10th National Congress of the CPC, he was elected as a
member of the Central Committee, the Politburo, the Standing Committee of
the Politburo, and the Vice Chairman of the Central Committee. He was also
made a member of the Central Military Commission and later became a key
member of the Central Cultural Revolution Group, continuing to enjoy Chair-
man Mao’s trust and support. Mao Zedong once said to Zhang Chunqiao,
“Wang Hongwen has been a farmer, fought in wars, and worked as a worker.
His experience is stronger than yours and mine.”

230
After Mao’s death, bourgeois reactionary elements gradually took power. On
October 5, 1976, Wang Hongwen, along with others, was lured into a meet-
ing at Huairen Hall, where he was arrested under the manipulation of Hua
Guofeng and Ye Jianying. Afterward, he was subjected to violent retaliation
by the bourgeois reactionaries, enduring severe physical and mental torture,
including repeated electric shocks and drug injections. After prolonged and
brutal abuse, he was brought to court in a state of delirium and was convicted
on various charges, receiving a sentence of life imprisonment. (According to
Qiu’s memoirs, during his imprisonment, they arranged a special chair for him.
When he relaxed his body, the handcuffs and shackles would tighten sharply,
and a nearby buzzer would emit a piercing and unbearable sound. They used
“wheel tactics” against him, constantly administering truth serum, providing
only enough food to keep him alive, and using various methods of torture for
several days. It is said that when he was brought back, he was foaming at the
mouth, collapsed unconscious, and in a near-death state.)

In mid-July 1977, the 3rd Plenary Session of the 10th Central Committee
of the Communist Party of China was held in Beijing. The meeting passed
the “Resolution on the Restoration of Comrade Deng Xiaoping’s Positions,”
reappointing Deng Xiaoping as Vice Chairman of the Central Committee,
Vice Chairman of the Central Military Commission, Vice Premier of the State
Council, and Chief of the General Staff of the People’s Liberation Army, thus
assuming the “three vice-chairmanships and one chief ” positions. The meet-
ing also passed the “Resolution on the Anti-Party Group of Wang Hongwen,
Zhang Chunqiao, Jiang Qing, and Yao Wenyuan,” which stated: “The party
membership of Wang Hongwen, a bourgeois opportunist, conspirator, coun-
terrevolutionary double dealer, and new bourgeois element, as well as Zhang
Chunqiao, a Nationalist spy, Jiang Qing, a traitor, and Yao Wenyuan, a class
enemy, is forever revoked, and all their party and non-party positions are to be
canceled.”

In 1980, Wang Hongwen’s siblings were granted permission to visit him at

the Qincheng Prison. Wang Hongwen had three brothers and one sister:
Wang Hongwu, Wang Hongshuang, Wang Hongquan, and Wang Guilan.
The siblings were still living their ordinary lives. Wang Hongwu and Wang
Hongquan worked in farming in their hometown of Changchun: Wang
Hongwu was in Xinyin Village, Xinyang Township, in the Green Garden
District of Changchun, while Wang Hongquan was in Baijiatun, Xinyang
231
Township. Wang Guilan lived in Jilin City and was a housewife. Wang Hong-
shuang joined the army in 1958 and later, in 1962, transitioned to work at the
Wugong County Aircraft Maintenance Factory in Shaanxi Province.

When Wang Hongwen’s siblings received the notice, they traveled to Beijing.
They were allowed to meet Wang Hongwen at Qincheng Prison for a total of
four hours—two hours in the morning and two hours in the afternoon. This
was the only meeting the siblings had with Wang Hongwen in many years.
During the visit, Wang Hongwen urged his siblings to work diligently and take
good care of their mother.

According to Wang Hongwen’s younger brother, Wang Hongshuang, from

1986 onwards, Wang Hongwen was transferred from Qincheng Prison to the
Beijing Fuxing Hospital, which is under the Ministry of Public Security. He
lived in the same building as Zhang Chunqiao. Wang Hongwen’s wife, Cui
Gendi, and their three children lived an ordinary life in Shanghai. Cui Gendi
kept in frequent contact with Wang Hongwen’s siblings through letters, and
she also made several trips from Shanghai to visit them in their hometown in
Northeast China.

