AL-SHAJARAH

ISTAC Journal of Islamic Thought and Civilization

Published by IIUM Press

2023 Volume 28 Number 1
 EDITORIAL BOARD
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
OSMAN BAKAR, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia
EDITOR
AHMAD MURAD MERICAN, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia
ASSOCIATE EDITOR
AHMAD EL-MUHAMMADY, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia
BOOK REVIEW EDITOR
WAN ALI WAN MAMAT, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia
MEMBERS
SYED KHAIRUDIN ALJUNIED, NUS, Singapore
BADROL HISHAM @ FARISH AHMAD NOOR, NTU, Singapore
PETER CHANG, UM, Malaysia
MOHAMED ASLAM MOHAMED HANEEF, IIUM, Malaysia
ABDELAZIZ BERGHOUT, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia
WALEED FIKRI FARES, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia
TENGKU MOHD AZZMAN SHARIFFADEEN, ISTAC-IIUM, Malaysia

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©International Islamic University Malaysia
(IIUM)
ISSN 1394-6870
 NINETEENTH-CENTURY KITĀB JAWI SUFI WORKS
IN PATTANI, THAILAND
Mainstreaming Ethical Sufism of al-Ghazali

Jajat Burhanudin1

Abstract
The nineteenth century plays a decisive role in the history of Islam in
the Malay Archipelago and Southeast Asia. It was the period that
witnessed the consolidation of Malay-Islamic knowledge culture,
which has impacted Malay religious life until present times. This
article seeks to investigate the intellectual process that has led to the
popularisation of Ghazalian ethical Sufism in the nineteenth-century
Malay world. It presents Shaykh Daud ‘Abd Allah al-Fatani
(1769-1847), the leading Malay ‘ālim of Pattani origin, as one of the
greatest figures to be identified with this process. He adopted
neo-Sufism, which had already been introduced to the Malay
Archipelago in the seventeenth century, in his formulation of ethical
Sufism, as articulated in his Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, a Malay translation
of al-Ghazali’s work with the same title. In this article, Minhāj
al-Ābidīn is given special attention considering its status as a leading
Malay Sufi work in the genre of kitab Jawi in nineteenth century.
And, more importantly, it presents the teachings of ethical Sufism
that helped contribute to the emergence of mainstream Sufi thought
in the region.

Keywords: Daud al-Fatani, neo-Sufism, al-Ghazali, kitāb Jawi,

Minhāj al-Ābidīn.

1
Professor at the Faculty of Adab and Humanities, State Islamic University Jakarta.
Email: j.burhanudin@uinjkt.ac.id

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JAJAT BURHANUDIN

Introduction
This article seeks to study nineteenth-century Malay kitāb Jawi
works on Sufism with specific reference to those written by Malay
‘ulamā from Pattani, Thailand. Special attention will be given to
the work of Shaykh Daud ‘Abd Allah al-Fatani2 (1769-1847) titled
Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn ilā Jannat Rabb al-‘Ālamīn (Path of the
Worshippers to Paradise of the Lord of the Universe).3 This work
was one of the most influential to have appeared during the period. It
is an indispensable source to the understanding of the mystical
thought of nineteenth-century Malay Sufism or neo-Sufism. A Malay
rendering of al-Ghazali’s work with the same title, Minhāj
al-‘Ābidīn, it is a faithful expression of nineteenth-century century
Malay Sufism, in which the spiritual ethics of al-Ghazali, described
by Snouck Hurgronje as the great master of Sufism,4 constituted a
dominant feature, to replace the Sufism of waḥdat al-wujūd (the
unity of existence) which had enjoyed popularity in the previous
centuries.5
Taking its Sufi messages as the main focus of analysis, Minhāj
al-‘Ābidīn is treated here as a primary source of an historical research
on Islamic intellectual development in the Malay Archipelago in the
nineteenth century, where the triumph of al-Ghazali in Sufi discourse
can obviously be observed. The discussions start with the ways
al-Fatani engaged himself in the neo-Sufism current in Malay Islamic
thought, which was related to Meccan scholarship that established
him as an ‘ālim. As well, this paper will discuss the other Sufi works
of al-Fatani, and of other Pattani ‘ulamā’, which contributed to the

2 Henceforth, he will be cited as al-Fatani.

3 The manuscript of this text is preserved in Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka in Kuala
Lumpur (MS 59) and in Perpustakaan Nasional Jakarta (W 5). This work has been
printed several times, but the edition which is still available is the one printed, but
undated, by al-Ma‘arif in Pulau Pinang.
4 Christian Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka in the Latter Part of the 19 th Century (Leiden:

Brill, 1931), 174, 219. The issue of al-Ghazali’s place in Patani ‘ulamā’ was noted
by Virginia Matheson and M. Barry Hooker, “Jawi Literature in Patani: The
Maintenance of an Islamic Tradition”, Journal of Malaysian Branch of Royal Asiatic
Society, 16, (1, 1988), 41.
5 Matheson and Hooker, “Jawi Literature”, 40-41; also S.M.N. al-Attas, The

Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1970).

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 NINETEENTH-CENTURY KITAB JAWI SUFI WORKS IN PATTANI, THAILAND

development of ethical Sufism of al-Ghazali in the Malay

Archipelago.
Noteworthy is that although al-Fatani was familiar with the
Sufi conception of waḥdat al-wujūd, he sought to formulate and
elaborate it within the framework of a Shariah-oriented Islam. He put
the spirit of neo-Sufism in the dialogue with the long-established
Sufism in Malay Archipelago. In this respect, Daud al-Fatani
followed the path of his Jawi teacher in Mecca, al-Falimbani (‘Abd
al-Samad bin ‘Abd Allah al-Jawi al-Falimbani), who introduced
al-Ghazali’s Sufism into the heart of Malay Islamic intellectual
tradition in the eighteenth century, and hence preparing the
intellectual ground for Daud al-Fatani.

