Encyclopaedia of Indian Temple - Michael W. Meister - 10725
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ENCYCLOPAEDIA OF
SOUTH INDIA
UPPER DRAVIDADESA
EARLY PHASE, A.D. 550-1075
Edited by
Michael W. Meister * M.A. Dhaky
Publication of this volume and much of the research it represents has been made
possible by continuing grants from the Smithsonian Institution, Foreign Currencies
Program, which has supported documentation and research at the American Institute
of Indian Studies Centre for Art and Archaeology in Varanasi, as well as the cost of the
volume itself. Editing and archival development at the University of Pennsylvania
have been supported by continuing grants from the National Endowment for the
Humanities, a federal agency that supports the study of such fields as history,
philosophy, literature, and languages.
First published by Pradeep Mehendiratta for the American Institute of Indian Studies,
‘New Delhi, 1986.
Printed in India by Arun K. Mehta at Vakil & Sons Ltd., Vakils House,
18 Ballard Estate, Bombay 400 038.
These volumes continue a series initiated two years ago by “South India: Lower
Dravidadésa.” They introduce for the first time the Deccano-Dravida mode of Dravida
architecture found in the Deccan, a style as antique as the Dravida style of the lower
South (surviving from as early as the sixth and seventh centuries a.p.) and distinct
from that style, if also interdependent with it from the sixth through the tenth century
A.D. This variety of Dravida architecture acted as foundation for a new form known as
“Vésara” created by architects in the Deccan in the 11th century, a synthetic and
original style that will form the subject of volumes that follow these in this series.
As in previous volumes, style and patronage form a web in which the many
temples to be described have been embedded. The principal patrons in this region of
South India in this period were the Calukyas of Badami and Véngi and the Rastrakitas
of Malkhéd. The primary patrons of the Vésara style, which follows in the Deccan,
were the Later Calukyas and their successors, the Hoysalas, whose temples will form
the bulk of the “Upper Dravidadééa, Later Phase,” set of volumes to follow this set.
Though major dynasties may thus be linked to major changes in architectural style, a
variety of smaller kingdoms and sub-regional styles existed that form the subject of
separate chapters in this Encyclopaedia. It is perhaps in the definition of such divi-
sions that the crux of understanding style in India lies. Styles are formulated in the
hands of artisans, and the fabric of craft in India was continual over a wide territory.
While we must understand both “centres” and “peripheries” in studying Indian pat-
ronage, we also must understand that each group of craftsmen was central to the
“style” their work expressed. The “style” of a dynasty could be formulated only from a
continuum of the idioms such craftsmen created.
Throughout these volumes a style code has been used as heading for chapters and
as reference for plates; this code is summarized at the front of the Plates volume and is
based on the following style outline:
Style Outline
Vol. I, part 1
Vol. I, part 2
Vol. I, part 3
Vol. I, part 4
M.A. Dhaky, as coordinator, has particularly been responsible for developing and
expanding the style outline for this project; he also must be given credit in this volume
for incorporating the widest possible range of recent opinion concerning the material
PREFACE vii
covered. The architecture of the Calukyas and Rastrakitas has been the subject of
much scholarship in recent decades, yet it can still not be said that all chronological
and historical issues have been resolved. This volume attempts to make the issues and
opinions clear. What has emerged clearly from recent scholarship, however, is the
originality of architecture in the Deccan, its independence, and the consistency with
which styles in the region developed and interacted. By studying the interweaving
of architectural motifs and ideas in this central region, something of the process
of stylistic origination in India can be observed.
Acknowledgments
We are particularly grateful to the Department of Archaeology, Karnataka, for its con-
tinuing assistance and support, and to its past Director, M.S. Nagaraja Rao. Debala
Mitra, past Director General of the Archaeological Survey of India, has consistently
used her considerable resources as scholar and administrator in support of this project
and for the advancement of knowledge in general, a tradition Nagaraja Rao now con-
tinues. To the Survey itself, in its widest extension—to its Superintendents, Assis-
tants, draftsmen, surveyors, and guards—we owe the continuing preservation, study,
and conservation of India’s monumental heritage.
In Philadelphia, the new Director of the University of Pennsylvania Press, Thomas
Rotell, and the Managing Editor, Ingalill Hjelm, have been generous in their support.
In Bombay, G.U. Mehta, Arun Mehta, Katey Cooper, and the staff at Vakil & Sons have
been efficient, able, and committed to the highest standards in their production of
these volumes. In Varanasi, the staff of the A.I.I.S. Centre for Art and Archaeology
continue the work with full devotion. In Washington, both the Smithsonian Institu-
tion’s Foreign Currencies Program and the Program for Research Tools and Reference
Works of the National Endowment for the Humanities have continued their substantial
support. To each, and to many others who have assisted the project over the years, we
give acknowledgment.
Further Acknowledgment
In a project of this scale and duration, many people take on special tasks and fulfill
special functions who should be mentioned by name. In this volume, for example, Dr.
George Michell has been particularly generous in letting us use the elegant drawings
he and his team of architects had prepared of Calukya monuments. Dr. G.S. Gai, the
Center’s Consultant for Epigraphy, has continually given excellent advice on thorny
epigraphic issues. Dr. K. V. Ramesh, Director for Epigraphy, and Shri M.N. Katti, Chief
Epigraphist for India, have also been generous in sharing their considerable knowl-
edge, as has the staff of the Epigraphy Department, Mysore.
The Center’s staff in Benares consistently supports and makes possible this pro-
ject. We should like particularly to mention the Chief Photographer, Dayasaran, D.P.
Nanda, Photographer, and Omprakash and Sankata Prasad, Assistant Photographers,
whose excellence is represented by this volume’s Plates. The drafting division, repre-
sented by Dorai Raj, Dorai, A.T.P. Ponnuswamy, S. Pandian, Vidhubhusan Singh, and
the late Jnanavelu, draftsmen, have made many of the excellent Figures in the Text
volume. Throughout its long history, V.K. Venkata Varadhan has served the project
loyally and with great ability as Project Assistant in Varanasi. In Philadelphia, project
and archival assistance has come from John Mosteller and Ajay Sinha. To all, we give
special thanks.
TEXT VOLUME
Preface
Style Outline Vv
Acknowledgments vii
List of Maps xi
PLATES VOLUME
Plate/Chapter Reference
Plates 1-656
List of Maps
MAP PAGE
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Figure Reference
FIG. SITE AND SUBJECT PAGE FIG. SITE AND SUBJECT PAGE
FIG. SITE AND SUBJECT PAGE FIG.. SITE AND SUBJECT PAGE
49. Kailasa, elevation .ic:....scs0ccccsses 114 Chapter 28: ALUPAS OF UDAYAPURA: PHASE II
50. _ Kailasa, tristladhvaja.............. 220
64. Ullala, Kadiri: adhisthanas.........
51. Ellora: Indrasabha, column ........ 127,
65. Kadiri: Manjunatha, plan ...........
52. Baccanagudda.
Bacalingésvara, plan............ 131
Chapter 29: GANGAS OF TALKAD
Boe Bacalingésvara, adhisthana.... 132
54. Aihole: Kuntigudi nos. 1-4......... 136° 66; “adhisthamas ccs. icnwtacnievsees
67. Kambadahalli: upapitha &
Chapter 24: RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: adbisthana ri iasoutasrwee sane
UPPER VARIATION, PHASE II 68. Sravana Belagola:
Candragupta-basti, plan..........
55. Pattadakal:Jainatemple, plan... 149
69. Candragupta-basti, elevation..
56. Candrasékhara, plan ............... 252
70. Camundaraya-basti, plan........
57. Candrasékhara, adhisthana..... 152
71. side Cle VAtiONn ....:.cissqisessavones
S55 Sitval: Vapi no, ty plan v...2..is.... 157
72. frontelevation’2..4..daes4:
59. MAD ETO. Za fl AD ageatcteeaes
cepieksen 158
73. Kambadahalli: Pancakita, plan..
60. Vapi no. 1, wall-mouldings..... 159
74. Sravana Belagola: pillar..............
61. Vapi no. 2, wall-mouldings..... 160
Chapter 30: NOLAMBAS OF HEMAVATI
Chapter 25: EASTERN CALUKYAS OF VENGI:
PHASE | 75. Nandi, Avani: adhisthanas.........
76. Nandi: Bhoganandisvara, plan...
62. Biccav6lu: Golingesvara,
yal Arunacalésvara, plan..............
Rajarajésvara, adhisthanas...... 168
78. Avani: Laksmanéévara, plan ......
79. Hémavati: Doddéévara, plan ......
Chapter 26: EASTERN CALUKYAS OF VENGI:
PHASE II
Chapter 31: SANTARAS OF HUMCA
63. Draksarama, Bhimavaram:
80. Humcea, Angadi: adhisthanas .....
aelnist
Wan Gs ries eescarsadacce
ced. 174
In this volume, plans and drawings use the scales provided by their sources. As in India, this
means a mixture of Metric and English measure. The editors are particularly grateful to George
Michell and his team for the use of their drawings of Calukya monuments.
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Genealogical Table: Calukyas of Vatapi, Phase I
Jayasimha
Ranaraga
Sendraka 2 i
princess = (2) Ranaparakrama (3) Ranavikranta MANGALESA
KIRTTIVARMA I (a.v. 596/7-608/9)
(a.D. 566/7-597/8)
Kadamba Mahadévi
Ganga Mahadévi = (4) Ranavikrama Ereyatiyadigal Kubja Visnuvardhana d. Ambara
d. of Ganga PULAKESI II (founder of eastern branch)
Durvinita (a.D. 608/9-642)
Historical Introduction
The ancient Karnata or Kuntaladéga was the land of Kannada-speaking people, now
represented by Karnataka State, parts of Goa, the western fringes of the Anantapur
District of Andhra Pradesh, and the lower southwestern portion of Maharashtra. From
c. the late fourth to the early sixth century a.p., northwestern Karnata formed the
dominion of the Kadambas of Banavasi (ancient Vanavasi/Vaijayanti); the southeastern
half, Gangavadi, was in possession of the Gangas of Talkad (Talakadu) from at least the
later part of the fifth century to the end of the tenth century a.p. To the northeast lay
south and north Konkana (Aparanta), held first by the Traikitakas and then by the
Mauryas, and south Gujarat (Lata) at one time held by the Kalacuris. To the northeast
was the Nalavadi-visaya of the Nalas. To the east were two Andhra kingdoms: Véngi,
ruled by the Salankayanas, and Srigailapradééa held by the Visnukundis. To the south-
east was the Tondainadu of the Pallavas, and to the south and southwest was Kongu-
nadu, governed by the Adaigamans, and Kérala, ruled by the Céras. .
Nothing significant is known about the art and architecture of the early Kadambas
and Gangas. The real builders of Karnata as an eminent and effectual power, its culture
unified, potent, and distinctive, were the Calukyas who launched their political career
some time late in the fifth century from a small territory in the present Bijapur District.
This early Calukya nucleus lay north of Banavasi, and was a region that gave no
evidence of high cultural development until the advent of the Calukyas as rulers.
Around the twin cities of this nucleus, Aihole (Ahivalli; Ahivolal/Aryapura) and
Badami or Badami (Vatapi), spun the power of the Calukyas, which augmented with
fantastic rapidity to form a notable kingdom and eventually an empire.
To these two cities many elements of art and culture gravitated from lands that the
Calukyas conquered. In these cities the first monuments bearing an authentic stamp of
the art of Karnata appeared. The role of the first two rulers, Jayasimha and Ranaraga,
was inconsequential. They seemingly were the vassals of the Kadambas of Banavasi or
possibly of the Rastrakiitas of Manapura (whom the Mauryas or Nalas later destroyed).
The real glory of the dynasty began from the time of Pulakési I (a.p. 535/543-566) who
undoubtedly was an independent ruler. He fortified the town of Vatapi in a.p. 543. He
was the “first maker of Vatapi.” Tangible evidence of the militant career of the Caluky-
as and of the founding of sacred edifices comes, however, from the time of his son and
successor, Kirttivarma I (a.p. 566-598), who subjugated the Kadambas and crushed the
power of the Mauryas and Nalas. (Kirttivarma may have achieved some of these victor-
ies during his father’s regime, enabling Pulakési to perform the Asvamédha yajna, the
prerogative only of an imperial monarch.) Definitely dated to his reign is cave no. 3 at
4 Karnata style, IDA.A:
Badami, which is engraved with a foundation inscription in Sanskrit of a.p. 578 of his
younger brother Mangalésa (acting on behalf of Kirttivarma), and with an undated
Kannada inscription of Mangalééa proclaiming a donation of the village Lanjikésvara
to the rock-cut sanctuary of Visnu following its consecration. Cave no. 1 and the Jaina
cave no. 4 are also ascribable stylistically to the late years of his reign.
Mangalésa became king-regent during the minority of Pulakési II, Kirttivarma’s
son. From his inscriptions it is clear that Mangalésa was devoted to Kirttivarma. He
conquered Révatidvipa and defeated the Kalacuri Buddharaja some time before a.p.
602 and acquired considerable booty. The Ravalaphadi cave and the Jaina cave at
Aihole may have been shaped during his regency; the Buddhist vihara at Aihole is also
stylistically of his time. One of the shrines near the Ravalaphadi cave, the Banantigudi,
and the so-called Hire Mahakitésvara temple, both near Mahakita, seem to be of his
period. In front of the Ravalaphadi cave he apparently erected a column (now muti-
lated) in the same style as the inscribed column he set up near the ancient Maha-
kutésvara temple at Mahakita, dated a.p. 601/2 (Plates 18-19). His designs to disinherit
his nephew Pulakési and to place his own son on the throne were thwarted by
Pulakési, who killed him in an encounter at Elpattu-Simbhige; Pulakési II ascended
the throne in c. A.D. 609.