After Wang Hongwen was placed under investigation and isolation, the staff
conducted a search of his home and found bulk Maotai liquor. The discovery
puzzled the staff, as they couldn’t understand why Wang Hongwen had bought
so much bulk Maotai. At that time, Maotai liquor was considered a high-end
product, with a bottle costing around seven or eight yuan. However, Wang
Hongwen’s salary was only 68 yuan per month. If he were buying the liquor
for himself, he could have afforded only a few bottles, but since he often en-
tertained others, it was clear that the amount he bought would not have been
enough for his personal use alone.

Wang Hongwen was known for his strong ability to drink, and he particularly
enjoyed Maotai. He discovered that the staff at the Great Hall of the People
would gather up the leftover Maotai after each banquet and sell it for 2 yuan per
bottle. Seizing this opportunity, Wang Hongwen bought a large amount of the
liquor. In fact, the bulk Maotai was primarily sold to internal staff members.
When Wang Hongwen purchased the alcohol, some of the staff would mock
him, saying, “You think you can get a bargain? No way!” despite the cheap
price.
232
On August 5, 1992, People’s Daily published the obituary of Wang Hongwen,
which read as follows:

“Xinhua News Agency, Beijing, August 4: Wang Hongwen, the principal crim-
inal of the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counter-revolutionary group, passed away
from liver disease on August 3, 1992, in Beijing.

Wang Hongwen, 58 years old, was sentenced to life imprisonment and de-
prived of political rights for life by the Supreme People’s Court Special Tribunal
in January 1981.

After being diagnosed with illness in 1986, Wang Hongwen was sent for med-
ical treatment. According to Duan Yuezhong from the cremation section of
the Babaoshan Funeral Home in Beijing, Wang Hongwen was cremated there
after his death. His wife and brothers attended the farewell ceremony. Duan
Yuezhong recalled, “His brothers looked very much like him!”

Thus, the proletarian revolutionary leader, Comrade Wang Hongwen, ended

his life.

233
 Wang Hongwen’s Younger Brother
Reminisces About the Past

One of the “Gang of Four,” Wang Hongwen, has been dead for many years.
Like that period of history, the name “Wang Hongwen” has also become part
of history. Unlike the Wang Hongwen who was once extremely influential and
dominant in Chinese politics during the 1970s, his family, who had lived for
generations off the land and oxen, continued to live in a mountain village in
Northeast China, leading a simple and honest rural life. When Wang Hongwen
was at the height of his power, they did not rise with him. When Wang Hongwen
fell from the political stage, their lives remained unchanged.

What Wang Hongwen’s elderly mother regretted until her death was that
from the time Wang Hongwen left home at the age of 17 until his passing,
she only saw him once. Wang Hongwen’s political ambitions led to the painful
separation of his family.

Born in 1932 in Kaiyuan Village, Xixin Township, Luyuan District, Changchun,

Jilin Province, Wang Hongwen’s father was Wang Guosheng, a hard-of-hearing,
honest farmer. His mother, Wang Yangshi, was naturally timid, cautious, and
kind-hearted. The Wang family had been farmers for generations.

As a child, like most poor farming families of the time, Wang Hongwen had no
formal education, having only studied “Hundred Family Surnames” for three
months. In his early teens, he worked as a pig herder for a landlord. As a child,
he was fair-skinned, quiet, and well-spoken, and was recognized as a good boy
in the village, well-loved by the neighbors.

At 17, he enlisted in the army, and except for returning home once in 1958
after being transferred, he never returned. In the third year after he enlisted,
his father Wang Guosheng passed away from lung disease. Five years after
being imprisoned in Qincheng, his mother Wang Yangshi died of a cerebral
hemorrhage.

234
Wang Hongwen was the eldest son, with three younger brothers and one sister.
His second brother was Wang Hongwu, his third brother was Wang Hongsh-
uang, who enlisted in 1958 and was later transferred to the Wugong County
Aircraft Repair Factory in Shaanxi Province in 1962, where he has since retired.
His fourth brother was Wang Hongquan, a farmer in Baijiatun, Xixin Town-
ship, who passed away in 1996 from tuberculosis. His sister, Wang Guilan,
worked as a homemaker in Jilin City. Wang Hongwen’s siblings and their de-
scendants are ordinary workers and farmers.