Daud al-Fatani and Neo-Sufism: An Intellectual Journey

The scholarly works on Islam in Southeast Asia demonstrate that
Daud al-Fatani was at the heart of intellectual network of Malay with
Middle Eastern ‘ulamā’ in Mecca in the eighteenth and the first half
of nineteenth centuries.6 His migration to Mecca, which occurred
after his Islamic education in pondok of Patani in 1780s,7 provided
him with access to learning with the ‘ulamā’ of the Holy City.
Several scholars with various disciplines of Islamic knowledge are
identified as his teachers: Muhammad bin Ali al-Shanwani (d. 1817)
and ‘Abd Allah al-Sharqawi (1737-1812), the ‘ulamā’ from al-Azhar
University in Egypt who frequently travelled to Mecca for teaching
Islam in Haram Mosque. Others were Shaykh Muhammad Salih bin
Ibrahim al-Zubayri (1774-1825), Sayyid ‘Abd Allah al-Mahjub
al-Mirghani (w. 1792) and Muhammad As’ad al-Hanafi al-Makki.8

6 Azyumardi Azra, The Origins of Islamic Reformism in Southeast Asia: Networks

of Malay-Indonesian and Midde Eastern ‘Ulamā’ in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth
Centuries (Honolulu: Allen & Unwin and University of Hawaii Press, 2004), 122-6;
Francis R. Bradley, Forging Islamic Power and Place: The Legacy of Shaykh Dā’ūd
‘Abd Allāh al-Fatānī in Mecca and Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii
Press, 2016).
7 Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani, Ulama Besar Patani (Khota Baru: Majlis Ugama dan adat

Istiadat Melayu Kelantan, 2009), 313-4. In this book, Daud al-Fatani is said to have
studied in Pondok Pauh Bok under the Patani ‘ālim, Shaykh ‘Abd al-Rahman bin
‘Abd al-Mubin Pauk Boh al-Fatani (d. 1780).
8 Azra, The Origins, 124-6; Bradley, Forging, 70-3.

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JAJAT BURHANUDIN

Next to his teachers mentioned, another ‘ālim should be

mentioned. He was Ahmad Marzuki al-Maliki (d. 1842), who seems
to have a special place in Daud al-Fatani’s intellectual life. He wrote
a commentary (sharḥ) on Marzuki’s work ‘Aqīdah al-‘Awām (The
Common Belief), Bahjat al-Saniyah fī al-‘Aqā‘id al-Sunniyah (The
Splendid Enjoyment concerning the Pleasant Belief), also known as
Tashīl Nayl al-Muram li Bayān Manzūmat ‘Aqīdah al-‘Awām (The
Attainment of Goals in Explaining ‘Aqīdat al-‘Awām). Although
Marzuki was known as an expert in hadith, and of Maliki school of
law,9 Daud al-Fatani undertook its translation into Malay with the
hope of strengthening the Sunni belief (aqīdah ahl al-sunnah wa
al-jamā‘ah) in Southeast Asia.10 A leading Jawi scholar of Java,
Nawawi al-Bantani (Shaykh Muhammad Nawawi al-Jawi al-Bantani,
1813-1897), did likewise around half century later with his work Nūr
al-‘Zulām ‘alā Manzūmat al-Musammāt bi ‘Aqīdah al-’Awwam
(Light of the Darkness on the Treatise ‘Aqīdah al-’Awām).11
Bahjat al-Saniyah is one of only two works that Daud
al-Fatani had written in the form of commentary, the other being
Minhāj al-‘Abidīn. Judging from its contents, which deal with
fundamental issues of Islamic belief, Bahjat al-Saniyah was meant to
cater to especially the needs of common believers and beginners in
Islamic learning. Not surprisingly, this work presents the discourse of
Shariah-oriented Islam, which happened to be the intellectual interest
among the Jawa of Mecca.12
Being as such, Bahjat al-Saniyah was purported to strengthen
the discussion, and to broaden the readership of his previous work on
the related subject of dogma, al-Durr al-Thamīn fī ’Aqā’id
al-Mu’minīn (The Precious Pearl on the Creed of the Believers). It
was completed in 1816 and first printed in Mecca in 1880s. This

9 Azra, The Origins, 126.

10 Shaykh Daud al-Fatani, Bahjat al-Saniyah fī al-‘Aqā’id al-Sunniyah (Yala:
Sahabat Press, n.d.). This work was completed in 1829/1245 in Mecca, and copies of
its manuscript are preserved in Islamic Art Museum in Kuala Lumpur (MI 244, 295,
359).
11 Shaykh Muhammad Nawawi al-Jawi al-Bantani, Nūr al-‘Zulām ‘alā Manzūmat

al-Musammāt bi ‘Aqīdah al-’Awām, (Mecca: n.p, 1885). A copy of this work is

preserved in the British Library in London.
12 Daud al-Fatani, Bahjat al-Saniyah.

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 NINETEENTH-CENTURY KITAB JAWI SUFI WORKS IN PATTANI, THAILAND

work appeared as an advanced work on the subject making references

to a variety of Arabic sources and was thus most likely directed at
educated Muslims. More importantly, it was written with the spirit of
Shariah-oriented Islam under the Sunni theological school. In its
opening pages, Daud al-al-Fatani states that the kitāb is “to compile
the thought of ‘ulamā’ as the truth seekers concerning the foundation
of religion (uṣūl al-dīn) and the creed of those who hold tawhidic
belief (ahl al-tawḥīd)”.13
With these two works, Daud al-Fatani provided the Muslims of
Southeast Asia with Shariah-based knowledge of the religion, which,
for reasons that will be later explained, was of crucial importance in
preventing them from the impact of Sufism of waḥdatul wujūd, and
hence in the establishment of neo-Sufism. In fact, Daud al-Fatani
wrote a specific work on this subject, Manhal al-Ṣāfi fī Bayān Ramz
Ahl al-Ṣūfī (The Pure Spring in Explaining the Sign of the Sufis).14
The date of completion of this work cannot be identified. 15 Its
content seems to suggest that Manhal al-Ṣāfi was seeking to provide
persuasive arguments in support of neo-Sufism outlined in Minhāj
al-‘Ābidīn. While explaining in great detail the Sufi thought of
waḥdatul wujūd, he at the same time strongly advised Muslims to
uphold the Shariah principles. This means that Manhal al-Ṣāfi and
Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn are two closely related works of the author
articulating his intellectual journey.
As can be gleaned from its title, Manhal al-Ṣāfi seeks to
elaborate the meanings of the Sufi terms of martabat tujuh, the seven
presences in Sufi thought associated with the teaching of Shaykh
Muhy al-Din ibn al-‘Arabi (1165-1240). Daud al-Fatani mentions

13 Shaykh Daud Abd Allah al-Fatani, al-Durr al-Thamīn fī ’Aqā’id al-Mu’minīn,

(Patani: Matba‘ah Fatani, n.d.), 2.
14 The manuscripts of this work are preserved in Islamic Arts Museum Malaysia

(MI117) and Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia (MS232 and MS693). For this article,
reference is made to an annotated translation of MS232 prepared by Mohd. Zain
Abd. Rahman, “Shayk Dāwūd al-Fatānī’s Manhal al-Ṣāfī: An Annotated
Translation”, Afkar: Journal of Aqidah and Islamic Thought, (6, 2005), 77-118.
15 In the colophon, it is stated that Manhal al-Ṣāfī was transcribed by Abd.

al-Rahman bin Abd. al-Samad and completed in Mecca in 1295/1878, thirty years
after the death of Daud al-Fatani in 1847. See Daud al-Fatani, Manhal al-Ṣāfī, Mohd.
Zain, 118.