During the reign of Pulakési II (a.p. 608/9-642) the Calukyas first attained imperial
status. Soon after his accession, he had to countenance an invasion, with elephant
corps, by Appayika and Govinda (the former probably the feudatory of the Kalacuris),
the latter the ancestor of the Rastrakitas of Elapura as recent research would tend to
indicate. Appayika was repulsed, and Govinda was won over by diplomacy. He next
proceeded to control recalcitrant feudatories in Karnataka proper: the Gangas of Tala-
kadu, the Kadambas of Banavasi, and the Alupas of Aluvakhéda. He also sacked Puri
(either Gharapuri=Elephanta or Rajapuri near Janjira?), the capital of the Mauryas of
Konkana. He defeated the mighty emperor Harsavardhana of Kanauj and checked his
advance beyond the river Narmada, an event long remembered by both Calukya and
Calukya panegyrists. He secured submission of the kings of Southern Kosala and
Kalinga. By advancing into Andhradéga he reduced Pistapura (Pithapuram on the
Godavari), subjugated the Kurndla-lake area, pushed back the Visnukundis, and added
most of Véngi to his domains; he stationed his brother Kubja Visnuvardhana there as
viceroy, and after some time allowed him to rule independently. This gave rise to the
eastern branch of the Calukyas.
These conquests were all accomplished by c. a.p. 630/1. In Kani, Pallava Mahén-
dravarma I was succeeded by his son Narasimhavarma I. Taking advantage of this fresh
incumbency,-Pulakési spearheaded an invasion of Tondainadu. After defeating Nara-
simha, he forced him to shut himself behind Kafici’s walls. For the next six centuries,
except on a few occasions, the rulers of Karnata and the rulers of the Tondai and Cola
countries remained enemies. Narasimhavarma avenged his humiliating defeat a de-
cade later by swiftly winning in several battlefields; he carried his victorious arms to
the heart of Calukya power, capturing Vatapi and wiping out Pulakési.
Remarkable religious foundations took shape during Pulakési’s reign. Cave no. 2
-at Badami was perhaps the earliest. One of its pillars bears a short inscription (Plate 2)
read by G.S. Gai as ‘““magan Adamari,” or “son [named] Adamari,” a name previously
identified by K.V. Ramesh as one used by Pulakési II. Adamari, meaning “deadener of
the drums [of the enemy kings],” was apparently a cognomen of Pulakééi II, preceded
by the word “son” perhaps to distinguish the “son” of Kirttivarma from the van-
quished “brother” (Mangalésa). Other monuments seemingly of Pulakééi’s time are the
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
)
so-called Upper and Lower Sivalayas at Badami, the Gaudargudi and the Méguti Jaina
temple (dated a.p. 633/4) at Aihole, and the Cikka-Mahakita temple a mile to the
southeast of the Mahakita group of temples.
How long Vatapikonda Pallava Narasirnhavarma Mahamalla occupied Vatapi and
how much of Karnataka beyond the Calukya heartland he actually controlled is not
quite certain. The confusion created by the fall of Vatapi and the tragic disappearance
of Pulakési lasted until a.p. 654/5 when Vikramaditya I, one of the sons of Pulakési,
emerged as ruler and helped restore Calukya fortunes. There is definite evidence that,
during the Pallava interregnum, Candraditya and Adityavarma, brothers of Vikrama-
ditya, ruled in territories far away from the centre, within the boundaries of the
Calukya empire. During this period the former vassals of the Calukyas did not accept
the suzerainty of the Pallavas; they also acknowledged no Calukya overlord.
Pallava power in Karnata, whatever its nature may have been, was put to an end
by the efforts of Vikramaditya I, possibly with the aid of Candraditya and his maternal
grandfather Ganga Durvinita. If the inscription recently discovered in the Cakragudi in
Aihole that mentions Yuvaraja Vikramaditya pertains to Vikramaditya I (not II) as
contended by Ramesh, it would be clear that Vikramaditya was raised to the status of
crown prince by Pulakési himself.
Soon after freeing Karnata from the Pallavas, after the deaths of Narasimhavarma |
and Mahéndravarma II, Vikramaditya, possibly forging an alliance with the Pandya
potentate Arikésari Parankusa Maravarman, invaded the Tondai country in c. a.D.
670/1 and captured Kaji, driving out the fresh incumbent, Pallava ParaméSvaravarma
I. By a.pv. 674 Vikramaditya had penetrated Pallava territory as far as Uragapura
(Uraiyar, Tirucirapalli). Paramésvaravarma I, however, gathered his strength from the
remaining part of his kingdom and repulsed the Calukya army at Peruvalanallir near
Tirucirapalli. As a diversionary move he sent his general Ciruttondar, who sacked
Vatapi and returned to Kafci with considerable booty. Vikramaditya’s son
Vinayaditya and grandson Vijayaditya did finally succeed in driving back Ciruttondar,
a task in which Ganga Bhtvikrama apparently aided. (Some scholars date this second
sack of Vatapi around a.p. 678.)
Vikramaditya had been ordained to Saivism about a.p. 660; his guru was the Saiva
Méghacarya. The so-called Arka-Brahma temple at Alampur dates from this time. No
direct inscriptional evidence in the Calukya heartland records temple building. Stylis-
tically, the Malegitti Sivalaya at Badami, the Sarangi-math at Aihole, and the Maha-
katésvara temple at Mahakita may possibly belong to the last years of his period. The
Cikkigudi temple at Aihole (which is somewhat in the Alampur-Nagara style) may
have belonged to the early part of his period.
Vinayaditya succeeded Vikramaditya in a.p. 681; his career ended in a.p. 696. His
boastful inscriptions credit him with victories over several south and north Indian
territories and also the dvipadhipas, the island territories across the seas: Kaméra
(Khmer, i.e. Cambodia), Simhala (Sri Lanka), and Parasika (Persia). Granted that there
must be considerable exaggeration in these claims, some sort of intra-Asian contacts at
this stage cannot be ruled out. In his home territory, the Séndrakas, Alupas, Gangas,
and Banas acknowledged his suzerainty. His victory over Vajrata or Vajrabhatta (prob-
ably the Maitraka monarch Siladitya III of Valabhi in Surastra), with the help of his son
Vijayaditya, his brother Jayasimha, and his son from the Lata Calukya branch (estab-
lished some time before A.b. 670), and his acquisition, among other objects, of the
Ganga- Yamuna images and Palidhvaja-banners were notable achievements as gleaned
from Vijayaditya’s record of a.p. 703. Vinayaditya perhaps died when his son
Vijayaditya was captured by retreating (Pallava?) enemies.
Karnata style, II.A.1.
:
Vinayaditya gave his daughter Kumkuma Mahadévi to the Alupa prince Citrava-
hana. His queen Vinayavati founded the so-called Svarga-Brahma temple at Alampur.
Several temples at Aihole (Lad Khan, Puspabhadra, Durga), Mahakita (Mallikarjuna,
the north-facing ruined temple, and some tiered, pyramidal temples), Sandur (the
so-called Parvati temple), Alampur (Taraka-Brahma temple), Satyavolu (apsidal tem-
ple), and the wall with stairway and gate to cave no. 3 at Badami are assignable to this
period.
In the period of Vijayaditya (a.p. 696-733), whose early years.are considered here,
some notable temples were built. They are in practically the same style as in his
predecessor’s time. Among these are temples at Nagaral (Naganatha temple), Badami
(Bhitanatha), and Banavasi (Madhukéésvara) besides the Jambulingésvara (Tripurusa)
temple at Badami in which images of Brahma, Visnu, and Sambhu were set up by the
queen mother Vinayavati in a.D. 699.
The Calukyas had patronized Saivism as well as Vaisnavism, as attested by the
Saivite rock-cut cave-shrines at Aihole (Ravalaphadi) and Badami (cave no. 1) as well
as the ancient temple of Makutésvara at Mahakita (to which Mangalésa gave generous
donations); Vaisnavism is represented by cave no. 3, cave no. 2, and the so-called
Upper Sivalaya at Badami, and by the Mahavaraha emblem on the dynasty’s official
seal. Shrines were also built for Sairya, Ganapati, and Durga. No information on the
names of priests connected with these temples nor of Brahmanical literary produc-
tions is so far available. Kings from Pulakési I to Pulakési II performed Vedic sacrifices
for their glorification and the well being of their kingdom.
The Chinese pilgrim Hstian Tsang passed through Karnata in c. a.p. 641/2 and
referred to the flourishing state of Buddhism in the lower Deccan. No foundational or
donative inscriptions connected with Buddhist sanctuaries or monasteries in Karnata
in the early Calukya period have so far come to light, but a Buddhist vihara at Aihole
and the presence of unfinished (and now defaced) Buddhist sculptures carved on the
inner face of the huge cavity (intended perhaps to be a rock-cut cave-temple) between
cave no. 3 and cave no. 2 at Badami, testify to the presence of Buddhism in Mangalé-
Sa’s time. One of the short inscriptions on the pillars of the Aihole Buddhist vihara
gives the name of Sthavira Ananda’s disciple Mahéndra and some other names in
characters assignable palaeographically to the time of Pulakési II.
Substantial evidence suggests the flourishing condition of Jainism in the Calukya
kingdom. The Kadambas had patronized several sects of Jainism: the Svétapatta
mahasramana samgha (Svétambara), Nirgrantha sangha, Yapaniya samgha, Mila sarh-
gha (Digambara), and the Kurcaka samgha. Jainism then moved into the new cities of
the Calukyas, clear evidence provided by the Jaina cave at Aihole (the Mina-basadi),
cave no. 4 at Badami, and the Méguti temple (a.p. 634) at Aihole. Celebrated works by
the great Jaina pontiffs of this time have come down to us. Among them are the
Digambara abbot Pijyapada Dévanandi’s (c. a.p. 625-675) “Sarvarthasiddhi” commen-
tary on the Tattvartha Sutra of Vacaka Umasvati (c. fourth-fifth century a.p.) who was
of the Ucchairnagara sakha of the Svétambara sect, his Sanskrit grammar called Jainén-
dra, his mystical-metaphysical poetic work, the Samddhitantra, and a few other works
of deep philosophical insight such as the Ist6padésa. Another friar, Raviséna, con-
verted the Prakrit Patimacariya of Vimala stri (of the Nagéndra kula of the Svétambara
sect, c. A.D. 479?) into the Sanskrit Padmacarita (a.D. 677-678). The (Yapaniya?) saint
Jata-Simhanandi wrote his famous Vardngacarita in c. the first half of the seventh
century A.D. The Til6yapannati (Skt. Tril6kaprajnapati) was also composed in this
age, probably-soon after a.p. 542. To that age may also be ascribed the Muldcara of the
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
,
Yapaniya Vattakéra. The Digambara Jaina sect seems to have had an advantage over
other Jaina sects (excepting perhaps the Yapaniyas) during this period in Karnataka.
No clear evidence records the Calukya kings extending patronage to Jainism, as was
done by Kadamba kings, but inscriptions of the Sendrakas—chieftains subordinate to
the early Calukyas—that indicate such patronage are known. The Gangas liberally
patronized Jainism, at least from the seventh century onwards.
Background
The Calukyas of Badami have left prolific monumental remains; the problems in-
volved in their understanding are among the most challenging in the whole history of
Indian art. The geographic position of the Calukyas allowed their kingdom to be a
unique “cultural magnet,” a fact reflected in their art. Political circumstances put not
only Kuntaladésa of the Kadambas but also parts of the Deccan, Lata, Nalavadi-visaya,
Véngi, and possibly also the lower tracts of southern Késala and Kalinga into their
sphere of influence. As a result, a number of differing art styles converged in the
Calukya territory. In the nuclear Calukya cities—Vatapi, Aryapura, Kisuvolal (Patta-
dakal), and Alampur (original name still unknown) and other sites in western
Andhradésa—a bewildering array and variety of temple forms and architectural and
sculptural styles are encountered along with a promiscuity of styles on a scale un-
known in other regions. Associated Calukya inscriptions are extremely few and mostly
non-foundational; a degree of stylistic conservatism, combined with the large variety
of architectural forms, decorative patterns, and admixtures of styles and motifs avail-
able, has produced problems of the greatest complexity (with matching controversies
about solutions). The recent work of scholars like Odile Divakaran, Gary Tartakov,
George Michell, and Carol Radcliffe Bolon has helped clear much of the mist but not
solved all the problems. Archaeologists from Karnataka like S. Settar, S.V. Padigar, and
A. Sundara have cast a welcome light on the problems of dedication of some of the
earliest Calukya temples by reference to their iconography. Recent, still unpublished
work of epigraphers like G.S. Gai, Rajashekhar, and K.V. Ramesh and archaeologists
like M.S. Nagaraja Rao will perhaps compel us to modify views that till very recently
had been held valid or acceptable. The present essay takes into account some of the
results of this current work.
Problems mainly concern the origins of early Karnata style (or styles) and the
chronology of Calukya monuments. The foundations for early Karnata style rest upon
indigenous Dravidian culture, language, and the ethnography of upper Dravidadééa.
The brick-and-timber structures preceding Calukya architecture have totally dis-
appeared. Nothing is known about the art of Kuntaladésa under the Kadambas nor of
the art of Gangavadi. An indigenous factor in the make-up of Karnata art, although it
cannot be related to a known past, can nonetheless be sensed. Whether these local
elements are of Calukya, Kadamba, or Ganga extraction cannot be ascertained. Some
relationship with the art that flourished in the Deccan during the late Vakataka, post-
Vakataka, Maurya, and Kalacuri periods also can be discerned. The first Calukya
dynast, the chieftain Jayasimha, possibly was contemporary with the last of the Vaka-
takas, with the rising Traikitakas, and with the Kadambas and the early Rastrakutas,
one of whose vassals he seemingly was. The second chieftain, Ranaraga (Visnuvar-
dhana?), may have been a witness to the rising power of the Kalacuris of Mahismati,
which followed the downfall of the Vakatakas and Traikitakas, and of the eventual
founding of the principality of the Mauryas in the Konkana. When Calukya Pulakési I
8 Karnata style, II.A.1.
came to power (before a.p. 543), the Kalacuris and Mauryas had consolidated their
power, and their art had begun to show its distinctive colour. Calukya art also reveals
some indirect connection, through filters, with the Maurya-Kalacuri and post-
Vakataka art of the Ellora and Aurangabad caves. No evidence of a bodily transposition
of style from one territory to another is encountered, however, even though solitary
artists from one territory may have gone to work in another. The main currents of style
in the two regions remained distinct in character and disposition.