Kaiyuan Village, where Wang Hongwen was born, is one of the larger and
wealthier villages in Xixin Township. Standing at the front of the village, it
is hard for me to imagine what the village looked like in Wang Hongwen’s
childhood. Today, Kaiyuan Village is very picturesque. Two years ago, a tradi-
tional-style village gate was built at the entrance, with a pond on one side and a
small river beyond it. On the other side, there are rice fields with a light yellow
hue. Inside the village gate, there is a community of green trees and red-tiled
houses.

After some inquiries, I finally found the home of Wang Hongwen’s second
brother, Wang Hongwu. Wang Hongwu lives with his eldest son. The Wang
family was having lunch when I arrived—on the table, there was a bowl of
white rice and two plates of stir-fried potato slices, along with a few salted duck
eggs. The children were eagerly fighting over the salted eggs. When they heard
I had come for an interview, Wang Hongwu and his wife put down their bowls
and chopsticks, inviting me to sit on the heated bed (kang). To avoid disturbing
the family during their meal, I stepped outside the room.

The Wang family lives at the western end of the village. Apart from their house,
which is a mud house, the surrounding houses are all red-brick buildings, either
newly built or old, with large tiled roofs. The houses are neat and well-main-
tained. Looking at their dilapidated, nearly collapsing mud house and the ob-
vious signs of poverty in their home, I couldn’t help but reflect on Wang Hon-
gwen’s former image as a vice chairman of the Central Committee in Beijing,
exuding power and authority. A deep sense of history welled up inside me, as if
I could hear the winds of time rushing past my ears. “From the time my elder
brother left home to join the army until his death, I only saw him twice,” Wang
Hongwu said.

235
Wang Hongwu is two years younger than Wang Hongwen and is already in his
sixties. From his facial features, it’s clear that Wang Hongwu and Wang Hon-
gwen resemble each other. Wang Hongwu’s hair is messy and graying, his face
is lined with wrinkles, and his eyes have a somewhat vacant look. He speaks in
a somewhat slow and wooden manner. Wang Hongwu’s wife is from Huang-
hua Tun, Daling Township, Gongzhuling City, Jilin Province. She is tall and
thin, with a small face, which suggests that she was very beautiful in her youth.
Wang Hongwu rolled a leaf cigarette, took a puff, and said to me: “After my
older brother’s ‘incident,’ we rarely have outsiders visit. A couple of years ago,
someone from Anhui came to my house, but left after just a short visit. You are
the second outsider to come here.” After saying this, Wang Hongwu briefly, and
expressionlessly, recounted Wang Hongwen’s life: Wang Hongwen joined the
army and went to Korea to participate in the Korean War just one month after
enlisting. After returning to China, he was transferred to work at the Shanghai
Cotton Textile Factory No. 17 as a security officer. When the Cultural Rev-
olution began, Wang Hongwen rebelled and became the deputy director of
the Shanghai Revolutionary Committee. In mid-August to early September
1971, Chairman Mao visited the south, and Lin Biao’s plot to assassinate Mao
was exposed. Wang Hongwen helped to protect Mao and assisted the Nanjing
Military Region in eliminating Lin Biao’s faction. Later, Mao transferred Wang
Hongwen to the central government. In October 1976, Wang Hongwen, as
one of the “Gang of Four,” was arrested and detained at the Qincheng Prison in
Beijing. In November 1992, Wang Hongwen died of liver disease at Qincheng
Prison.

After saying this, Wang Hongwu lifted his cloudy old eyes and continued, “Ac-
tually, I don’t know much about my older brother. From the time he left home
to join the army until his death, I only saw him twice. After my older brother
left home, our father never saw him again. Our mother saw him once when he
returned home after being demobilized. It was during the Great Leap Forward,
and he didn’t stay long when he came back; he left again soon after.”