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JAJAT BURHANUDIN

this Sufi ‘ālim and his student Sadr al-Din al-Buni (1209-1274) as the
main sources of his explanation on this wujudiyah Sufism. 16
However, at the same time he emphasizes great caution not to fall
astray in both religious ideas and practices.
In his explanation of tajallī (self-manifestation), one of the
Sufi technical terms provided in Manhāl al-Ṣāfī, Daud al-Fatani
maintains that this idea may lead the Sufi (the seeker) to a sort of
excessive spiritual exercises. “And it is here [in the tajallī]”, so he
writes, “that it is said where a seeker (sālik) may fall astray because
he denies his acts, therefore, it is a must to strongly hold to the
Prescribed Law (Shariah)”.17 In fact, the term Shariah is included in
the list of technical terms of Sufism, with the meaning “to obey all
God’s commands and to avoid all His prohibition”.18
Manhāl al-Ṣāfī may be viewed as adopting a moderate
religious attitude towards the Malay intellectual heritage that has
accumulated up to its time, in which Sufism had an important
position, including waḥdatul wujūd. Historically speaking, Sufism
was the first dimension of Islam to manifest itself in the Malay
Archipelago. The idea of ruler (raja)-oriented Islam, which arose out
of its initial Islamization that proceeded under the raja domain,19
provided a foundation for the rise of waḥdatul wujūd. And this Sufi
notion emphasized the oneness with God, similar in substance to the
rising idea of Sufi king (raja Sufi) of the time.20 In a Sufi work by
Hamzah Fansuri, Asrār al-‘Ārifīn (Secret of the Knowers), the idea of
waḥdatul wujūd may be observed in his explanation of the relation
between the universe and the Creator. He stated that the “the
existence of the universe and the oneness of Allah is one, because the
universe cannot exist by itself; that the universe appears to exist, but
it is truly delusive imagination (wahm); it is not real”.21

16 Daud al-Fatani, Manhal al-Ṣāfī, Mohd. Zain, 84.

17 Daud al-Fatani, Manhal al-Ṣāfī, Mohd. Zain, 104.
18 Daud al-Fatani, Manhal al-Ṣāfī, Mohd. Zain, 107.
19 A.C. Milner, “Islam and Muslim State”, in Islam in Southeast Asia, edited by

M.B. Hooker, (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1983), 30.

20 Milner, “Islam”, 39.
21 Hamzah Fansuri, Asrār al-‘Ārifīn, as quoted by Doorenbos, De Geschriften van

Hamzah Pansoeri, (Leiden: Batteljee & Terpastra, 1933), 127-9.

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The above statement is then reiterated in the concluding

section of Manhāl al-Ṣāfī where he says that the practice of
upholding the Shariah is a prerequisite to attain the spiritual goal in
the Sufi path, which is illustrated in the quoted saying of Sufis,
“whoever does not preserve the roots (uṣūl) shall not arrive (wuṣūl)”.
What is meant by uṣūl is the Qur’an and the tradition of the Prophet
(). These two pillars should be taken as the foundation for religious
performance, in the sense that the Sufis are obliged to practice
religious duties, “be it prayer or fasting or other than these two”, in
line with the practices of the Prophet (), “so that their legality
become known, and as a result, their branches and fruits can be
reaped, and they can be referred to as practice (‘amal)”.22
In taking this position Daud al-Fatani gravitated to a moderate
notion of neo-Sufism that attempted to transform the Sufism of
wahdatul wujud into a Shariah-based Sufi stream in line with the
rising discourse in both Mecca and Southeast Asia in the nineteenth
century. This new orientation towards Shariah-based Sufism is to be
explained in relation to the interregnum power of the Wahabis in
Mecca in the late nineteenth century. 23 It appears to have been
inspired by the intellectual legacy of a leading neo-Sufi ‘ālim Ibrahim
al-Kurani (1614-1690). But around the same time, Nuruddin
al-Raniri, forerunner of neo-Sufi voices in the Malay Archipelago,
had attacked severely the Sufism of waḥdatul wujūd thereby
contributing to the decline in its popularity. As such, having been
part of the Malay diaspora in Mecca with strong connection to
Southeast Asia, Daud al-Fatani and other Patani ‘ulamā’ were
directly impacted by the new trends in Islamic intellectual thought.
In this particular respect, Daud al-Fatani was in the same line
of Sufi thought as Abd al-Rauf al-Sinkili (1615-1693), another Malay
‘ālim of the Aceh kingdom. Al-Sinkili’s mystical teachings strongly
emphasized the application of Shariah through which the path to the
attainment of spiritual realities (haqīqat and ma‘rifat) could be
realized. Like his teacher Ibrahim al-Kurani, he emphasized the
practices of the prescribed Islamic rituals (‘ibādah), particularly
22Daud al-Fatani, Manhal al-Ṣāfī, Mohd. Zain, 110-11.
23Badri Yatim, Sejarah Sosial Keagamaan Tanah Suci (Hijaz (Mekah dan Madinah)
1800-1925 (Jakarta: Logos, 1999), 108-121.