Early Calukya foundations primarily were royal ones. Of the.caves at Aihole, the
Saivite Ravalaphadi was patronized by Mangalééa. Cave nos. 1 and 3 at Badami have
regal pretensions (cave no. 3 a royal foundation of Kirttivarma and Mangalésa); cave
no. 2 perhaps was the consequence of the munificence of Pulakési II and cave no. 1 of
the piety of the queen mother Durlabadévi. (The Jaina cave no. 4 is humbler in dimen-
sions and quality; some Jaina minister or tradesman may have been behind this ex-
cavation.) These caves offer the earliest evidence of Calukya art. How far they are
indigenous, however, what their chronological positions and inter-relationships are,
whether any existing structural buildings could be coeval, and what connections there
could be between the caves and structural stone temples, are problems for which there
are no totally satisfying answers.
The guilds that carved the Aihole caves were different from those that worked at
Badami; even between the brahmanical and Jaina caves at Aihole, differences are
discernible, despite shared features of floor plan, pillars, and treatment of the main
hall-ceiling. The brahmanical cave has a fluted column in front of it which once was
surmounted by an amalaka and seems almost a duplicate of Mangalésa’s Mahaktta
column (Plates 18-19). A label inscription some years ago noticed by M.A. Dhaky on
the adhisthana of the north (Natésa) bay has been read by K.V. Ramesh and M.S.
Nagaraja Rao, after a little restoration, as “Ranavikranta,” a cognomen of Mangalééa
(Plate 1). Some scholars had considered the cave an excavation that followed the
- Pallava invasion of a.p. 642, basing the surmise on “tall mitres” and the “southern
look” of the sculptures. Though the sculptures doubtless possess a general southern
exterior and mannerisms, ethnically they represent the Kannadiga and not the Tamil-
ian (Pallava) type. (Unlike Pallava, details of ornaments are shown.) An opposing view
makes this cave the earliest of all Calukya excavations, dating from c. a.p. 560, and
sees its powerful sculptures as the most archaic in the Calukya territory. Recognition
of Mangalésa’s column and his cognomen carved inside tend somewhat to support this
(though the sculptures do not seem quite so early); whether he was responsible for the
whole excavation (as is possible) is a question that needs deeper investigation.
The Badami caves also have raised problems. Burgess thought the sequence was
3, 2, 1; Gary Tarkatov and Odile Divakaran separately have made strong cases for the
chronological order 1, 2, 3. A label inscription mentioning “Adamari” on one of the
pillars inside cave no. 2 (Plate 2), however, in characters somewhat close to those of
the donative inscription of Mangalééga in cave no. 3, must also be taken into account.
The sculptures in the Badami caves show a progressive decline of the “southern
ethnic” (Kannadiga) element from cave no. 3 to cave no. 1 (and 4) to cave no. 2. The
Maurya-Kalacuri dvarapdlas at the entrance of cave no. 2 (Plates 4-5) hardly can be
dated before a.p. 600 in the context of Elléra. The short inscription in cave no. 2, if it
mentions Pulakééi II, makes one suspect that the cave was the handiwork of his early
years. The potikas with two rolls, in lieu of three as found in cave nos. 3 and 1, and
other examples of detailing seem more progressive, leading toward types known from
structural temples. The ceilings in the later structural temples also seem to hark back
to cave no. 2 (and to some extent cave no. 1) and not to cave no. 3 (a.D. 578):
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
9
Architectural Features
Calukya monuments mostly comprise prasadas (temples), though a few instances of
kundas (minor reservoirs with steps), prakaras (ramparts), and pratélis (gateways) also
survive. The palatial buildings in the northern quarters of the Vatapi fort have almost
totally been obliterated.
Among temple forms, one encounters mandapa or hall-shrines, mundamala (tem-
ples without superstructure), Deccano-Dravida class, often with upper talas as well as
cupola, and, among temples with a northern affiliation, Latina and tiered, pyramidal
classes of temples. Larger and medium size temples generally have a gidhamandapa
preceded by a mukhacatuski or mukhamandapa. In a few cases, instead of a gidha-
mandapa, an ardhamandapa is found.
Both nirandhara and sandhara temples are encountered except in the tiered, pyra-
midal type where temples are invariably nirandhara. In rare cases, the sanctum is
moved back to meet the back wall, allowing no ambulatory, as in the Sarangi-math and
the Lad Khai temple at Aihole. At least four instances of apsidal shrines are known:
the ruined shrine. north of Cikkigudi and the Durga temple at Aihole, the Cikka-
Mahakita near Mahakita, and the temple at Satyavélu in Andhradéga. The Gaudar-
gudi and the Durga temple at Aihole, both are peristylar. (The Durga temple possesses
two ambulatories.) Tiered, pyramidal temples usually have a square garbhagrha with
straight walls. Nirandhara Latina temple-plans proliferate into two anga-divisions
(bhadra and karna) only. Larger Dravida vimanas sometimes show pratibhadra or
pratikarna, and the karnas, too, are provided with projecting kostha bays.
The adhisthana in early temples is mainly of two varieties, one of which is like the
Kapotabhadra upapitha but with a Nagara kumbha in lieu of Dravida jagati; the tall
kandhara-recess is sometimes filled with panels of bhuta figures, narratives, and
mythical ihamrga animals and birds, topped by either the kapotapalika of northern
affiliation (this being a more frequent feature) or the Dravidian kapota. This is deco-
rated by alpanasis which most often show gandharva or kinnari heads (sometimes
floral motifs) in the gadha-cavity. The mukhapatti is ornamented with rosettes; the
éikha is often lotiformed. Birds (cakravakas, hamsas, mayiras, etc.) relieve the slopes
10 Karnata style, II.A.1.
kampa
\ kap6tapali
lane khurapatti
ET a ae vajana
Cae es <— trdhavakampa
[ee ERE
kumbhaka
pene ake
upana Cc
Fig.1. Adhisthanas:
a. Badami. Upper Sivalaya; b. Aihole. Lad Khan; c. Aihole. Siryanarayana;
d. Aihole. Durga, inner wall.
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
=
Fig. 2. Aihole.
Méguti, adhisthana.
pattika =——g
ARARKCAGN_ rdhvapadma
mahapatti
7 antarita
alinga
kapota—>| a
6 <—kapotapalika | #
vajana
pattika
urdhvakampa
5
3! kantha
4 adhahakampa
kumuda madhyapatta
ae
alingapatti
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2 ksudrakampa
kumbhaka
1 khuraka
jagati
F, Lo es
Fig. 3.. Badami. Malegitti Sivalaya, adhisthana.
12 Karnata style, IL.A.1.
Fig.4. Adhisthanas:
a. Mahakita. Mahakitésvara; b. Mahakita. Mallikarjuna.
between the alpanasis on kapotapalika, vertically spread ratnapatta appear in the case
of kapota (Méguti temple, Aihole; Malegitti Sivalaya, Badami). In the second type of
adhisthana, a variety of Kapo6tabandha, the kandhara is replaced by either tripatta or
vrtta kumuda; from the days of Vinayaditya, this sometimes becomes dharavrtta.
The wall proper (pada) in the larger temples shows highly decorated védi with
vyalas and sometimes other floral and figural motifs are featured in the kantha. The
part above the védi is sometimes plain but most often is punctuated by Brahmakanta
pilasters; only in decorative details do they differ from their Tamilian parallels. Potika
is usually the taranga type, often with a curved profile as in early Tondainadu temples.
Divinity figures on the vimana and mandapa walls are a rare feature. Devakésthas and
jala-bearing niches are crowned by makara-t6ranas. Jalas of different (but primitive)
sorts dimly illumine the ambulatory and gidhamandapa, and also the hall shrines
(Aihole, Lad Khan). Shallow niches with divinity sculptures, or sham slit-niches set
between pilasters, in some cases decorate the walls.
For prastara, the kapota of southern specification generally was preferred, with
alpanasis decorated like those on the adhisthana below. Bhttamala or hamsamala is
applied beneath the kap6ta (this feature, however, is absent in temples up to the
mid-years of Vikramaditya I). Harnsamala seems more favoured in Vinayaditya’s time.
The gopanasi-framework, as in the Badami caves, often is shown on the inner surface
of the prastara’s kapGta, particularly on the earliest temples. In some cases, vyalamala
with discretely placed vydlas occurs above the prastara. Otherwise a sort of varandika
(or hara, often without kitas and salas) appears if the temple is of the mundamala
class.
The superstructure, wherever available, is of the Deccano-Dravida class (examples
of Latina and tiered, pyramidal classes will be covered in another volume). The ex-
terior walls of sandhara temples support a hara with kutas and éalas, interspersed with
alpanasis. The walls of the grhapindi of the second tala reflect the elevation of the
CALUKYAS
OF B ADAMI:
edurey
PHASE
I
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euedn
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13
14 Karnata style, II.A.1.
2h 0 eee ae
ee eo ee
BEMIS) ea dba BRIGa
F. LLO
Fig.6. Badami. Bhitanatha temple, adhisthana. Fig. 7. Badami. Rock-relief, temple-model no. 1.
lower tala on a diminutive scale and show plain sham niches. The griva is subdued;
the roofs of flanking karnakitas touch the sub-cardinal sikhara faces. The sikhara in at
least four cases is octagonal; a square sikhara is used in actual temples (Upper Sivalaya
and Bhitanatha, Badami) as in the four rock-reliefs of temple-models behind the
Bhitanatha group (Figs. 7-10); a round sikhara is absent in this phase. (Differing from
Tondainadu temples, corner ribs here, particularly of octagonal sikharas, have no
ornamentation.) Kalasa is rarely preserved; it possibly had an anda-part like a tiny
amalaka surmounted by a smallish neck and a sort of lotus bud or citronlike finial. The
sala-sikhara (Valabhi type) is nowhere seen as a superstructure on actual buildings.
Only one Gajaprstha example is extant, at Satyavolu in Andhradééa. The Durga temple
at Aihole, though apsidal, has a square Latina sikhara over its sanctum.
The access-stairway to the temple, fronting the mukhacatuski, is of the hastihasta
type. The mukhacatuski is composed of four (either full or dwarf) pillars; these are
mostly plain (with or without bosses) but in some instances show carving. In North
India it is customary to have engaged half-columns at the rear of this porch. In Karnata,
full rear pillars stand away from the wall of the mandapa.
A mukhamandapa is, in a few instances, used instead of mukhacatuski, particu-
larly from the late years of Vikramaditya I. We may cite the Sarangi-math, Lad Khan,
and Durga temples at Aihole. The front and sometimes lateral faces of the front pillars
were decorated with mithunas, Rati-Manmatha, Ganga and Yamuna, Yaksini (seduc-
ing a monk?), and rarely, with pratiharas. (In a few cases figures also occur on mukha-
catuski pillars, as in the Huccapayya-math, Aihole, and the Naganatha temple, Naga-
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
15
ral.) Usually, a védi with vyala and sometimes bhita figures connects the peripheral
pillars of the mukhamandapa. Late in Calukya times, kaksdsanas showing purnaghata
decoration were also sometimes placed above the védi (in a few instances these were
added afterwards).
The columnar hall-interior invariably abuts the garbhagrha front. The hall is di-
vided into nave and lateral aisles, sometimes double in large examples (the Lad Khan,
Aihole, and Mallikarjuna, Mahakita). Pillars invariably are Rucaka, with heavy,
monolithic shaft; they seldom have a base. They are decorated by darpana-medallions
(half, three quarters, or full), underscored by belts. In several cases these are left as
uncarved bosses; in some examples they are ornamented, the darpanas filled with
figural, floral, or other motifs, the narrow belts by vines, the wider belts by vyalas and
muktagrasa. One meets a wide variety of pdtikas on the columns of the structural
temples. The earlier temples show plain, rectangular, cross-blocks (Mahakita Bananti,
o
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and Mahakutéévara), blocks with a plain, sinuous profile (Buddhist vihara and —
Gaudargudi, in Aihole), or taranga-roll blocks of the Pallava type (sometimes with a
central, longitudinal, carved belt). Rarely, a flattish taranga of the Maurya-Kalacuri
(Ellora) type (Malegitti antarala) or a double roll with a carved belt sticking closely to
the undulations (Lad Khan, Aihole; Mallikarjuna, Mahaktta; Jambulingésvara, Bada-
mi) appear, a precedent for which appears only in cave no. 2, Badami.
The uttara with its projecting “tantraka” division (the upper horizontal facia) is
sometimes ornamented with vegetal scrolls. Sandhara temples of northern affiliation
and those with a Nagara affiliation, generally possess a short clerestory in the nave,
with kantha enriched by figural motifs in panels and crowned by a decorated kapota-
pali. In temples of Dravida class, a higher clerestory supporting a hara with densely set
kitas and salas generally occurs. Halls with nave and clerestory show cross-beams
which span the nave pillars; bharavahaka figures issuing from makara-mouths feign to
support these beams at the ends. The soffits of these cross-lintels are ornamented
either with lotus petals in opposing rows or with flowing kalpalata. Other lintels
normally show only a full-blown lotus in the centre of a soffit. (A bisymmetrical
aay £8 Gey. WA A
ie
- .
Pe esr a it]
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WFAN Kit
CO ary
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Fig.10. Badami. Rock-relief, temple-model no. 4.
18 Karnata style, IL.A.1.
TE LMA
[lie cdivoni
ae (an).
Fig. 12. Daksina Kosala, superstructure-elements:
a. Sirpur. Laksmana temple, sikhara, detail;
b. Rajim. Rajivalocana temple, sikhara, detail.
a
Huccimalligudi Tarabasappagudi
zi .
Cikkigudi ; i cave
e. Durga
m Lad Khan
= Gaudargudi
Kund - * Mallikarjuna
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_ ~wGalaganatha 100M
Huccapayya
exquisite fragments of kalpavallis; the panels are demarcated by bars ornamented with
half rosettes in triangles (right) or floral pattern (left). The shaft of the stambhasakha is
fluted, as in the Badami cave-temples. Below the girdle and above the malasthana and
the puspabandha, the shaft becomes octagonal. The vallisakha is countersunk between
the stambhasakha and the ripasakha. The lower end of the valli is held by a seated
jambhaka or yaksa. The ripasakha is divided into panels illustrating Buddha’s life.