One day in 1980, Wang Hongwu and his siblings suddenly received a notice
that they could go to Beijing to visit their older brother, Wang Hongwen. The
four siblings quickly packed their belongings and set out on the journey. For
many years, Wang Hongwen had had little contact with the family and rarely
wrote to them. Wang Hongwu and his siblings knew very little about his situ-
ation in Beijing. When the “Gang of Four” fell from power, they heard rumors
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that during the arrest of the “Gang of Four,” there had been gunfire and that
Wang Hongwen’s arm had been broken. The family was deeply worried. Thus,
throughout the journey, the four siblings were anxious and silent, with no one
speaking. Upon arriving in Beijing, they met with their sister-in-law who was
waiting for them, and together, they went to QinCheng Prison to visit Wang
Hongwen.

That day, they spent a total of four hours with Wang Hongwen—two hours in
the morning and two hours in the afternoon. They had arrived early and waited
in the visiting room at Qincheng Prison. When Wang Hongwen was called out,
he sat across from them. At first, Wang Hongwu felt a bit of unfamiliarity upon
seeing his older brother, but he quickly realized that the man in front of him
looked no different from the image he had seen on film and television, though
he appeared thinner, pale, and slightly swollen.

Soon, Wang Hongwu saw his sister-in-law tear up, and a wave of sorrow surged
within him. He reached out and tugged at Wang Hongwen’s arm, asking, “Big
brother, I heard that when they arrested you, they shot you and broke your arm.
Is that true?” Wang Hongwen raised his arm and showed them that his arm was
not injured. He explained that when he was arrested, no gunshots were fired.
Instead, he had been told that he was going to attend a secret meeting, and they
wouldn’t allow him to bring a bodyguard. Upon arriving at the meeting, he was
immediately arrested.

Afterward, Wang Hongwen reminded his siblings to work hard, not to carry
burdens, and to live their lives well, taking care of their health and looking after
their mother. After saying these things, his words grew scarce.

In September 1974, Wang Hongwu visited Dazhai and, on his way back, passed
through Beijing. He decided to stay overnight in Beijing and try to meet his
older brother. That evening, he called his brother from the guesthouse. After
much effort, he finally got through, but it was Wang Hongwen’s secretary who
answered the phone. The secretary informed him that Wang Hongwen wasn’t
available and that if he wanted to meet, he would have to wait until after mid-
night. Although Wang Hongwu was eager to see his brother, he didn’t want to
bother him given how busy he must have been. So, he decided against visiting
and left for Changchun the next day.

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When Wang Hongwu spoke to his brother at Qincheng Prison, he mentioned
the time he had tried to meet him in Beijing. Wang Hongwen’s eyes lit up at
the memory. He asked Wang Hongwu for the exact date he had called him.
After thinking for a moment, Wang Hongwen said that he had indeed been in
Beijing on that day, but his secretary hadn’t told him that his younger brother
had come. At that point, Wang Hongwen’s expression showed a hint of regret.

The year after Wang Hongwu and his siblings visited their older brother in
Qincheng Prison, in 1981, Wang Hongwen’s mother passed away due to a ce-
rebral hemorrhage. “We didn’t benefit from Wang Hongwen’s status.”

Like Wang Hongwen’s father, Wang Hongwu was a simple, honest farmer. In
his earlier years, he served as the village team leader and later as the village’s
security director. After Wang Hongwen moved to Beijing, the Wang family
became well-known in their locality. Wang Hongwu himself became a respect-
ed figure, with many people from the village and surrounding areas coming to
him for help with various matters. Wherever he went, if he mentioned he was
Wang Hongwen’s brother, things immediately got done. During those years, he
helped the village and surrounding areas in many ways, including purchasing a
car for the village and other affordable agricultural and construction materials.

Wang Hongwen’s mother was also highly respected by the people in the village.
On several occasions, the villagers invited her to attend meetings, where she
was treated with great honor. She was seated at the center of the stage, assisted
by the Red Guards whenever she got on or off the stage, or even went to the
restroom, with everyone calling her “Grandmother Wang.”