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dhikr (remembrance of God) as the foundation to grasp the spiritual

unity of God. 24 With such line of mystical thinking, al-Sinkili
affirms, as Johns argues,25 “the intuition of mystics and the right of
orthodoxy” at the same time. He conveyed his neo-Sufi messages in
almost similar terms to wujudiyah Sufism.
The neo-Sufism of Daud al-Fatani may also be ascertained
from his another work, Ḍiyā’ al-Murīd fī Ma‘rifat Kalimat al-Tawḥīd
(Light for the Seekers in Knowing the Doctrine of Monotheism).26
This small treatise (risālah) discusses the Sufi practice of dhikr
(remembrance of Allah), which is regarded as one of the main
activities of a Sufi order (ṭarīqah). Daud al-Fatani is said to have
been a follower of the Sammāniyyah order.27 The treatise was thus
most likely written as a guide to the method of reciting the formula of
monotheism of the order to which he had strong linkage. In the
introductory pages of this risālah, Daud al-Fatani states that the
formula lā ilaha illā Allāh (there is no god but Allah) is the highest
Divine words to which the Prophet Muhammad (), his family, and
his Companions consistently recited for remembrance of Allah.28
This work is therefore to delineate the meaning and the significance
of the formula, as well as the necessity and the ethical process
entailed in its recital.

24 See for instance Oman Fathurahman, Tanbih al-Masyi; Menyoal Wahdatul

Wujud, Kasus Abdurrauf Singkel di Aceh Abad 17 (Bandung: Mizan, 1999), 76-83.
25 A.H. Johns, “Daka’ik al-Huruf by Abdul Ra’uf of Singkel”, Journal of Royal

Asiatic Society, (2, 1955), 56.

26 Not much is known about the textual history of Ḍiyā al-Murīd. The version

available until now, to which this discussion refers, is the one attached in the margin
of his work mentioned, al-Durr al-Tsamīn,
27 Azra, The Origins, 123.
28 Shaykh Daud al-Fatani, Ḍiyā al-Murīd fī Ma‘rifāt Kalimat al-Tawḥīd (Patani:

Matba‘ah Fatani, n.d.), 2-3.

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Prelude to Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn: The Sufi Works of al-Falimbani

The neo-Sufism of Daud al-Fatani intensified with the appearance of
his work Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, as will be discussed. For now, it is
important to explain this scholarly process in relation to the
intellectual path of his Jawi teacher in Mecca, al-Falimbani.
Al-Falimbani was most likely the main factor to have persuaded
Daud al-Fatani to write this work. He had translated the works of
al-Ghazali into Malay thereby presenting his Sufi ideas into the
Malay Archipelago in the eighteenth century. His well-known
four-volume work, Sayr al-Sālikīn ilā ‘Ibādah Rabb al-‘Ālamīn (Path
for the Travellers towards Devotion to God of the Universe), which
was written in reference to an abridged version of al-Ghazali’s Iḥyā
‘Ulūm al-Dīn (Reviving the Sciences of Religion), was completed in
1789 when Daud al-Fatani started learning with him in Mecca.29 In
fact, al-Falimbani had started working on the Sufi thought of
al-Ghazali about a decade earlier, since he had completed writing
Hidāyat al-Sālikīn fī Sulūk Maslak al-Muttaqīn (Guide for the
Travellers in the Path of the Virtuous Ones) in 1778. This Malay
kitāb Jawi was composed in reference to al-Ghazali’s Bidāyat
al-Hidāyah (The Beginning of Guidance).
As stated in its opening, Hidāyat al-Sālikīn was written to
provide the Muslims of the Malay Archipelago with an extended
Malay version of Bidāyat al-Hidāyah, which he highly praised. He
describes it as a kitāb with profound Islamic knowledge that could
lead to God-fearing consciousness (taqwā) among the Muslims, and
which is therefore of great benefit for life in this world and in the
hereafter; and Muslims of mukallaf age (those who have reached the
age of puberty) are strongly encouraged to know the substance of this
work.30 As an extended version, however, Hidāyat al-Sālikīn is not
solely based on Bidāyat al-Hidāyah. Al-Falimbani added relevant
and important points to the kitāb, referring to a variety of Arabic
sources.31

29 Bradley, Forging, p. 72.

30 Shaykh Abd al-Samad al-Jawi al-Falimbani, Hidāyat al-Sālikīn fī Sulūk Maslak
al-Muttaqīn (Patani: Matba‘ah bin Halabi, n.d.), 2.
31 al-Falimbani, Hidāyat al-Sālikīn, 3-5. Several scholars are mentioned as the

sources of al-Falimbani’s ideas, including al-Sha’rani with his work Yawāqut

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Al-Ghazali’s Sufi teachings were further elaborated in

al-Falimbani’s Sayr al-Sālikīn. Like in Hidāyat al-Sālikīn,
al-Falimbani extended the discussion of Lubāb Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn,
the basic text of Sayr al-Sālikīn, to include many other scholars as
sources of reference. He enlarged the explanation of each point taken
from Lubāb to the point that Sayr al-Sālikīn no longer became a
word-per-word translation, but rather an extended Malay version of
Lubāb in the manner of Hidāyat al-Sālikīn. In the opening of Sayr
al-Sālikīn, al-Falimbani states that the Lubāb’s combination of the
treatment of the subjects of principles of religion (uṣūl al-dīn),
jurisprudence fiqh, and Sufism, is the reason for its being translated
into Malay; the subjects are greatly beneficial especially for those
who are in the Sufi path. And to enhance the significance of Sayr
al-Sālikīn, al-Falimbani added several relevant subjects into its
discussions.32
The above fact seems to be the reason why al-Falimbani held
such an important position in the Islamic intellectual life of Southeast
Asia. With the religious network that he established with Middle
Eastern ‘ulamā’, especially Muhammad al-Sammani from whom he
learned Sufism and with whom he merged the Sammaniyyah and the
Khalwatiyyah Orders, 33 this Malay ‘ālim took the Sufism of
al-Ghazali as the basis for the harmonization of Sufism and the
Shariah. His Sayr al-Sālikīn together with Hidāyat al-Sālikīn should
be seen in this perspective. The two works render the Sufi ideas of
al-Ghazali in language expressions and styles familiar to Southeast
Asian Muslims. As a result, Sayr al-Sālikīn is acknowledged as a
leading Sufi kitāb Jawi of the nineteenth century Malay Archipelago.
It greatly contributed to the increasing appreciation of the Sufi ideas
of al-Ghazali as the Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn of Daud al-Fatani has shown.

al-Jawāhir, Abd Allah al-Aydarus who wrote al-Durr al-Thamīn, al-Qushashi in his
al-Bustān al-‘Ārifīn, and al-Sammani in Nafḥāt al-Illāhiyyah. See also Azra, The
Origins, 131.
32 Shaykh Abd al-Samad al-Jawi al-Falimbani, Sayr al-Sālikīn ilā ‘Ibādah Rabb

al-‘Ālamīn, vol. I (Singapore: Sulaymān Mar‘ī, nd.), 3.