The figures at the sakha-bases are mostly defaced; from what survives, however, it
seems that there were seated mithunas below the outer sakhas, nidhis below the
stambhasakhas, and female figures (perhaps river-goddesses) at the end of the inner
sakhas.
22 awe Karnata style, II.A:1.
Beyond the pattasala, the central cell also possesses an ornate astasakha door- —
frame with plain, then ratna-, puspa-, stambha-, valli-, rapa-, mala-, and bahyasakhas
(Plates 12-14). The countersunk puspasakha is in low relief, showing a very painterly
lotus scroll; at the lower end is a standing divine figure in dvibhanga posture (perhaps
Padmapani?) holding the stalk of the lotus-scroll (Plate 12). The stambhasakha shows a
Brahmakanta colonnette (Plate 13). This central cell possibly enshrined a now much
mutilated seated Buddha image that is cast outside. The flanking cells could have
sheltered images of Tara or Mahamayari (as at Ellora) and Avalokitéévara.
The vithika of the upper storey (Fig. 14b) has plain pillars; the central ceiling has a
seated figure of Buddha rendered by an artist unaccustomed to making Buddha images
(Plate 15). The doorframe into the pattasala has unadorned sakhas; its uttaranga shows
- katas, panjaras, and bhadragala (Plate 16).
Settar assigns this temple to the Vakataka age, which is about a century earlier
than the style of its carving would warrant. Tartakov more properly sees similarity
between these doorframes and those of the Calukya cave-temples. The vihara can
plausibly be a foundation of the time of Mangalééga (a.p. 596-609).
A short inscription in characters of the first half of the seventh century on one of
the pillars of the ground floor mentions Mahéndra of the Pinthavadi (Pindapati)
school, a disciple of Sthavira Ananda. The inscription gives other names whose rela-
tion and relevance are unclear.
patronised by his father Pulakési (c. a.p. 535/543-566) and brother Kirttivarma (A.D. _
566-598). The present structure is ancient, but is it doubtful that it dates from
Pulakéési’s time. It has no pretension, no donative record, and its neglect, had it been
patronised by three successive Calukya kings, would be surprising. It will here be
argued that the ancient Makutésvara shrine stood where the present Mahakutésvara
shrine now stands.
Upper Sivalaya ~
North Fort
South Fort
mandapa has decorative motifs in panels: makara, kinnara, ihamrga, and cakravaka
with floriated tails (Plates 35-36). The mukhacatuski has long bhita friezes (Plates
33-34). Galapadas with vine and other decoration demarcate the figural panels.
The kantha is surmounted by kapétapalika with kampa and vajana below; on the
face are alpanasis with gandharva- and kinnara-heads in the gadha-cavities. Cakrava-
kas and harnsas appear between the nasis. The vimana as well as the gidhamandapa,
on plan, has karnakéstha, pafijarakéstha, and bhadrakostha bays with salilantara-
recesses between. The késthas are cantoned by Brahmakanta pillars. In the bhadra-
niches appear images of Govardhanadhara (south), Kaliyadamana (west), and Nara-
simha (north). Toranas made of makaras vomiting pear! festoons gracefully canopy the
images. Jala-windows dimly light the ambulatory, placed in the recesses close to the
southwest and northwest corners (that on the south is a sort of matsyacakra). The
kap6ta of the prastara has padmavajana beneath and gopanasi-rafters. The large lalata-
nasis of the pafjarakésthas are applied directly on the kapdta face. The placement of
alpanasis above the other kosthas is indicated only by bosses. The hara has subdued
karnakitas and bhadragalas, with long harantara segments decorated with nasikésthas.
The superstructure (Plate 29) above the garbhagrha walls has clear karnakdsthas
and bhadrakosthas with recesses between. Both kosthas and recesses show shallow
false-niches.
Above the prastara of this tala, instead of hara, is the védi for a very subdued third
tala; this storey then supports the védi, short griva, and square, oddly flexed sikhara.
The stipi is missing.
The mandapa has lost its roof and its nave pillars. Its adhisthana shows a large
standing elephant figure to either side of the mukhacatuski (Plates 29-30). The engaged
half-columns of the surviving southern wall of the mandapa show signs of deliberate
damage. This is also true of the paficasakha doorway on which Earle was begun only
on the vallisakha.
The adhisthana of the mukhacatuski has paired sejant penkanis on north and
south and a sejant lion to either side of the east stairway (Plate 30).
There is currently a general agreement among scholars that this shrine existed in
A.D. 642 when Pallava Narasimhavarma sacked Vatapi. Damage done to the shrine may
be the result of that conquest. It might also have been the result of a second attack led
by Ciruttondar, general of Pallava Paramé$varavarma, in c. A.D. 674 (or 6787). It may be
that work on the shrine was still progressing when the attack came in a.p. 642, and the
internal carving was never completed.
The style of this temple’s sculptures, particularly its elegant narratives and the
chaste, discrete, long-limbed, and expressive figures, which recall late Gupta as well as
Vakataka mannerisms, admits a date no later than the first half of the seventh century,
very plausibly in Pulakési II’s time. Architectural features show few advances over the
structural style of the period of Mangalésa; the temple is larger, of sandhara class, and
provided scope for more mouldings and a richer applied decoration on the exterior
than was common in Mangalééa’s time. It seems to have been a royal foundation, built
at a prominent point in the fort, where the royal residences also were probably located.
figure on either side at the bottom of the doorjambs (Plate 45) and the gana friezes
along the nave-lintels (Plate 44) support the shrine’s original dedication to Ganééa.
The Tamil Saivite saint Appar, in the later part of the seventh century, refers to the
image of Ganapati brought by Ciruttondar from Vatapi and placed in the precincts of
the temple of Uttarapatisvara in Tiruccengattangudi in Tamilnadu. Ciruttondar was a
general of Pallava Paramésvaravarma I (a.p. 672-700) who sacked Vatapi in c. A.D. 674
(or 678).
The temple was sandhara and had a mandapa, probably of the closed type.
Only the inner sanctum with its superstructure (Fig. 18b; Plate 38), a fragmentary
lintel, and a plain, faceted, pillar of the mukhalinda remains. The garbhagrha walls are
punctuated by plain pilasters with flat brackets; the catuhsakha doorframe is the most
important remain (Plate 46). The outermost half §4kha shows bold lotus petals; the
patrasakha has a vigorously carved scroll; a second patrasakha has a design of echoing
sok
lotus flowers; the inner sakha is plain. The carving of the doorwayis in good relief,
sensitively ordered. Though having neither stambhasakha nor an uttaranga, the door-
way is one of the most impressive and beautifully carved among early Calukya door-
frames.
The adhisthana of the temple is buried. The exterior wall was possibly punctuated
by plain pilasters (Plate 39); the bhadra-niches probably held the seemingly Saivite
figures now built into a gateway nearby (Plate 40). Some of the pillars inside the hall
had carved belts and half-medallions filled with lotus and other motifs, as indicated by
a surviving fragment (Plate 41).
To the northeast of the temple stands a pillar with an octagonal moulded base,
polygonal shaft with echoing lotus belt near the bottom, muktagrasa-belt on the upper
side, vajrabandha, padmabandha, and an amalaka-like part (Plate 42). (Tartakov sees
this as parallel with the polygonal order found among pillars in cave no. 3, Badami.)
Another capital fragment shows a broken fluted lasuna, 4malaka-like kumbha, padma-
pali with phalaka showing ratnapatta pattern (Plate 43).
As on the Upper Sivalaya, the second tala of the vimana rises directly above the
garbhagrha (Plate 37). The grhapindi has karnas.and bhadras cantoned by Brahmakan-
ta pilasters with shallow sham niches in the recesses. The kap6ta of the prastara has
nasis just blocked out. The hara above, with karnakitas, bhadraéalas, and short haran-
tara intervals, is somewhat taller than usual. The griva is mostly hidden by this tall
hara. The Visnucchanda sikhara is the shapeliest of its class among Calukya examples,
with narrow grivakésthas topped by small, shallow, bhadranasis. The corners are
crowned by handsome, tall, karnaktitas rising up to more than half the height of the
sikhara and touching its sub-cardinal faces. The crowning stipi has its anda ribbed
like an amalaka; the neck and the mukula above are mutilated. The karnakiittas show
applied terracotta yaksa-figures that may be contemporary with the temple.
A couple of long narrative pieces now in the Badami Museum (attributable
perhaps to this temple’s védi or adhisthana-kandhara) show Krsnacarita scenes (Plates
48-49), on which basis Tartakov assumes the temple to be Vaisnava. The shrine,
however, was sacred to Ganapati. .
It is quite certain that this temple was built before the Pallava attack. The stagger-
ing of the sakhas of the doorframe is like Vakataka, Maurya, and Kalacuri cave-
doorframes; the archaic looking ganas, the very handsome, crisply carved ratnapatta
over the gana frieze on the lintel, the shape of the sikhara (that reminds one of Suras-
tra and Daksina Kosala seventh-century parallels; Figs. 11a-b & 12a-b) all point to a
date not later than the first half of the seventh century.
There is so little space available in front of the garbhagrha that it is puzzling how
a
large mandapa with its front porch could have been accommodated. (Bolon
seems to
assume collapse of the rock.)
busts may once have existed). The asanapatta above may be ancient, but the kaksadsana
member with ptrnaghatas carved on its outer face was probably added late in the
Calukya period (Tartakov assumes that its presence in Calukya temples is likely to be
due to Rastrakita insertions). The square, plain, pillars have plain potika.
Ingress to the mandapa is through a hastihasta stairway. The rectangular nave has
two pillars at the entrance on the east, four free-standing pillars in the centre, and two
engaged columns against the garbhagrha wall (Fig. 19c). The interior columns are of
the same type as those along the periphery. The uttara and prastara above these nave
columns are profusely and exquisitely carved. The uttara has a firmly delineated
scroll, a medial band bearing an echoing pattern of lotuses interspersed with vyalas
MaTatatanal _ fhatavaran
SQ Jae aes
a
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SSS Set Ser Seas
and riders, gandharvas, bhittas, etc. (Plates 51-52). A wide kantha shows long panels
filled by makaras, ihamrgas, kinnaras, cakravakas, mayuras, etc., all of extraordinary
fluency and elegance. The panels are defined by narrow vertical strips decorated with
floral and creeper motifs. Some of these motifs also appear in the kantha of the adhis-
thana of the Upper Sivalaya in Badami (Plates 35-36) and the Méguti temple in Aihole
(Plate 69), but the painterly grace and rich variety of those on the Gaudargudi are
lacking. Indeed, these remind one of work met with in the Ajanta caves, and though
not exactly of the same school, some generic relationship or derivation is indicated.
The kantha is topped by a double pattika bearing dentils; this feature, in Karnata
and in Andhra, is one found on Nagara temples. This is followed by kapotapalika
relieved by finely shaped alpandsis (with gandharva heads in the gadha) and bhita
figures on the curved face between. Another kantha shows the “columnar hall in
cross-section” motif; then comes double pattika showing dentils. Two cross-beams
above the kapotapalika span the nave; the pattern on the soffit of one of them (Plate 60)
again reminds one of the dexterity and poetic brush strokes of Vakataka artists.
The ornate pancasakha doorframe is a marvel of Calukya decorative art (Plate 54).
Its outer sakha forms an “overdoor” with a florid creeper pattern (Plate 56) that re-
minds one of associated doorframes in the cave temples at Badami, the Buddhist
Vihara (Plate 14), and the Jaina cave in Aihole. Stambhasakhas have pirnaghata motifs
at both the bottom and top of the shafts. The middle section shows crossed malas with
other decorative belts immediately above (Plates 57-58); above, the shaft is octagonal
(Vajraka) and displays grasavarala motif, followed by a 16-sided (Dvivajraka) section.
The capital is plain. Next is ratnasakha, perhaps the most beautifully executed in
Karnata (Plate 58). This is followed by a thin nagasakha; the tricephalous naga projects
near the lower end of the band; the upper part of its body is in human form, in
supplication; the cobra tail forming the band is held over the door by an anthropomor-
phic garuda (Plate 59). The naga’s body is astoundingly naturalistic. The fifth jamb
(antarasakha) has kalpalata with deeply undercut volutes (Plate 57).
On the right side, the bottom of the two inner sakhas accommodates a rectangular
niche bearing a handsome female figure turning towards the entrance; she holds a
lotus and a bowl-like offering (Plate 56). The corresponding figure on the left side is
broken below the shoulders (Plate 55). The mounts of these two figures are absent, but
they seem to represent Ganga and Yamuna; the pair of harmsas behind the head on the
right supports this identification.
Above the sakhis are two kapotapali-cornices, each underpinned by double layers
of dentils. At either extremity, over the stambhaéakhas, are aediculae made up of triple
chadyas, crowning amalaka, and a fronting Stiraséna which contains a female atten-
dant in its cavity. A central pharnsakiita is made up of two pent-roofs fronted by a large
suraséna witli a figure of Gajalaksmi.
The lower part of the outer wall of the garbhagrha is treated as if it were an
adhisthana, with tall kandhara and kapdtapali. On the central bhadra projections, the
kapotapalika supports a framed niche with bold Rucaka pilasters. These are sur-
mounted by a pediment of two pent-roofs, fronted by a large Stiraséna (Plates 63-64).
The niches are empty.
___ The nave of the mandapa had carved ceilings; the remnants of figures are still
discernible. On the outside, the mandapa is topped by sloping roof-slabs. Protruding
above the garbhagrha are varandika-courses but no further superstructure. The temple
thus was meant to be mundamila.
An undated inscription on one of the entrance lintels refers to a donation by the
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
31
U LU U]
holla. ho, 1 Te i —— er
Eayep
= ral
= Sten ieee L
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Fig. 20. Aihole. Méguti temple:
a. plan; b. elevation; c. section. (Courtesy: Michell.)
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I 33
The mukhamandapa imitates the original adhisthana but with less decorative
detail and finesse. Between its pillars is a védi of the kind met on the Sarangi-math,
Lad Khan, and Durga temples. These pillars, and those that survive inside, are plain.
Inside the mukhamandapa,a hastihasta stairway gives access to the ardhamandapa.