In 1974, the Wang family tore down their old house to build a new one. Wang
Hongwu helped by arranging the purchase of bricks, tiles, and wood. The house
frame, doors, and windows were completed, and the villagers offered to help
with the construction. However, Wang Hongwu’s mother, being cautious and
careful in her approach, disagreed with the villagers helping, fearing that it
might lead to some negative consequences. Despite her objections, the villagers
insisted on assisting, and the matter dragged on for over a month before the
villagers finally went ahead and helped build the house.

After Wang Hongwen was arrested in Beijing, the Wang family faced great pres-
sure. Shortly after his capture, people from the village came to force the Wang
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family to move out of their house. They took iron picks and crowbars and de-
molished the four rooms of their home, taking away the bricks, tiles, and wood.

Wang Hongwen’s mother and his younger brother Wang Hongwu were gen-
erally well-liked and respected in the village. After their house was demolished
and they had nowhere to live, the villagers, seeing their plight, took the initia-
tive to help Wang Hongwu build a new house. However, Wang Hongwu no
longer had the money to build a brick-and-tile house, so he had to settle for
constructing a three-room mud house. The Wang family lived in this humble
mud house for over 20 years and was never able to afford to build a new one.

Due to the negative impact of Wang Hongwen’s political downfall, Wang

Hongwu was soon removed from his position as village security chief.

I had heard a rumor that when Wang Hongwen was the Vice Chairman of the
Central Committee in Beijing, the government had given money to his mother.
Additionally, the road from the city to Xixin Township and then to Kaiyuan
Village was reportedly built because of Wang Hongwen. During the interview,
I raised these two issues with Wang Hongwu and his wife.

Regarding the road, Wang Hongwu immediately responded without hesitation:

“Yes, the road was built, but it wasn’t an asphalt road. It was made of mountain
soil. However, it wasn’t built just because Wang Hongwen was born in Kaiyuan
Village. Even if Wang Hongwen hadn’t been born here, the road would have
still been built.”

As for the money given to Wang Hongwen’s mother by the government, Wang
Hongwu’s wife said, “At the time, we heard rumors that the government gave
money, but we never saw it. No one gave the money to us directly.”

“Big Sister-in-law has returned many times.”

Wang Hongwen’s wife, Cui Gendi, was a worker at Shanghai Cotton Textile
Factory No. 17. Her family lived in Shanghai, with both her father and moth-
er working as factory workers. After marrying Wang Hongwen, she had three
children: two sons and one daughter, with the eldest being a daughter. Now, all
three of their children are working in Shanghai.

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Cui Gendi was particularly close to Wang Hongwen’s family back home. Af-
ter Wang Hongwen was sent to Qincheng Prison, she wrote many letters to
his siblings and also returned to Kaishan Village from Shanghai several times.
Each time she returned, she would travel from Shanghai to Changchun, then
from Changchun to Jilin City, where she would stay at Wang Hongwen’s sister’s
house for a few days before heading back to Xixin Township in Changchun.
At that time, the road from Xixin Township to Kaishan Village was difficult to
navigate and lacked public transport, so it would take her over an hour to walk
the three or four kilometers.

The last time Cui Gendi visited Kaishan Village was in the summer of 1995.
She stayed in Jilin City, Baijiatun, and Kaishan Village for three months. When
she stayed at Wang Hongwu’s house, she would sleep in the west room, cleaning
up the messy space herself. She wasn’t bothered by mosquitoes or flies and got
along well with Wang Hongwu’s wife. During meals, she ate whatever Wang
Hongwu’s family had, except for any undercooked dishes. Sometimes, she
would even help Wang Hongwu’s wife cook the meals. Wang Hongwu’s wife
recalled, “Big Sister-in-law didn’t live in luxury in Shanghai either. She often
talked about coming to the countryside to live, wanting to raise pigs, chickens,
or other valuable animals.” After a pause, she continued, “She said she would
come back this year, but now it’s almost September, and she hasn’t returned, so
we are afraid she might not be able to.”

Wang Hongwu gazed into the distance, as if looking to see whether his sister-
in-law had returned. After the interview ended, I asked Wang Hongwu if there
were any childhood photos of Wang Hongwen or pictures of their mother.
Wang Hongwu said there were none. He explained that when their mother
passed away, he had planned to take a photo of her, but in the end, he didn’t.