33 Azra, The Origins, 116.

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Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn: an Overview

Completed in Mecca in 1240/1825,34 Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn presents the
Sufi ideas of al-Ghazali. In the last pages, Daud al-Fatani emphasizes
the fact that the contents of the kitāb are derived from his sayings.35
He translated the basic points of al-Ghazali’s work with the same
title, as well as other points from other qualified sources.36
In the introductory pages, Daud al-Fatani notes that Minhāj
al-‘Ābidīn is a Malay version of the book he considered as the gift
and grace of Allah through the hands of al-Ghazali. He described the
Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn together with Iḥyā’ ‘Ulūm al-Dīn (Revitalization
of the Sciences of Religion) as the essence of Shariah and ṭarīqah of
the Prophet Muhammad (), and the stopping places for those who
are afraid of Allah ; as well, these two books open up the meaning
and the objectives of the Qur’an and the hadith, the tradition of the
pious Muslim generation, and the sayings of ‘ulamā’.37
Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn is the kind of work that provides the
believers with guidelines to achieve the highest and the most perfect
status of religiosity according to the Shariah-based Sufi path. The
contents of the book enumerate the ways how Muslims should
perform and behave in the fields of both religious devotion (‘ibādah)
and social relations (mu‘āmalah). In so doing, the ethical-religious
morality constituted the substance of its discussions, which emerged
as the mainstream Sufi thought in the nineteenth century. And
al-Ghazali was the ‘ālim who had such a central position in this
regard. His works influenced the Jawi of Mecca to cultivate the
above trend of Sufism.38 These factors provided Daud al-Fatani with

34 The author stated that he, who had little knowledge and deeds, completed the
translation of Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn by al-Ghazali on Friday 15 Jumādī al-Thānī 1240 (4
February 1825) in Mecca. He humbly noted that his translating this work was with
the hands “which had weakness and impoliteness.” See Shaykh Daud al-Fatani,
Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn ilā Jannat Rabb al-‘Ālamīn (Penang: al-Ma‘arif, n.d.), 146-7.
35 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 146.
36 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 4.
37 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 2.
38 Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 291-2. It should be stated that the works of al-Ghazali

were also translated into other languages in the Malay Archipelago. One of the
Javanese ‘ulamā’ who studied in Mecca, Muhammad bin Salih bin ’Umar
al-Samarani or popularly known as Saleh Darat (1820-1903), translated some parts

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strong reasons to translate the book of al-Ghazali into the Malay

language.
Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn deals with the steps to achieve proximity to
Allah . The steps are termed ‘aqabah, literally meaning “steep
road.” The book enumerates seven ‘aqabah, which are meant to
demonstrate the Sufi path that the seekers have to undertake, and to
emphasize the practices of Sufism that are integrated into the Shariah
and orthodox doctrines, and hence to show departure from the Sufi
notion of waḥdatul wujūd. Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn is not concerned with
speculative Sufism which is well-known for its martābat al-sab‘
(seven grades or stations), as one scholar puts it.39
Detail explanation of the ‘aqabah is given below. The point to
emphasize here is that the concept of ‘aqabah is a strong evidence of
the Shariah-based Sufism in which the idea of waḥdatul wujūd does
not exist. All the names of ‘aqabah are different from the steps of
martabat in which the concept of emanation (tajallī) dominates and
explains God-man relationship in terms of oneness, starting from
aḥadīyah (the supreme unity of the divinity), waḥdah (divine
solitude), wāḥidiyah (distinctive uniqueness), ‘ālam arwāḥ (the realm
of spirituality), ‘ālam mithāl (of invisibility), ‘ālam ajsām (of bodies)
and finally ‘ālam insān (of mankind).40

of Iḥyā ‘Ulūm al-Dīn into Javanese language, Kitab Munjiyat Metik saking Ihya’
‘Ulum al-Din (1906). See for instance Jajat Burhanudin, Islamic Knowledge,
Authority and Political Power: The Ulama in Colonial Indonesia, (Ph.D Thesis,
Leiden University, The Netherlands, 2007), 125.
39 See for instance Bradley, Forging, 79, in which this scholar mentioned that the

text (Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn) “detailed the martabat tujuh (sevens steps) of Sufi
consciousness one was to take in pursuit of oneness with God”. I argue that Minhāj
al-‘Ābidīn does discuss different notions of Sufism, which is based on shariah; and
the Sufi journey is formulated in terms of ‘aqabah, instead of martabat tujuh.
Bradley refers to “the undated version of Bidāyat al-Hidāya” as a translation by
Shaykh Daud’s another work on al-Ghazali with the same title. I doubt this. To my
knowledge, it is al-Falimbani who made a translation of Bidāyat al-Hidāya with his
work Hidāyat al-Sālikin (Guidance for the Travelers).
40 See for instance J. Spenser Trimingham, The Sufi Orders in Islam, (Oxford:

Clarendon Press, 1977).

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‘Aqabah: The Stages of Sufi Exercises

Daud al-Fatani takes ‘aqabah of knowledge (al-‘ilm) as the first one
to be discussed. It is different from the original book of al-Ghazali, in
which the first is titled ‘aqabah al-‘ilm wa al-ma‘rifah (’aqabah of
knowledge and gnosis). Although without any explanation, the
removal of the term “ma‘rifat” may be related to his own Sufi
thought. He tried to avoid the term that has been associated with the
Sufism of wahdatul wujud, namely the step of knowing Allah  by
His essence, not by His creature, and is above that of Shariah. Daud
al-Fatani is here holding firm to the neo-Sufism perspective, which
seeks to avoid the use of any term that would lend mystical
interpretations.
Following the logic of Minhāj al-Ābidīn, it is evident that
knowledge is put in place as being part of ‘ibādah. ‘Ilm and ‘ibādah
are viewed as two gems and both have emerged as the research
subject of writers, the learning materials of teachers or lecturers, and
as the subject of preachers’ sermons. It was also due to ‘ilm and
‘ibādah that the messengers were sent along with their scriptures; and
it is for the sake of both that God created the universe (bumi dan
langit) and all beings inside it.41
The integration of ‘ilm and ‘ibādah is elaborated further as the
book emphasizes the crucial role of knowledge, more especially that
of tawḥīd, in the perfection of worship. The book states that
knowledge is superior to worship, based on a hadith “the superiority
of an ‘ālim to a worshiper is just like I am to those of the umma”.
This statement is made for specific reason, and therefore it does not
mean that worship is less important. The book asserts that knowledge
is to be the foundation of worship, otherwise it is useless, just like
“the scattered dust (debu bertaburan)”, giving an illustration that
knowledge is tree and worship is its fruits; the benefit of the tree
(knowledge) is gained through the fruits it produces (worship).42
In addition to emphasizing the necessity of searching for
Islamic knowledge, the book also enumerates three disciplines that
Muslims need to know. The first is the knowledge of monotheism

41 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 10.