The paficasakha doorframe of the ardhamandapa is practically unadorned. Above
its kapOta-eave is a hara with karnakiitas and a bhadraéala (like those found in the
cave-temples). Inside the ardhamandapa are four engaged Rucaka pillars with un-
. carved bosses and with taranga potikas above. The lintels are uncarved. A second
doorframe, identical with the last, leads into the forecourt of the garbhagrha. The
doorframe of the garbhagrha is plain and, in disposition, somewhat different from the
last examples. What may have been intended to be a nagasakha or malaéakha is pre-
sent. The lalata-block is damaged, as also the Jina image with its attendant camara-
bearers. Engaged columns occur in this pattasala. A wide ambulatory path has been
converted into small cells for storage or for the use of monks.
The inscription gives no information about the “Jinédra” to whom the temple was
dedicated. The presence of an image of Kusmandi (Siddhayika?) in the ardhamandapa
(now in Badami Museum, Plates 70-71) could lead one to suppose that the intended
Jina was Arista-Némi (or Vardhamana Mahavira).
The temple, while securely dated, is of limited use, art historically, in view of the
absence of decoration on its walls, pillars, and doorframes.
MAHAKUTESV-ARA
MAHALINGA
BANANTI
HOSA MAHAKUTA
[ee Bl se l J
A 0 20M
Fig. 21. Mahakita. Site-plan. (Courtesy: Michell.)
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I 35
north (some portions have been left uncarved). On the south antarala there is scroll-
work, with yaksa-mithuna panels near the ends (Plate 75).
This védi supports Brahmakanta pilasters that have carving on the malasthana.
The bhadras on the northern and southern exterior walls are not centered on the
garbhagrha, but are shifted toward the west (Fig. 22a). The subhadras of the vimana
carry images of two-armed Siva holding trident in his right hand (south, Plate 73), a
similar figure on the west, and a splendid figure of Ardhanari on the north (Plate 76).
The ambulatory is lit by square, framed, jala-windows on north and south; the pedi-
ments of the jala frames to the west show phamsakutas with amalaka; those to the east
show hara with Dravidian karnakitas and madhyasala.
Potikas above the pilasters are, curiously, not of the roll type but have a straight
profile. They are decorated on the front by pearl-strings hanging from the jaws of a
ZL,
grasamukha carved on the lintel. At places the grasamukhas are replaced by bhutas.
Above the uttara comes harnsamala; the kapota is plain without the usual nasi decora-
tion. The hara above has karnakiitas and bhadrasalas, with nétrakosthas between.
Below the hara are only bare rafter-ends.
The grhapindi of the second tala rests directly over the sanctum; on plan it is like
the lower floor on a diminished scale. It is surmounted by the usual hara with karnaku-
tas, bhadrasalas, and nasikésthas. The low griva supports a large octagonal sikhara
(Fig. 22b; Plate 72) with attached karnakitas and shallow grivakosthas. Sham niches
appear on the grhapindi, karnakitas, and grivakésthas. Only the lower part of the stupi
(hidden under the plaster) seems original.
The gidhamandapa’s adhisthana and wall follow those of the vimana. The bhadra
niches have images of two-armed Siva, that on the south holding a trident in his right
hand (the left arm is broken); that on the north wields a battle-axe in his right hand and
holds a cobra‘in his left. The eastern wall of the gidhamandapa has Nandi and Maha-
kala in niches located on either side of the mukhacatuski. Two jalas flank the northern
and southern bhadras. The gudhamandapa is roofed by corrugated slabs. Inside, the
nave shows four Rucaka pillars with 12 corresponding wall pilasters, all having bosses
but with no carving. The potikas of these pillars show no taranga pattern. The pafica-
sakha doorframe has been disfigured by oil and paint; it seems that the first sakha had
vine design followed perhaps by ratnasakha, mithunasakha (with occasional erotic
figures), stambhasakha, and bahyasakha. At the base are large figures of Ganga and
Yamuna on their mounts and with umbrellas and attendant pratiharas.
We may now look into the question of date. The temple has a few features which
favour a relatively early date. Among these may be reckoned the heavy védibandha
that is consistent with temples of the first half of the seventh century a.p. in North
India, the lively quality of the sculptures in the védi, the bhadra images which are all
two-armed, with pleated dhotis and nagabharana (or nagayudha) disposed in a way
that recalls sculptures in the Ravalaphadi cave, the octagonal sikhara (which is close
in shape to that of the Lower Sivalaya), the square (instead of rectangular) jala, and the
window-frames (somewhat reminiscent of the doorways of the cave-temples). On the
other hand, the jala-window pediments of Nagara affiliation show not only the older
form for phamsakitas but also types not known before the period of Vinayaditya. The
window pediments of Dravidian class in one case exhibit sadvarga kittas and alas, a
feature tending to suggest a relative lateness for the temple. Both the presence of
hamsamala beneath the kap6éta and the vedi figures, which seem later than those on
the Upper and Lower Sivalaya temples at Badami, are features favouring a later date.
The hasty and sometimes’ crude shape of the alpanasis on the adhisthana’s kapota
would tend to bring this temple to Vinayaditya or Vijayaditya’s time.
A donative inscription of Vinapéti, a concubine of Vijayaditya, has led Tartakov
to date the temple in the period of Vijayaditya (as late as a.p. 720), and Bolon toc. a.p.
680). The lady Vinapoti introduces herself as the “pranavallabhé” (darling) of king
Vijayaditya. Even a concubine in her old age would be ashamed to address herself
as “pranavallabhé.” Vijayaditya must have been almost past middle age when he
ascended the throne in a.p. 696, since he had assisted both his father and grandfather
_in wars against the Pallavas. It seems reasonable to believe that lady Vinapéoti made her
donation notice soon after her king came to the throne, either in the year A.D. 696 or
very soon after. This undated inscription still does not date the temple; our only guide
can be the style of the temple’s sculpture and architecture.
Since the temple possesses features definitely of the period of later kings, but also
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I
37
has characteristics of the preceding period, it would seem safe to assign this temple to
a period late in Vikramaditya I’s time. Craftsmen of the older tradition were still
available, but some with newer practices and novel nuances had also appeared and
were soon to dominate the style of the next few decades.
The Nandi-mandapa in front of this temple seems somewhat later, and may have
been added after the Mallikarjuna was completed.
Nothing favours the idea that the Banantigudi or the so-called Hire Mahakutéésvara
was the original Mahakitésvara temple. Keeping in mind that the Mahakutésvara
temple was in existence in a.p. 600-602, was a revered fane, and had been ‘patronized
by the two preceding Calukya kings, the original structure must have been of some
consequence. The ancient shrine also must have been founded near the perennial and
holy stream running a few paces south of the present temple. The present structure
cannot date so early, but must be on the same site. The original location of the pillar is
not certain (as demonstrated by Tartakov) but the pillar may have stood originally
where the present eastern prat6li is, or at most at some other point near the streamlet.
When this pratdli was built, the pillar may have been shifted north to higher ground
(where Tartakov locates it). The Mahakitésvara temple probably was in brick, re-
placed by the present stone structure late in Vikramaditya’s time. The memory of the
ancient “Makutésvara” is preserved in the temple’s current appellation.
A large doorframe (Plate 77) now placed before a minor shrine to the northeast of
the MahakutéSvara is stylistically connected to that temple. It is saptasakha, the two
innermost sakhas plain; other sakhas are ratna, stambha, patra, patra interspersed with
bhitas, and bahirsakha of lotus petals. The sakhas outside the stambha form an over-
door encompassing an uttaranga bearing Salas at the extremities (an unusual feature),
bhadrasala in the centre, kiitas between, and harantara recesses. The base of the sakhas
is damaged and part also is embedded in the later platform. This may have been the
doorframe of an older prakara to the then rebuilt “Makutésvara” temple.
in the gadha, followed by prati-kantha mouldings with vyala-busts. The hara has
karnakitas, bhadrasala, and narrow harantara recesses.
The grhapindi of the upper tala follows the scheme of the aditala wall. It is
surmounted by a hara with kitas and salas of sadvarga variety; these almost mask the
griva which even otherwise is subdued. The octagonal sikhara has karnakiitas and
central panjaras, a Karnata feature noticed on the Lower Sivalaya and the Maha-
katésvara temple. The kalaéa or stiipi is lost.
The gidhamandapa is larger than the vimana. While its karnas have the same
narrow niches as the vimana walls, the bhadras possess broad niches with impressive
figures of Visnu (south, Plate 80) and Siva (north), both in sthanaka stance.
F, 10 5 0 10 20 30 40 50
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gudhamandapa (Plate 89) gives the name of an architect (Upadhyaya; not the
“builder”) as Arya Mifica (a Telugu appellation). It mentions no date, and possesses no
test letters to make a precise dating. Richard Salomon has recently examined the
characters and suggested that they seem later than c. a.p. 625 but not after a.p. 675-680.
The building seems clearly Calukya, and of a pre-Pattadakal phase, and must be placed
somewhere in the seventh century. A review of stylistic characteristics may be helpful
in reaching a tenable conclusion.
First, the temple has some features comparable to the Méguti temple (a.p. 634), as,
for example, the recessing and bays in its plan and elevation and the form of its
adhisthana. While Jaina Yaksa figures in the kantha of the Méguti are replaced by
bhita figures on the Malegitti, the decoration in both is close in terms of scheme and
motifs used (Figs. 3-4).
Second, the large sculptures on the gudhamandapa walls are derivative of the
Maurya school (genuine examples of this school occur as guardian figures on the east
and west walls of cave no. 2; Plates 4-5). Analogues of this particular Malegitti school
we encounter among Aihole’s structural temples — Sarangi-math (Plates 92-95), Lad
Khan (a single sculpture, Plate 107) and Durga (Plates 143-146) — at Sandiur in the
Parvati temple (Plate 164), on the Kudala Sangaméévara temple’s walls, and at Alam-
pur among loose sculptures. Bolon’s recent research would tend to suggest a date in
Vinayaditya’s time for most of these temples. Sculptures on the Malegitti temple seem
among the earliest in the series, almost comparable to the camara-bearer to the right of
the Jina in the Méguti garbhagrha and to the figure of Kusmandi originally in the
mandapa there (Plate 70).
Third, though the carved doorframe of the garbhagrha is not much help since its
workmanship is crude, the design on the body of the naga of the nagasakha is the same
as that on the crown of the Kusmandi image’s camara-bearing female. (Compared to
sculptures on the doorframe, those on the outer walls are rendered by artists of both a
different perception and a superior tradition and schooling.)
Fourth, the nave pillars in the mandapa are placed on strips slightly raised over
the floor as in Badami’s cave-temples, a practice not found in other structural temples
except the Lad Khan.
Fifth, a short inscription (Plate 3) on the west wall of the Sarangi-math, which has
large sculptures on its mukhamandapa pillars in a style similar to the Malegitti exam-
ples (Plates 92-95), is palaeographically datable to c. mid-seventh century a.p. The
character “ra” is of a type earlier than the period of Vinayaditya or even Vikramaditya
I. Even if we assume that this grafitti was engraved by some carver of advanced age
who lived into Vikramaditya’s time, the temple still cannot be later than that period.
Mithuna figures similar to those on the front of this temple exist in a series of panels on
the facade of cave no. 10 at Ellora (Plates 96-97); following Walter Spink’s chronology,
that cave should date to c. A.D. 620-655.
The Malegitti temple thus appears, at the earliest, to date to the period of Vikrama-
ditya I (a.p. 655-681). Since the building was clearly meant to be dedicated to Aditya
(Sarya or Suryanarayana}, one may be tempted to suggest that Vikramaditya I,
Vinayaditya, or Vijayaditya could have been the sponsor. The architectural style of the
temple and its decoration and interior disposition is earlier than that of temples ascrib-
able to Vinayaditya’s time (for example, Alampur’s Svarga-Brahma temple), and the
latest we can place Malegitti is late in the reign of Vikramaditya I (c. a.p. 675-680).
Advances here, beyond what is seen as part of the Lower Sivalaya’s superstructure
(sadvarga kitas; Salas in the hara), as well as jalas that anticipate some from Nagara-
42 Karnata style, II.A.1.
temple mandapas at Pattadakal, also support this date. A date after A.D. 720, which
would bring the temple close to Pattadakal temples of Vikramaditya II’s time
(a.D. 733-745), is stylistically unwarranted.
Se PON eed ed
0 5M
Fig. 26. Aihole. Sarangi-math:
a. plan; b. elevation; c. section. (Courtesy: Michell.)
the so-called Lad Khan to the northwest, the Nagara Siryanarayana to the north, an
ancient tank to the south, and a temple with Nagara sikhara, known as Cakragudi,
close to the southern edge of the tank. The Lad Khan is the largest and the most famous
of the group; it differs from the rest of the buildings in several respects.
The temple is a square hall-shrine with a short, rectangular, mukhamandapa (Figs.
27a & b; Plate 102). The hall is c. 50 ft. square. The whole building is raised on an
adhisthana similar to that of the Gaudar temple (Fig. 19b) as also of the Nagara
Siryanarayana temple (Fig. 1c), but the mouldings are larger by comparison (Fig. 1b).
Karnata style, II.A.1.
44
Each wall of the hall is marked by four Brahmakanta pilasters set at wide but regular
intervals; three, large, rectangular jalas are disposed horizontally between the pilasters
on the north and south sides. The west wall has no central jala and the wall-segments
flanking the garbhagrha have a pair of small fish-wheel windows. Hamsamala appears
beneath the kapdta of the prastara. The stairway to the mukhamandapa leads to a
narrow doorway which opens into the sombre hall-sanctuary, the interior of which
(Plate 117) shows four, tall, square pillars that form a central square (Fig. 27a; Plate
118), 12 pillars (less tall than the central four) that form an aisle around, and 16
engaged columns that define a second surrounding aisle (Fig. 27a). The sanctum itself,
pushed to the back of the hall, is extremely small, unlike anything else we know of in
Calukya buildings. A huge Nandi image occupies the central space in the hall
(Fig. 27c).
All pillars are of the Calukya Rucaka order, with raised bands meant for
ornamental belts; the medallions, too, are only blocked out. Brackets are of a peculiar
taranga type (Plate 120), analogous to those in the cave no. 2 at Badami. A central floral
belt intimately clings to and follows the undulations of the bracket (Plate 119). A lotus
at places relieves the soffit of the lintels (Plate 117). The hall has a central naga ceiling.