As Wang Hongwu saw me off, we exchanged a few casual words. I learned

that his family farms 10 acres of land, which is enough for their needs. Wang
Hongwu also mentioned that his eldest daughter-in-law works at a local velvet
factory, earning over 510 yuan a month.

(Excerpt from Family magazine, December 1998 issue)

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 Comrade Wang Hongwen in Prison

——Excerpt from The Memoirs of Qiu Huizuo

After the verdicts of the ‘Two Cases’ were announced, the Qincheng Prison
allowed Huang, Wu, Li, Qiu, and Wang Hongwen to live together. They
exchanged some extremely important information. It was in Qincheng Prison
that Wang Hongwen revealed to Qiu Huizuo the brutal torture he had endured.
Regarding Wang Hongwen’s extremely poor physical condition, Qiu Huizuo
noticed Wang’s frail health when they first met. When Qiu asked the reason,
Wang Hongwen said that from the very first day of his detention, he was forced
to wear heavy restraints that automatically tightened. If he struggled, they
would tighten further, like the tightening of a curse. If he used force to resist, it
would throw him to the ground. After putting on the restraints, he was never
allowed to remove them, and he had to wear them even while sleeping at night.

Originally, Wang Hongwen was detained in the basement of the Great Hall of
the People, where there were “electronic sound devices” that went off every few
minutes. The sound was excruciatingly uncomfortable, irritating the nerves,
making one feel restless and unable to control their agitation... Once, while
he was drinking hot water, he fell asleep before he could drink it. Suddenly,
the noise jolted him awake. The water was still scalding hot, and it felt like he
had just experienced a nightmare. Wang Hongwen said that every morning,
he was given only a bowl of thin porridge. For lunch and dinner, he received a
small cornmeal bun. He ate less than four liang (about 200 grams) of food each
day. He was so hungry that his body became weak, and he couldn’t even lift
his head. He also suffered from aftereffects—sometimes, right after eating, he
couldn’t even remember what he had eaten.

Before the public trial, they finally gave him a little more food, but it was still
poor, and he became swollen.” (Cheng Guang, Dialogue of the Soul, Volume II,
Hong Kong Beixing Publishing, 2011, pages 865-866, subsequent references
will cite page numbers only). “After arriving at the prison, they conducted a
‘room check’ every two hours. During each check, they would speak to me, and
even if I was asleep, they would wake me up without exception.”

242
(Memoirs of Qiu Huizuo, Volume II, New Century Publishing, 2011, page
931).

Regarding the interrogation of Wang Hongwen, he said that during the inter-
rogation, the “electric sound device” would pause for a while. Wang Hongwen
mentioned that he longed to sleep and sometimes would fall asleep during the
interrogation, or would become so exhausted that he couldn’t speak anymore.
(Page 866).

What methods did the special investigation team use to force Wang Hongwen
to “confess” and “admit” his crimes? Wang Hongwen explained: “To obtain
certain information, they often used the ‘wheel battle’ technique on me. Some-
times I would fall asleep while talking. They had injected me with drugs several
times. Once I was injected with this drug, no matter what I did, I couldn’t sleep.
I felt particularly agitated and in great pain. I resolutely refused to take the
injection, but they forcibly administered it. Later, the condition they offered
was: as long as I cooperated and confessed, they would stop the injections.”
(Memoirs of Qiu Huizuo, New Century Publishing, 2011, page 931). Wang
Hongwen said that in order to reduce his suffering and survive, he admitted to
everything and would say whatever they wanted him to say. (Page 866).

Qiu Huizuo said: “After three or four days, we were sitting in the yard for ‘airing
out.’ Wang Hongwen was the last to come out. He had barely taken a few steps
when he suddenly collapsed to the ground like a board, foaming at the mouth.
Just as we were about to help him, the guards immediately said, ‘Don’t touch
him, it’s very dangerous. We can only let him recover on his own slowly.’ After
two or three minutes, Wang Hongwen slowly turned to his side, with blood
coming from his nose and his face covered in dust. When he saw us sitting
there, he gave a faint, bitter smile.” (*Memoirs of Qiu Huizuo*, New Century
Publishing, 2011, page 931).

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