42 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 11.

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(‘ilm al-tawḥīd), through which the Muslims are required to

understand the foundation of religion (uṣūl al-dīn), to know the
attributes of God (such as existent [wujūd], non-origination [qidam],
oneness [wahdaniyah] and power [qudrah]), to confirm that
Muhammad is His Messenger with his tradition and the Islamic
doctrines in the Holy Qur’an, and to uphold the true principles of
faith (‘itiqād) according to the Sunni school.43 The second is the
knowledge of secret matters (‘ilm al-sirr), which refers to spiritual
experiences. This ‘ilm will enable Muslims to know God as the
Creator of universe so that they would glorify Him, and to possess
good intention and attitudes of sincerity as well as benevolence in
behaviour. All of these are directed towards improving the worship to
God. The third field of knowledge concerns the Shariah, which
requires Muslims to know the Islamic pillars and perform on each of
them (praying, fasting, alms-giving, and pilgrimage).44
The second ‘aqabah is repentance (tawbah). This denotes the
process by which those who have committed sins decide to stop from
doing anything religiously forbidden. In the Minhāj al-Ābidīn, this
‘aqabah is given great importance for two reasons. First, repentance
is a way to obey God; continuing living in sins will make people stay
away from virtues and doing good deeds. Second, repentance will
make worship and obedience accepted by God; God will not accept
the worship of someone who still indulges in things unlawful and
forbidden.45
As part of the path to get closer to God, ‘aqabah of repentance
is laden with difficulties and barriers. The seekers are strongly
encouraged to leave all the sins behind them and begin a new life
under the spirit of tawbah. Nevertheless, repentance is not the only
one with challenges. There are two other ‘aqabah that are replete
with difficulties. The ‘aqabah of obstacles (al-‘awā’iq) is the third
and the ‘aqabah of hindrance (al-‘awāriḍ) the fourth. In this respect,
the book introduces the concept of ascetism (ẓuhd), that is, to

43 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 13.

44 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 13-4.
45 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 16-7.

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renounce and disassociate totally from the charms of the world as

well as to control desires.46
The book also sees the creature (makhlūq), precisely
humankind, as source of jeopardy of true worship, with the argument
that people after the salaf generation (the Prophet  and his
Companions) are increasingly exposed to spiritual decline and moral
corruption (dalam fasad yang amat besar). They are described as
having broken their promises, betrayed their trust, and fought one
another. Therefore, the book urges the people to keep aloof from
public life, devoting all their time to worship Allah .47
Minhāj al-Ābidīn sets forth the concept of taqwā’ (devoutness
and righteousness) as a means of controlling lust and anger. This
term is derived from the Arabic word wiqāyah, literally meaning
protection and prevention. And a person who takes a firm resolve to
refrain from sins and disobedience is called muttaqī; while the
resolve he takes is called taqwā. In this book, taqwā is explained in
great detail, concerning its role and significance in Muslims’
religious life, and in reference to the Qur’anic verses in which
taqwā is cited many times with the meaning mostly “God-fearing”
(such as 5:27, 4:131, 2: 281, 2:41, and 24:52).48 In addition, the
book also elucidates several important points that may be described
as practices of taqwā: safeguarding the eyes, ears and mouth (not to
look at, to hear, and to eat everything that is prohibited by religion);
and safeguarding the heart, that is to prevent the feeling of jealousy,
pride, and hastiness, all of which would yield negative impact on
worship.49
The fifth ‘aqabah is impetus (al-bawā‘ith), which inspires
Muslim worship and devotion. The book makes clear that if you are
in the right path of religious journey, and your way is made easy,
while the obstacles and hindrances are alleviated, it is necessary for
you to be consistent to know and to remember in your heart the
feeling of fear (khauf) and hope (raja’). The feeling of both fear and
hope is expected to function as incentives and prizes which are

46 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 22-3.

47 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 27-8.
48 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 41-3.
49 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābdīn, 45-64.

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necessary to encourage and induce people towards true worship and

righteous deeds.
In relation to the impetus of worship, an issue that arises is the
need to identify the factors that could lead to ruin of worship. The
‘aqabah al-qawādiḥ, as the sixth, deals with this issue. It consists of
harmful activities that could spoil acts of worship and devotion. It is
necessary for one, so the book states, to protect the good deeds you
have done, by the mercy of Allah , from those factors which have
the potential of wasting and nullifying them.50
The last station in the journey to get close to God is the
‘aqabah of praise (al-ḥamd) and gratitude (al-shukr). As the last
station, the main point of this ‘aqabah is to render thanks to Allah 
after having overcome all the difficulties and challenges with His
mercy, gone through all the experiences in the previous ‘aqabah, and
having been able to attain the objectives of worship that are free from
all shortcomings and faults. And the praise and gratitude are rendered
for the abundance of Allah’s blessing (ni‘mah), because they,
especially gratitude, are a necessary condition for the preservation of
a blessing. It follows that the rendering of thanks to Allah  is to
serve as a guarantee for the continuity and permanence of Allah’s
blessing, otherwise the blessing would be taken away.51 Gratitude
and praise are given much attention. With due regard to the
difference between these two terms—that gratitude takes the form of
internal action, while praise is an external one—both are to render
thanks to Allah , and this rendition means that Allah  is to be
glorified and honoured.52

Enhancing the Discourse

In addition to Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, Daud al-Fatani’s adoption of
al-Ghazali’s Sufi ethics as the core subject of Shariah-based Sufism
may also be gleaned from his other Sufi works, one of which is Jam‘
al-Fawā’id wa Jawāhir al-Qalā’id (Collection of the Avails and the
Jewels of Necklaces). Completed in 1824/1239, this book was first
printed in Mecca (1885/6) and then Singapore but without a date. The
50 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, 111.
51 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, 128.
52 Daud al-Fatani, Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn, 129-30.