The garbhagrha to the west has a small entrance defined by thin Brahmakanta
pilasters guarded by two large pratihara figures. The garbhagrha is coeval with the rest
of the hall (the absence of a large jala in the middle section of the west wall would
support this conclusion). Access to the gidhamandapa is through a narrow, dvisakha
doorway having valli and nagasakha jambs. Naga tails are held by a garuda. The
doorway surround is framed by a torana made of two wide Brahmakanta pilasters;
these support a kap6ta above (Plate 116). This “to6ranabandha” is flanked by narrow
jala strips.
The mukhamandapa has eight peripheral and four central Rucaka columns. The
peripheral pillars on the eat show figures of Yamuna (south; Plate 103), yaksa-
mithunas at the entry (Plate 104), and Ganga (north). There are two yaksa-mithunas on
the south and a yaksini with her (brahmin?) lover. The north also has three pairs of
lovers (Plates 105-107); one of them seems to be Rati and Kama (Plate 106).
Other faces of these pillars are carved with decorative belts and medallions; the
belts show muktagrasa with floral bands above, the medallions contain bhitas, kin-
naras, warriors, mithunas, ihamrgas, etc. At one place the royal emblems of the
Calukya dynasty (varaha, sankha, cakra, and darpana) are shown (Plate 112), at other
places chatra and camara (Plate 111). The decorative style of these pillars, particularly
that of the muktagrasa, is rather folkish, the technique of carving is after that of rural
silver jewellery.
Potikas are all plain roll-type. Only the ceiling in front of the garbhagrha was
carved. It formed a samatala grid of nine, of which only six boxes (containing yaksa-
mithunas alternating with full-blown lotuses) survive (Plates 113-114).
An ancient, stone, monolithic ladder (with steps hollowed out) leads from the
mukhamandapa to the sloping roof made up of corrugated slabs. A square cell raised
over the centre of the hall has bhadra projections carrying niches with images: an
unfinished Ardhanari (south), Strya (west; Plate 108), and sthanaka Visnu (south;
Plate 109). A short kapili formed by two Brahmakanta engaged columns admit one into
the empty cella.
The chronological position of this temple has become a highly controversial issue.
Pioneering art historians (as well, more recently, as S.R. Rao) have dated it to the fifth
century A.D.; recent advances made in the stylistic study of Calukya temples, however,
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I 45
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no longer allow such an early date. The large sculptures associated with this temple
are distant from Gupta-Vakataka and Maurya-Kalacuri productions and also later than
early Calukya images in the cave-temples at Badami and Aihole. While decoration
here somewhat follows the Badami cave-tradition, it is far inferior in kind and quality
to its cave counterparts. Figural sculptures seem to cross a genuinely Dravidian style
with those of somewhat decadent late Vakataka and Kalacuri schools. The hairdo,
particularly of female figures (Plates 104, 106), shows some similarity with the latter;
stances, mannerisms, style of wearing ornaments, and manner of holding attributes are
after a southern mould (Plates 108-109).
Tartakov and Bolon hold that Ganga and Yamuna figures occur in Calukya terri-
tory only from the period of Vinayaditya/Vijayaditya; they believe so because it was
Vijayaditya who (during his father’s regime) won Ganga- Yamuna figures with Palidh-
vaja-banners from a northern king. This could make not only the Lad Khan but all
such temples where Ganga and Yamuna figures occur later than the period of all the
Calukya kings who preceded Vinayaditya. Calukya builders, however, knew of jamb-
conventions from North India earlier than in this period, and Ganga and Yamuna were
among such door-figures by convention. Ganga-Yamuna figures appear outside the
Raméévara cave at Ellora (c. mid-sixth century a.p.), and first appeared on Gupta
doorframes in the second quarter of the fifth century. (They appear at Ajanta for the
first time in cave no. 2, dating from the latter part of the fifth century.) In the Calukya
country itself, temples built before Vinayaditya also show Ganga-Yamuna figures, as
for example, the Gaudargudi temple at Aihole. The presence of harnsamala beneath the
kapota-eave, the nearness of the inner pillars, their potikas, and the one grid-ceiling
to those of the Jambulingésvara (dated a.p. 699), the style of the sculptures, and
the quality of its decoration, however, would suggest a date for this temple late in
Vinayaditya’s reign. An inscription of Rastrakita times: refers to the temple as a
“ghatikalaya” (assembly-hall) for the town’s elders.
Hamsamala
kanta pilasters are ornamented on the bays. Potikas and uttara are plain.
by hara with katas and salas. Where the
appears beneath the kapéta, which is topped
g
vimana joins the mandapa on north and south the wall has a jala-window, showin
nt with
fish-wheel motif (Plate 128), framed by pilasters and topped by a pedime
(west), and
karnakitas and bhadragala. Bhadra images are Harihara (south), Siva
Ardhanari (north; Plate 123).
The grhapindi of the second tala stands over the garbhagrha and carries the usual
hara. The huge octagonal sikhara has applied karnakitas and cardinal pafjaras. The
stupi is missing.
The gidhamandapa walls have projecting bhadra bays with framed and
pedimented jala-windows on either side (Plate 129). Bhadra niches show Visnu
(north) and Siva (south), recalling the Malegitti Sivalaya. On the east, niches flanking
the mukhacatuski show two-armed dvarapalas (Nandi and Mahakala) as on the Maha-
kitésvara temple (Plate 124). The hara over the gidhamandapa continues that over the
vimana. The mandapa roof is raised over the nave clerestory.
The mukhacatuski has Rucaka pillars, the bosses of medallions and belts marked
out but not carved. The ceiling is padmasila. The paficasakha doorframe lacks the
excellence of earlier examples.
In the interior are 16 Rucaka columns with uncarved medallions and belts
(Fig. 28a & c). Potikas are taranga type (Plate 121), sometimes with floral buckles on the
major rolls (Plate 130) or a rearing vydla (Plate 131). The soffits of the nave lintels show
lotuses (Plate 131); the faces of the lintels show harnsamala and kap6ta (Plate 132). The
plain védi supports a clerestory of hara with figured pada-panels (Plate 132). The three
rectangular bays of the nave are covered with Samatala vitanas. The first shows a large
padma with four others at the corners. The cardinal points show square headed panels
bearing flying vidyadhara couples (Plate 134). The central vitana has a grid of nine
quadrants; the large central square shows Brahma, the four cardinal boxes contain the
Lokapalas, and the corner boxes are filled with lotuses. The vitana in front of the
garbhagrha (Plate 135) has Hara-Gauri in the centre, riding on an animated, leaping
Nandi and surrounded by bhitas.
The pillars of the side aisles resemble those of the nave. The uttaras show no
hamsamala. Alpanasis alternate with elephant-figures (Plate 133). Nasikdsthas sepa-
rate kantha-panels filled with ganas. The nasikésthas shelter single male or female
figures (Plate 133).
The adhisthana mouldings of the slightly rectangular garbhagrha are like those of
Lad Khan, but the kapétapalika has no ornamentation. The doorframe resembles that
of the gidhamandapa.
A detached Nandi-mandapa preserves its original Nandi. Judged by the style of its
pillars, potika, and varandika-prahara, the structure seems contemporary with the
main building.
There is at present no image in the sanctuary. Bolon feels that the temple was
dedicated to Tripurusa whose rather small and undistinguished image is seen near the
back side of the Mahakatésvara temple. Its dimensions do seem to accord with the slit
in the garbhapitha of the Mallikarjuna temple.
. Scholars agree that this temple is later than the Mahakitésvara temple. Those who
date the latter temple to c. a.p. 600-602 (or c. A.D. 625) assume that the Mallikarjuna is
a generation later; those who make the Mahakiitéévara temple late have the Mallikar-
juna follow by only a few years. The formal similarity of pillars and potikas and the
physiognomical identity of figures like Ardhanari on this temple and some of those on
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE I 7 : 49
the Lad Khan suggest that they are coeval. Figures on the Mahakiitésvara temple seem
earlier and are different in style. If the Mahakitésvara dates from the late years of
Vikramaditya I, the Mallikarjuna ‘temple may date from the late years of Vinayaditya.
(M.A. Dhaky had once argued for an earlier date for this temple on the basis of his
analysis of the Nandi-pavilion, but this argument no longer seems to hold.)
I= =<
=
The temple proper also has an adhisthana (Fig. 1d) with upana, tall jagati, Nagara-
type of kumbha, kantha with ornamented galapadas (demarcating panels filled with
scroll work or ganas; Plates 149-150). The kapotapalika is decorated with nasis that
have either kinnari-heads and lotus finials or dancing figures (Plate 151) and normal
finial. On the east, the wall has Brahmakanta pilasters with richly decorated mala-
sthana and lasuna (Plate 152). Niches flank the mukhacatuski on the east, three appear
on the northern and southern walls, and three more around the apse. Framed and
pilastered jalas appear between the niches on the north and south walls (Plate 154);
formalised “nagacakra” ventilators appear on the apse. Deities in the niches are shown
in Table 1.
SOUTH WALL
-| Eow (missing) Vrsavahana Narasimha
NORTH WALL
W-E (missing) ~ Durga Visnu
These niches have a variety of pediments: Dravidian (Plate 155), salakara sikhara
(Plate 157), sabhasikhara (Plate 156), two-tiered pent-roof with Straséna-fronton (Plate
158), or just a Sukanasa-fronton. The jala niches are also pedimented, either by torana
types or by haras. Some of the niche-figures are of very superior quality (Plate 153).
The treatment of this exterior wall reflects a high degree of finesse. The mukha-
catuski also shows considerable finish; its pillars are not only elegantly carved (Plate
147) but also beautifully polished. The potikas of the Rucaka pillars are of roll type
with vyala-figures on the front (Plate 148) as in the Mahakita Mallikarjuna temple;
lotuses or floral medallions adorn the soffit of the lintels, the faces of which show
panels with figures. Two vitanas show matsyacakra and nagaraja. The soffits of the
cross-beams of the ceilings have makara-ends and rich floral carving. From the access
stairway of the mukhacatuski, lintels slope to meet the peripheral pillars of the
upapitha. .
The six §akhas of the gidhamandapa’s doorframe are elegantly and sumptuously
carved. These are naga, valli, stambha, mithuna, valli, and bahya. At the base of the
sakhas are mithunas, Ganga and Yamuna, and other attendant figures (Plates 159-160).
Garuda on the lalata holds the naga-tails. The uttaranga shows hara.
The interior of the gidhamandapa is very dimly lit through the jalas. The decora-
tion of the Rucaka pillars (Plate 99) and potikas is damaged, as is the doorframe of the
garbhagrha. The apsidal garbhagrha shows no figural enrichment.
The temple may have had a prakara, the pratoli of which (Plate 161) stands on the
south. The pratoli’s adhisthana resembles those of the Gaudargudi and Lad Khan. Its
plain walls are cantoned by Brahmakanta pilasters. Its doorframe has sparse decora-
tion; its lintel shows hara with a row of three sadvarga Salas alternating with sadvarga
ktitas with Brahmacchanda sikharas. The north wall of the pratoli has a donative
inscription from the time of Vikramaditya II (a.p. 733-745) which records a gift to a sun
temple founded by Kumara, possibly a revenue officer. An undated foundation in-
scription (recently discovered by Ramesh) states that Kumara built this alaya (the
Karnata
5 style, II.A.1.4
52
Durga temple) for Aditya, the Sun. The characters of this inscription seem to date not
later than a.p. 700 (Ramesh). : .
Ceiling panels from the environs of this temple now preserved in the National
Museum, New Delhi, possibly belonged to the entrance porch over the steps.
reaching up over the kapota; Brahmakanta pilasters canton the corners (Plate 169). The
bhadra niches are empty. The first tala of the superstructure is arpita; the tall hara
includes sadvarga nasikésthas. The second tala is plain except for a sunk niche in the
centre. The griva and sikhara are ruined. The sukanasa over the antarala takes the form
of a wagon-vault with large, semicircular nasika in front bearing a figure of Natésa
(Plate 168). Four free-standing pillars support the ceiling of the garbhagrha. The
mukhamandapa has Rucaka pillars with decorative belts and lotus-medallions and a
padmaésila ceiling. The lalata of the paficasakha doorframe shows Gajalaksmi in Pra-
lambapadasana. Some differences noticed in the decorative details of this temple are
due to it being in Andhradéga. Alampur monuments, though built through Calukya
patronage, had their own guilds of architects, with traditions that differ somewhat
from those of the Calukya heartland. The temple may be contemporaneous with the
Malegitti Sivalaya at Badami, or it may be later, from Vinayaditya’s time.
il
aa
The nave clerestory shows a hara of sadvarga kitas and éalas; over the garbhagrha
doorframe these are astavarga. The soffits of the cross-lintels of the nave resemble
those in Badami’s Jambulinga temple. The ceilings of the nave show tripurusa and
accessory figures. The ambulatory around the garbhagrha is narrow (Fig. 31c) and no
window lights the west side (Fig. 31a; Plate 181). The garbhagrha has a moulded
adhisthana (Fig. 5d) that is abbreviated compared to the exterior one (Fig. 5b).
Owing to the general decadence in decoration, the form of the grhapindi with its
cramped pilasters, and the carving on the upper part of the Brahmakanta pillars (Plate
185), which anticipates later Rastrakiita developments, the temple seems late in this
series, founded not before a.p. 700.
sions. Narrow salilantara recesses are followed by a bhadra with a deep but unoccu-
pied niche, a torana only blocked out. The wall’s kapota has nasis which show large
gandharva and kinnara heads; rafters and harnsamala appear below. Rafter-ends
appear above the kapota, topped by arpita hara with only narrow harantara intervals
between the kitas and bhadraéalas. The second tala reproduces the lower tala at half
the scale, with no niches. The third tala again is half, with no hara. Square védi with
very short griva and sikhara complete the temple. The top of the sikhara and kalaéa are
replacements.
The gadhamandapa has karnas with sham niches, recesses with rectangular jala-
windows. Wide bhadras on each side have empty sunk niches with torana above. The
hara of the vimana’s aditala continues over the gidhamandapa and mukhacatuski.
The giudhamandapa has four pillars inside (Fig. 32a-b). The lower portion of the
_ Shafts is octagonal; the cubical section above is uncarved. The fronts of the taranga-
potikas have simhavyala-figures. The kapota above the uttara supports a clerestory
of nasikosthas. Porch pillars have a square shaft changing to octagonal; the median
portion has ghatapallava; the potikas are similar to those in the gadhamandapa (Plate
193). |
An inscription in characters of the ninth-tenth century is not from the temple’s
foundation. The temple seems to signal the dawn of the Pattadakal phase, and must be
placed shortly after a.p. 700.
_ On the face of a boulder some distance behind the Bhutanatha group are four
Siva-temple reliefs; these are interesting from the formal point of view. The first
represents a Saiva temple’s garbhagrha with paficakiita superstructure, karnakutas, a
high second tala, védi, griva, and square sikhara (Fig. 7). The second (Fig. 8) has a hara
with bhadrasala, the second tala clearly defined. The griva is short; the sikhara above
has kapotapalika, a poorly defined element above, and kalasa. The third (Fig. 9) is
pancaktta with karnakitas, a double védi, short griva, and a beautifully delineated
square Sikhara with kalaSa finial. The fourth (Fig. 10) has hara with sadvarga kitas and
bhadrasalas;- the second tala has clearly defined karnas and central bhadras with
image-bearing niches. A short griva supports a square Sikhara with large mahanasi and
shapely kalaga finial. These reliefs stylistically may date from the late seventh or early
eighth century a.D. .
closer to Badami, stands an isolated small temple (Plate 23). An important feature of ©
this temple, called Hire Makutéévara, is that it is built under the cliff of a hill. The
for older. Makutesvara-
hilltop is shaped like a crown (“makuta”). “Hire” is Kannada
natha, to whom the pillar inscription records a grant, means Siva, Lord of the Crown.
This temple is a sort of “constructed cave” beneath a natural mountain crown. The
overhanging cliff and the rock hill above were probably the inducement for placing the
temple below. The hill acts as a mountain-sikhara for the otherwise flat-roofed temple.
The location of each rock-cut temple at Badami and Aihole was determined by the
shape of the natural rock. The choice of this location at Makuta seems to have been
determined by the occurrence of the natural rock-crown. The name of the site, Makuta,
and the god,-Makutéévara, which is not a common name of Siva, may have been a
toponym. A tirtha may consist of a stream, pool, tree, mound, or a peculiar rock shape;
the tirtha of Makuta has all these features, but its name is derived from the natural
rock-crown.
No temples may have had superstructures in this region in the second half of the
sixth century but the impulse toward the creation of a superstructure is evident in the
choice of this location. The appellation, Mahakutésvara, suggests the symbolism of the
crown of godhead as appropriate for the sikhara of a temple.
The temple is simple, flat-roofed, and windowless. It had an open, pillared porch,
and an almost square vimana, 14 ft. by 15 ft. wide. The displaced porch-pillars lie
nearby (Plate 26). They are eight-sided, with pot and foliage capital; the centre of the
shaft is relieved by lotus half-medallion, foliate animal, and pearl swag. This type
occurs only in three other Calukya temples (Cikkigudi at Aihole, the Mahakita Bhad-
ravalinga, and a detached pillar from Badami’s Lower Sivalaya). The doorframe has
three, uncarved, receding Sakhas (Plate 25). The exterior walls are plain with a base of
upana, broad uncut gala, and kap6ota with uncut nasis (Plate 24). Kapdta repeats at the
top of the wall.
The garbhagrha has a “hall plan,” like a mandapa without a separately enclosed :
sanctum. The pitha must have stood between the four pillars, which are Rucaka with-
out ornament. The entrance door has blocked but uncarved sakhas; there is no al-
lowance in the blocked courses for a lalatabimba.
A broken pitha-fragment surrounds a linga in the centre of the sanctum. The pitha
tenon is rectangular and the linga seems not to be original. A fragment of a Mahisasura-
mardini image lies nearby (Plate 27). In favour of associating this image with the
temple is the resemblance, in the ridged patterning of her dhoti, to the Karttikéya
figure in Badami’s Ravalaphadi cave, with which it could be contemporary (c. A.D.
550-570).
“Hire” (older) could have been applied to this temple as newer temples were built.
The Makutéévaranatha temple, now often associated with the god mentioned in the
pillar inscription, itself stands in a compound known as “Hosa” (new) Mahakuta.
raised vertical bands, as on Badami’s pitha. The height from ground to the floor of the
pavilion is about 10 ft. There was a masonry stairway on the west side, now gone. The
bedrock has been chiseled to form its base. On the west, at ground level, the bedrock is
carved into six elephant caryatids, each 3 ft. tall. Similar elephant protomes are found
in the base of the Upper Sivalaya temple; by a.p. 634, on the Aihole Méguti temple,
they are reduced to a motif in the kantha of the adhisthana. In the centre of this
bedrock section, ladder-like steps are carved resembling those at the entrance to
Aihole Ravalaphadi cave.
Another bedrock stairway leads to the main temple; its banisters resemble those of
the Badami cave no. 3 entrance. The surviving fragment of this building resembles a
two-storey open pavilion (Plate 194). This mandapa has four, large, square pillars
below and four slightly shorter ones above. Each level has a roll-eave on all but the
west side. On the west the building originally continued at both levels and is now
broken off. An outline in the bedrock to the west indicates a large rectangular structure
adjoining the surviving porch. The lower storey’s ceiling is carved with a simple
rosette.
Architectural similarities to the Aihole Buddhist temple, and similarity of motifs
and carving to Badami’s cave no. 3 (dated a.p. 578), suggest that this temple may have
been built between a.p. 570-590.
12S a eS oe 2
PS PRS eSSSS
ro iz 4 6 8
———— |
The garbhagrha also is apsidal; its kantha and cornice are raised above the exterior
wall mouldings.
On the exterior wall of the garbhagrha are three empty niches; images of Kartti-
kéya, Ganéga, and Mahisasuramardini lie nearby. By analogy to Siva temples at Alam-
pur, these would have Karttikéya (west), Ganésa (south) and Mahisasuramardini
(north).
The image of Karttikéya is best preserved. He is standing, two-armed, holding a
spear in his right hand, his left hand resting on his hip. A small peacock stands by his
left foot. Iconographically, he is similar to the Alampur or Mahanandi type of Kart-
tikéya. Possibly this temple represents an early link between eastern and western
Calukya sites.
The garbhagrha doorway is paficasakha and incompletely carved. It includes a
naga with human bust; snake-bodies run around the doorway and are held at the
centre of the lintel by a garuda. The outer sakhas have leaf-pattern; the base figures are
uncarved. The uttaranga shows Ssiraséna-trifoils, capped by small amalakas, supported
by pilasters on either side. These are connected by recessed shrines which form some-
thing of a hara.
A “double-lipped” lotus-petal border, which runs around the top of the interior
wall of the pradaksinapatha, is otherwise met with only in Aihole’s Cikkigudi.
The presence of a double course of rafters’ ends, the door-lintel type, and the
Suraséna-motif are of Nagara extraction. The jalas of the window and the grasa-heads
on the columns seem archaic.
A large Nandi, coeval with the temple, lies in front of the mandapa on the mukha-
mandapa base; in the garbhagrha is a black linga on the original round pithika.
The squarish kunda (Plates 201-202) in front of the temple has mouldings like
those of the temple’s adhisthana. At its south face is a stairway (Plate 201). At the
centre on the east is the projecting masonry through which a wooden cross-bar sup-
ported a pulley to draw water (Plate 202).
The use of the name “Mahakita” suggests that the land upon which this temple
was constructed could have been part of the plots assigned to MakiitéSvaranatha by
Pulakési I or Kirttivarma, or later by Mangalésa. The temple may have been con-
structed early in the seventh century (c. a.p. 600-620).
bearing maladharas (Plate 207). At each corner, the beams are carved with a foliate bird
or man. Presence of dharavrtta-kumuda and the style of carving would indicate a date
close to the Naganatha temple, Nagaral, and to the Durga temple, Aihole.
0 3M
Fig. 35. Aihole. Puspabhadra temple, plan. (Courtesy: Michell.)
the neck tapers and is capped by a square, curved cushion. Above is a cube and a very
attenuated bracket with foliate edging (on other Calukya examples reduced to fluting).
All details of this torana show great care in execution.
This is the only known surviving Calukya t6rana. It can be identified as early
Calukya by its carving and pillar-style. The inner side of the south pillar is inscribed in
seventh-century characters with a reference to the reign of Yuddhamalla Satyasraya
(‘wrestler in war and seeker of truth’), which is a name of Vinayaditya. Other inscrip-
tions may be the names of sculptors: Sri Gonadéva, Sri Kannappa and Srimat Anagam
(the latter apparently a woman).
The lintel is carved with 16 auspicious symbols similar to those carved on the
porch pillars of the Lad Khan temple. These emblems (mangalas) are, north side, left
to right (Plate 208); nidhi
hi (Sankhanidhi?), purnakumbha, leaping lion (simha), nasi
over conch and wheel (Sankha and cakra), another leaping lion, Gaja-Laksmi seated
beneath a §ala roof, boar (Varaha, the Calukya crest), crossed camaras under chatra
below a nasi and before a bhadrasana-throne, two fish (mina-yugala or mina-mithuna),
and couchant Nandi(?). The die below the lintel is carved with a makara; the bracket
profile is carved into vine scroll and the underside has a central band from which
originally sprang a leaping vyala; the northern Sri Laksmi is damaged. The top of the
lintel shows elongated kita-sala roofing. Behind each of the symbols is a continuous
throne which recedes between each emblem. Beneath is a curved eave, the corners of
66 Karnata style, II.A.1.
» Supplementum by
Carol Radcliffe Bolon
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no. 19, Hyderabad 1964; no. 20, Hyderaba d 1965.
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Pierre Rambach and Vitold de Golish, The Golden Age of Indian Art, London
Dharwar 1971, 215-219.
K.V. Ramesh, “Chalukya Pulakesi I,” Studies in Indian History and Culture,
1973, 99-107.
K.V. Ramesh, “Notes on Some Imperial Dynasties of Karnataka,” Srikanthika, Mysore
Chalukyan Temples,” Lalit Kala, 15 (1972), 9-18.
S.R. Rao, “A Note on the Chronology of Early
Rao, “Recent Discoveries in Aihole and Pattadakal, ” Srikanthik a, Mysore 1973, 23-28.
S.R.
7 (1973-74),
G.C. Raychaudhuri, “History of the Western Calukyas,” Journal of Ancient Indian History,
1-101.
21, Madras
Alexander Rea, Chalukyan Architecture, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series,
1896.
S. Settar, “A Buddhist Vihara at Aihole,” East and West, 19 (1969), 126-138.
S, Settar, “Hundunda-da Badami-Calukyara Avasésa-galu,” Karnataka-Bharati (Kannada), VI, 7 (1974),
USI=153:-
D.C. Sircar, “The Chalukyas,” The Classical Age (History and Culture of the Indian People III), Bombay
1954, 227-254.
C. Sivaramamurti, “Western Chalukyan Paintings at Badami,” Lalit Kala 5 (1959), 49-50.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Art of South India—Deccan, Delhi 1980.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, “Beginnings of the Temple Plan,” Bulletin of the Prince of Wales Museum of
Western India, 6 (1957-59), 74-81. :
K.V. Soundara Rajan, “Brahmanical Early Structural Architecture—Some Aspects,” Archaeological
Society of South India, Transactions 1960-62, 158-165.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Cave Temples of the Deccan, New Delhi 1981.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Early Temple Architecture in Karnataka and its Ramifications, Dharwar 1969.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, “Early Temple Origins in the Lower Deccan with Special Reference to Nagarjuna-
konda,” Journal of the Oriental Research Institute, 11, 1 (1961), 21-25.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Glimpses of Indian Culture—Architecture, Art and Religion, Delhi 1981.
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Indian Temple Styles, New Delhi 1972.
Walter Spink, “Ajanta to Ellora,” Marg, 20, 2 (1967).
Walter Spink, “Ellora’s Earliest Phase,” Bulletin of the American Academy of Benares, 1 (1967), 11-22.
Walter Spink, “Jogeévari,” Journal of the Indian Society of Oriental Art, 8 (1978), 1-35.
Walter Spink, “Monuments of the Early Kalachuri Period,” Journal of Indian History, 46, 2 (Aug. 1968),
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California, Los Angeles 1969.
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(1969), 269-280.
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70
(Rastrakuta occupation)
(a.D. 733-745)
CHAPTER D.1 liiAg
Historical Introduction
Vijayaditya’s reign (A.D. 696-733) primarily was a peaceful one. The only event of
military consequence was prince Vikramaditya’s campaign in c. A.D. 728/9 against the
newly crowned Pallava Paramésvaravarma II, from whom a tribute was extracted.
Some conflict among Vijayaditya’s governors can be noted, but on the whole he
wielded firm control over his vassal chieftains. He founded the temple of Vijayésvara
at Pattadakal (Kisuvolal; Raktapura).
Vijayaditya’s son and successor Vikramaditya II (a.p. 733-745) was as valorous as
had been his father and grandfather. He defeated Nandivarma Pallavamalla, conquered
Kanci, and left an inscription on the hall pillar of Rajasimha’s famous Kailasanatha
temple, to the deity of which he restored the temple treasures; unlike most conquerors,
he did not indulge in post-conquest destruction. His two queens, Loka Mahadévi and
Trailokya Mahadévi, built two magnificent Siva temples in Pattadakal. Pattadakal also
received several other buildings during his reign, notably three temples with Latina
superstructures. A Muslim invasion of the Calukya territories in south Gujarat was
repulsed, but the Calukya vassals there eventually became independent.
Kirtivarma II (a.p. 745-757) defeated Pallava Nandivarma while still crown prince.
During his reign his vassal princes became strong, and Rastrakita Dantivarma inflicted
a major defeat on him in c. a.p. 754. His reign ended with a defeat by Rastrakuta
Krsna I in a.p. 757. With it ended the first Calukya empire of Karnatadééa.