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undated version printed by Matba‘ah al-Nahdī in Pulau Pinang seems

to be the one available in contemporary Southeast Asia.53 This book
appears to have been written in the same spirit as Minhāj al-Ābidīn,
which was completed in 1825. Jam‘ al-Fawā’id has several similar
Sufi concepts and expressions as those of Minhāj al-Ābidīn.
As is stated in its introductory pages, Jam‘ al-Fawā’id was
written to render religious advices which the author had collected
from various sources. The author said, “I pick up them [religious
advices] from the books of Sufi scholars, the hadith of the Prophet
and the sayings of saints”; and these appear to be the reason why the
author named this book Jam‘ al-Fawā’id.54 The book starts with a
presentation of stories-based religious advices, like that of the
Prophet Noah () as he was protected by Allah from heavy storm,
and that of the Prophet Moses () for whom Allah disclosed those
who were going to make crimes to himself and his community. These
stories are treated as an illustration to emphasize the importance of
asking for God’s protection (ta‘uzu bi Allāh). Daud al-Fatani wrote,
“we are requested to seek for the protection in the name of Allah
from all crimes by taking submission to Allah and knocking the door
of His mercy”.55
As well, the above stories provide us with lessons and
examples of the ways to get close to Allah  and to attain salvation
in the Hereafter, while for the life in this world, the book accentuates
the belief that easiness will come amidst hardship. This last point is
explained by the story of the Prophet Joseph (), which highlights
the troubles he experienced before he came to the enlightened
condition with the help of Allah .56
In addition, Jam‘ al-Fawā’id shares the Sufi concept of ẓuhd
(ascetism), which is of such importance to Minhāj al-Ābidīn. It is
discussed in a specific chapter, rafḍ al-dunyā wa al-ẓuhd (leaving the

53 See Matheson and Hooker, “Jawi Literature”, 23.

54 Shaykh Daud al-Fatani, Jam‘ al-Fawā’id wa Jawāhir al-Qalā’id (Penang:
Matba‘ah al-Nahdī, n.d.), 3.
55 Daud al-Fatani, Jam‘ al-Fawā’id, 3-6.
56 Daud al-Fatani, Jam‘ al-Fawā’id, 16-63. The story of the Prophet Joseph in this

book is most likely identical to the author’s work, Kisah Nabi Yusuf (Mecca:
Matba‘at al-Mīriyah, 1911/1329), as mentioned by Ahmad Fathy al-Fatani, Ulama
Besar, 17.

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world and ascetism), in which the book renders ample advice for an
ascetic life, with references to the sayings and the practices of the
Prophet () and his Companions. The saying of ‘Ali ibn Abī Ṭālib
() is one of the sources quoted, as ‘Ali said that he had great
concern with two things: having strong courage and following the
lust. He argued that strong courage could lead human beings to be
strongly bound to the lust, and therefore to neglect the Last Day.
For him, the world has been running towards the Last Day, and
therefore the people should become the children of the Hereafter; that
they need to dedicate their life for the sake of the Hereafter, and to
keep away from worldly desire that keeps making one’s life perish,
and in fact it is deceitful.57
The next Sufi work of Daud al-Fatani in question is Waṣāyā
al-Abrār wa Mau‘iza al-Akhyār (Respectful Advices and Excellent
Exhortation). The Rumi version of this work was prepared recently
by H.W.M. Shaghir Abdullah, based on a manuscript preserved in
Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia (MS 589). This work was written on
the basis of Limurādat al-Akhyar wa Akhbar al-Abrār by al-Arif bi
Allah Shaykh Muhammad bin Umar al-Ghumri al-Wasiti. In the
introductory pages, Daud al-Fatani wrote that he “had learned the
messages and advices [and had read] the language of the kitāb … so
it attracted me, the poor, to translate some of its beneficial advices”.58
This work begins the discussion with the so-called amalan
berharga (the precious invocations), which are to be recited for many
purposes and in different situations. For instance, for those who
attempt to avoid suffering and ordeal, there is a specific invocation
which is recommended to recite just before leaving the house. It
reads as follows: bismi Allāh ’āmantu bi Allāh tawakkaltu ‘alā Allāh
wa lā haula wala quwwata’ ilā bi Allāh al-‘alīyu’ al-‘azīm. While for
those looking for fortunes, the book provides a specific invocation as
follows: subhāna Allāh wa bi-hamdīhi subhāna Allāh al-‘azīm
’astaghfiru Allāh. This invocation is to be recited at the dawn. Many
other invocations are given for many wishes, such as to be alleviated

57Daud al-Fatani, Jam‘ al-Fawā’id, 66-71.

58Shaykh Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar Peringatan Akhyar, transliterated by
H.W.M. Shaghir Abdullah (Shah Alam: Hizbi, 1990), 2-3.

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from poverty, despairing and miserable condition, sickness, and

others.59
The book continues rendering advice, stating that Muslims
should be kind to others and always be close to Allah . In this
respect, the book introduces the term muhsinin, with the explanation
that “they should worship God as if you see Him; if you do not, [you
should believe that] He watches you”.60 Another related advice is on
the way to get Allah’s satisfaction (riḍā’), that He approves what the
Muslims do in this world. The book presents four activities for this
specific purpose, namely: be afraid of Allah (khauf), to beg for His
grace (raja’), to love Allah (maḥabbah), and to long for Allah
(shauq). Each of the four activities entails obligations to be upheld.
The term khauf requires one to always perform the mandatory duties
(farā’id) of Allah; those who do raja’ must be sincere (ikhlāṣ); the
feeling of being close to Allah (muraqabah) and be watched by Allah
(mushaḥadah) is the essence of maḥabbah; and to long for Allah
means that they should always do dhikr both with the tongue and the
heart.61
In fact, this book gives a special discussion on dhikr, in
reference to the tradition of the Prophet () and the Sufi practices,
with the emphasis on the importance of the recital of la ilāha illā
Allāh (no God but Allah), regardless of the ways and the styles of its
recitation. 62 After elaborating the Sufi concepts and practices of
dhikr, the book states “it is urged for you to spend time for the
worship to God, day and night; to enjoy your time with invocations
(awrād) in order to gain God’s blessing in your lifetime. The
happiness will be bestowed on you in the Hereafter as an unexpected
reward for what you have done”.63 Next to dhikr, the book also
stresses the need to seek for forgiveness from Allah (istighfār) by
reciting astaghfiru Allāh and some Qur’anic verses, such as Surah
al-Ikhlās and al-Fatihah. 64 The book ends the discussion by

59 Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 4-9.

60 Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 10.
61 Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 12.
62 Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 27-33.
63 Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 34.
64 Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 35-9.

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providing the readers with ten versions of invocations which are

regarded as to have been practiced by the Prophet Muhammad ().65
Another Sufi work that deserves mention is by the Pattani
scholar, Ahmad al-Fatani titled Sufi and Wali Allah. This book has
been revised and edited by H.W.M. Shaghir Abdullah.66 It is divided
into several chapters, the first two of which discuss the meaning of
some Sufi terms and their benefits, and the answers to the questions
asked by Putra Sultan Muhammad, the Sultan of Kelantan.
Afterwards, Ahmad arranged his writings in the form of poetic
advice, relating to the development of Sufism and mystical path
(ṭarīqah) which occurred during his time. Ahmad also spoke about
the wali (friend of Allah, saint) and karāmah (a miracle worked by
saint). In this chapter, he included the names of some well-known
Sufis and their attachments to the world of Sufism. Finally, Ahmad
al-Fatani reminded his Muslim brothers to reflect on the
consequences of their lives. He told them, among others, to ponder
on the past glory of all great ancient states in human history that
subsequently met their decline and destruction.

Concluding Remarks
The foregoing discussion provides us with ample evidence that the
ethical Sufism ala al-Ghazali increasingly grew to be a leading and
widely recognized stream of Islamic thought in the nineteenth
century Malay Archipelago. The translations and commentaries of
al-Ghazali’s works, including Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn by Daud al-Fatani,
became a salient intellectual feature, augmenting the search for Sufi
ideas relevant to the increasing demand of the Shariah. Instead of
reconciling the two fields of Islamic knowledge, mysticism and
Shariah, the rising discourse of the nineteenth century went further
into the formulation of Sufism as a set of teachings that emphasize
the inner aspects of religious practices and devotion, termed as ethics.
The discussions of Minhāj al-‘Ābidīn are in this line of intellectual
discourse. It presents the mainstream voices of ‘ulamā’ concerning
the spiritual aspect of Islam in the Malay Archipelago. In this respect
65Daud al-Fatani, Wasiat Abrar, 45-8.
66Shaykh Ahmad bin Muhammad Zayn al-Fatani, Sufi and Wali Allah, prepared by
H.W.M. Shaghir Abdullah (Kuala Lumpur: Khazanah Fathaniyah, 2018).

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Daud al-Fatani was continuing what al-Falimbani had already laid

down in his works, especially Sayr al-Sālikīn.
Turning to the issue noted in the beginning of this article, it
should be stated here that the ethical Sufism of-Ghazali is greatly
influential in Muslims spiritual life. The works of this Sufi teaching
by Malay ‘ulamā’ are continuously studied and referred to as the
Muslim scholars try to deal with contemporary issues, especially
those related to spirituality. To be noted here is the growing Sufism
in the contemporary era, known as urban Sufism, which takes the
above-mentioned works to be its main sources of reference.
Accordingly, the ethical Sufism of al-Ghazali constitutes one of the
main pillars of what is termed as Islam Nusantara in present-day
Southeast Asia.

Acknowledgement
This article is a part of the research report submitted to the Centre of
Research and Publication State Islamic University Jakarta. I would
like to thank Imam Subhi as the Head of the Centre who provided me
with a research grant for the fiscal year of 2020. I also would like to
thank Setyadi Sulaiman and Arif Rahman Hakim for their invaluable
assistance during the research. Special thank goes to Professor
Osman Bakar at ISTAC Kuala Lumpur who kindly encouraged me to
publish this draft.

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Contents

ARTICLES
DENYING AND DEFLECTING THE RACISM OF EMPIRE: THE TROPE OF 1
THE ‘MALEVOLENT NATIVE’ IN THE WRITINGS OF THE COLONIAL
FUNCTIONARY AND AUTHOR HUGH CLIFFORD
Farish A Noor

NORMS OF RISE AND FALL OF CIVILIZATIONS IN THE QUR’AN 27

BENEFICIAL KNOWLEDGE AND JUSTICE AS A MODEL
Arshad Islam and Ruqaia Taha Al-Alwani

NINETEENTH-CENTURY KITĀB JAWI SUFI WORKS IN PATTANI, THAILAND 51

MAINSTREAMING ETHICAL SUFISM OF AL-GHAZALI
Jajat Burhanudin

TRANS-NATIONALISM AND CIVILISATIONAL IDENTITY 73

RUMI ON LAND, LANGUAGE AND LOVE
Amir H. Zekrgoo

CENTRAL ASIAN WAQF STUDIES DURING COLONIAL, SOVIET, 97

AND INDEPENDENCE PERIODS: A LITERATURE REVIEW
Osman Bakar, Sultonov Uktambek, and Ganiyev Avazbek

BRIDGING TRADITION AND MODERNITY IN THAI ISLAM 119

THE POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS ROLES OF SURIN PITSUWAN (ABDUL HALIM)
Imtiyaz Yusuf and Pham Thuy Quynh

MANUSCRIPT STUDIES
KITĀB AL-MAWĀHIB AL-ʿALIYYAH FĪ AL-JAMʿI BAYN AL-ḤIKAM 143
AL-QUR’ĀNIYYAH WA AL-ḤADĪTHIYYAH (BOOK OF HIGH TALENTS IN THE
INTEGRATION OF QUR’ANIC AND HADITH WISDOM): A MANUSCRIPT STUDY
Mohamed Aslam Akbar

REVIEW ESSAY
MEMENTO MORI: EXISTENTIAL AND RELIGIOUS PERSPECTIVES ON DEATH 163
Arief Subhan

THE GENESIS OF ISLAMIC SCIENCE: 175

THE CONTRIBUTION OF CLASSICAL INDIAN SCIENCE REVISITED
Osman Bakar

BOOK REVIEWS 187