Saivism was the predominant religion in this region; Visnu also was respected,
however, as can be seen by the presence of his images on the walls of the Saivite
temples in Pattadakal. A Saivite pontiff, Isanacarya, was in charge of the temples in
Alampur. In Aihole, Badami, and Pattadakal there must have been Saivite acaryas as
well, though no information has come down to us through inscriptions or literary
sources.
Jainism continued to be important in this phase. Vijayaditya’ s sister, Kumkuma-
mahadévi, founded a Jaina temple — the “Anéséjjéya vasati” — in Purigere (Laksméé-
vara), to which the king granted donations in a.p. 708. One Niravadya Pandita alias
Udayadéva Pandita of Mila Sarngha (Déva gana) was the spiritual preceptor of
Vinayaditya and received a grant from Vijayaditya in a.p. 729. Vikramaditya gave a
grant to the Dhavala Jinalaya at Puligere in a.p. 733/4. A pillar inscription of a.p. 751/2
refers to the founding of a caitya by an officer, Kalimayya, of Jébulgiri in Annigere.
Besides Sravana Belagola in Gangavadi, Koppana in Calukya territory had attained
great importance, as also the Anvaya of Kondakunde (to which the illustrious mystic
Padmanandi alias Kundakundacarya belonged).
72
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Karnata style, II.A.2.
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE II
; 73
Architectural Features
In the late years of Vikramaditya II’s reign, architectural style changed rapidly.
The most eloquent witnesses to this phenomenon are the temples at Pattadakal. The
Latina-Nagara form continued to be employed in this phase, exemplified by the Hucca-
payyagudi and Tarabasappagudi at Aihole and the Galaganatha, Papanatha, Jambu-
lingéSvara, and Kadasiddhéévara at Pattadakal. The tiered, pyramidal and Mundamala
types are rare. Most important are the three royal foundations at Pattadakal in Dravida
mode in which we encounter the full glory of early Karnata style. These royal founda-
tions are so “Dravidian” that, on the basis of the misreading of a short inscription on
the Viripaksa temple, earlier writers went so far as to suggest that a Pallava architect
constructed the temple. Indeed, incontrovertible evidence shows that Vikramaditya II
conquered Kafcipuram, and an inscription of his appears on one of the pillars of the
Kailasanatha temple at Kafici. Some early writers even suggested that the Kailasanatha
temple was the inspiration for the Viripaksa. The reading “tenkana désé” (southern
country) in the inscription, however, has been corrected to “tenkana disé” (southern
side) which implies only that the architect built “the southern side” of the Virapaksa.
Architecture in this period in Karnatadééa acquires a more “Dravidian” look and
associated sculpture shakes off much of the Maurya-Kalacuri lineage. While Aihole
and other sites possess a few buildings of this period, the major structures come from
Pattadakal. The style of this phase is defined primarily by these Pattadakal temples.
The three major temples at Pattadakal are sandhara vimanas, with bhadra, upa-
bhadras, and pratibhadras. Gadhamandapas join with the vimana more gracefully than
in the previous period; they are large, with many columns, and with porches on the
north and south as well as on the east. Nandi-mandapas become more important,
larger, and are richer in decoration. The temple-complex is surrounded by a prakara,
and in one case possesses parivaralayas and prat6lis (both behind and in front of the
complex).
The Kapotabandha class of adhisthana, as it is found at Pattadakal, has left behind
the ponderousness, hesitance, and variability found in the previous phase. A well-
articulated form emerges, with rich and varied detail on the tripatta kumuda, on the
vyalavali in the pratikantha above the kapota, and on the védi. The porches of the hall
have a special adhisthana-type with a sort of védi-mattavarana and hara.
The walls of these large temples have several niches set along them with grilled
windows between. Saivite images (including several forms of NatéSa) as well as
Vaisnavite sculptures (including the major avataras) take their position, though their
ordering hardly makes sense in terms of the injunctions of available southern Saiv-
agamas, all of which date from a later period. .
The prastara has Calukya hamsamala or sometimes bhitamala beneath a kapota
enriched with nasis and vallis. The hara shows richly ornamented kutas and salas with
subdued grivas.
In the extant catustala vimanas, the regression of stories in the superstructure is
expertly brought about. The griva, however, is subdued, and there are free-standing
karnakitas, not the appliqué type of the preceding phase. The sikharas are square or,
in one case, round. A éukanasa for the first time appears for Dravida temples, project-
ing from the superstructure up to half its height; this feature was certainly adopted
from Nagara architecture but has been made to harmonize with the Dravida mode.
The gidhamandapa is square on plan and follows the same formulation as on the
vimana. These large halls have three porches, with hara above. The vast interiors
possess Rucaka columns with very rich decoration. The long central nave has a clere-
a oy ILA.2.
Karnata
74
'
story with decorative ceilings.
The mukha- and parévacatuskis have simple Rucaka pillars graced with mithunas
Nandi
and narrative scenes. Pratiharas occur at porch and garbhagrha doors (where
and Mahakala appear). .
The garbhagrha doorframe has the same sakhas as in temples of the previous
phase, but a gorgeous makara-torana is applied as dvara-térana, supported by the
stambhasakhas. The pilasters and lintels on the interior of the yarbhagrha are also
decorated: in one instance, its ceiling is also ornamented.
Fig. 36. Aihole. Kuntigudi group, temple no. 1, plan. (Courtesy: Michell.)
prominent ornamented kapO6ta with nasis on the sides and vallimandala in the centre;
above is a hara with karnakitas and bhadrasgalas. Further above is a lintel supported
by vyalas emerging from makara mouths (Plate 215). On the centre of the lintel is a
figure of Gajalaksmi. The pillars to the right and left of the garbhagrha show Saivite
dvarapalas (Plate 214). |
These dvarapala sculptures show a type met also in temples at Pattadakal of the
period of Vikramaditya II. The garbhagrha sculptures seem slightly more ancient.
Some of the archaism of this temple may be ascribed to the conservatism of the Aihole
guilds; some could be the result of the building being from a transitional phase, before
the full-fledged Pattadakal style came into vogue. If this is right, the temple can be
dated to c. the third decade of the eighth century a.p.
VUVASANVONVS
g-——
OB “4
76
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE II
77
The uttara shows lotuses at intervals. Bhitamala appears beneath the kapota. The
nasis on the kapodta do not coordinate with the wall-pilasters. Vallimandala (at the
corners) and vertical ratnapatta (in the centre) decorate the prastara’s kapota. The
gadhas of the nasis have fine figural busts. The hara above has vyalamala as base; there,
fighting elephants, etc., appear over the bays. The karnaktitas and the salas over the
pratikarnas show vimanapala-vidyadharas at their corners.
The small niches on the kiitas and Salas contain bhitas, gandharvas, apsarases,
etc.; the niche-pilasters are flanked by small, leaping vyalas, the nasigadhas show
miniature vimanas. Vallimandala graces the corners of the sikhara. The salilantaras
show nasikésthas, with standing figures of apsarases, bhitas, etc.; their nasigadhas
show seated figures of siddhas, etc. Below each nasikéstha is a pranala; this is a
simple, channelled trough on the south and west, but also shows makara and simha
forms on the north.
The second tala extending above the garbhagrha has an open pradaksina space
enclosed by the hara of the aditala. Its wall shows karnas and central bhadra cantoned
by Brahmakanta pilasters. On the south, shallow slit-niches show Lakulisa (east),
Gajantaka, and an incomplete image of Visnu (west). Visnu figures are also seen on
one of the other sides. Uttara shows lotus decoration. Harnsamala appears below the
kapota, which has nasis with gadha figures. Karnakiitas and bhadraéalas in the hara
have decoration only blocked out.
The third tala has no karna and bhadra projections; three sections are, however,
demarcated by Brahmakanta pilasters. The corner sections show panjarakosthas with-
out flanking pilasters, that bear standing apsarases on rectangular blocks. The central
sections show Uma-Mahéévara (east), Daksinamirti (south), and seated Siva (north;
Brahma would be the Tamilian convention). The west seems not to have an image. The
uttara has lotus decoration; hamsamala also appears. The kap6ta has two nasis over the
panjarakosthas.
The square griva above shows a much condensed bhadrasala but no karnakutas.
As in all Karnata-Dravida temples, the griva is low. The square sikhara is in good
proportion. The mahanasis are very small, as in all Karnata-Dravida temples. The
corners of the sikhara are decorated by vallimandala. The stipis of all karnakitas are
lost, and are not yet chiselled out of the rock for most Salas. The sikhara has a beauti-
fully formed round kalaga, with lotus base and lotus bands at the lower part of its
ghata. This superstructure is in perfect proportion, in harmony with the rest of the
temple (Plate 218).
The garbhagrha walls have a short adhisthana with empty niches on the bhadra. In
the antarala (Fig. 38), two side chambers may have been used for Dévi and GanéSsa. The
garbhagrha doorframe is paficasakha; it is incomplete, but the base parts of the jambs
. show Ganga and Yamuna with their attendants. Two large dvarapalas occur on the
adjoining pilasters. Inside the garbhagrha is a massive, square, pitha and a cylindrical
linga.
The large gidhamandapa seems to have had three porches on east, north, and
south. This hall remained incomplete. Work had progressed through the antarala,
including parts of the northern and southern walls beyond the porches. The porches
had an adhisthana with karnas and pratikarnas, etc., the kantha showing elephants
and vyalas (Plate 219). A large Nandi, originally in its own (now ruined) pavilion,
faces the mandapa.
Fig. 39. Pattadakal. Sangamésvara temple, section and elevation. (Courtesy: Michell.)
Karnata style, II.A.2.
80
ly,
prakara is crowned by a hara interspersed with kitas, pafijaras, and Salas. Original
half of which survive. The circuit of
32 parivaralayas abutted the prakara, about
chapels at the sandhara Sangamésvara temple at Kadavéli in Andhrad ééa (Plates 294-
295) could be a few years earlier than that of the Virapaksa. :
The Kapotabandha adhisthana (Fig. 40b; Plate 222) of the vimana and gidhaman-
dapa has plain khura-kumbha, tripatta kumuda (of which the madhyapatta at many
places is relieved with beautiful scroll-work; Plate 225), kantha (shorter than noticed
in earlier temples) with galapadas and panels between ornamented with floral motifs
(Plate 222), and kapéta with nasis filled with floral motifs (Plate 222) or gandharva-
heads (Plate 223), vallimandala at the corners, and ratnapatta between the nasis.
The vyalavali is part of the wall and shows a variety of vyala figures including
gajavyala (Plate 223). At a few places, a pair of naga figures also appear on the karnas
(Plate 224). The kanta of the védi also possesses beautifully carved galapadas with
floral motifs, the space between filled with scroll-work (Plates 222-223). On the south-
ern side, this is always left blank or filled with figures and scroll pieces in countersunk
panels. The védi is crowned by trdhvapadma course.
The vimana walls are divided into karnas, pratikarnas, and central bhadra with
salilantara recesses between (Fig. 37). The karnas and the bhadras have subsidiary
offsets defined in the wall proper by paired pilasters. The karna, pratikarna, and
bhadra offsets carry niches with images. The wide bhadra-niches are framed by pilas-
ters surmounted by toranas; the pratibhadras have pafijarakésthas; the karnas have
only guha niches with nasikas above (Plate 220). The salilantaras between the karnas
and pratikarnas accommodate a variety of jalas; those flanking the bhadras bear slit-
niches with figures. The vimana walls thus bear seven niches and two jala windows.
The windows are crowned by nasis over kapota-prastara or by a miniature superstruc-
ture. The thin Brahmakanta pilasters have at several places ornament on the upper
malasthana portion. The dévakésthas and the guha niches mostly show forms of Siva
but also a few forms of Visnu (Table 2). Some of these sculptures (Plates 226-233),
particularly on the south side, are among South India’s greatest masterpieces.
The uttara shows lotuses, bhitamala, and kap6ta. The corners of the kapdta have
Fig.40. Adhisthanas:
a. Pattadakal. Saagamésvara; b. Pattadakal. Virtpaksa.
Karnata style, II.A.2.
82
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Michell.)
(Courtesy:
elevation.
and
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temple,
Virapaksa
Pattadakal.
Fig.
41.
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE II
83
vallimandala. The mukhapatti of the nasis are decorated with rosette-and-pearl fes-
toons; the gadha shows gandharva-, kinnara- and the bhita-heads. The sikara, where-
ver preserved, shows tall lion-heads with flaming crown. The spaces between nasis are
also filled with vallimandala, replaced on the north by floral strips. The vyalamala
above is short.
Karnas have kitas above; pratibhadras have panjaras; bhadras have Salas. All are
richly ornamented (Plate 235), Vimanapala-vidyadharas appear at the corners of the
salas and kitas, vyalas appear under the pajijaras, and the central niches carry images.
The gadhas of the elegantly formed pafijaras and mahanasis of kitas and éalas are
filled by temple-models; the framing mukhapattis are heavily ornamented. The haran-
taras are decorated by square sphutitas crowned by nasis (Plate 235).
The superstructure over the garbhagrha leaves an ambulatory behind the aditala’s
hara (Plate 234). The second tala has three bays with guha niches and a hara above
with karnakitas and bhadraéalas. The third tala shows no niches; its hara echoes the
arrangement of the second tala. The fourth tala shows projecting bhadras but no sali-
lantara recesses; the karnas are cantoned by a pilaster and are decorated by nasikésthas
and here and there with figures. The griva shows free-standing karnakitas. Grivadéva-
tas were intended, but without niche frames or késthas. On the northern and southern
sides, griva figures can be discerned but not identified. The beautifully shaped square
sikhara has mahanisis that bear temple models. Karnakitas at several places preserve
square stipis; the main sikhara has a round kalaéa. Harhsamala graces all the talas, the
main Sikhara, and the Salas of the aditala.
The superstructure of the vimana possesses a projecting Sukanasa, over the antar-
ala. The sukandsa-projection looks like a half-sala; it had been used earlier on the
Taraka-Brahma temple at Alampur and on the Parvati temple at Sandtr. The sukanasa
follows the elements of the prasada talas, with sala roof projecting at the fourth tala.
The large lalatanasi shows a temple model; its ridged barrel-roof is crowned by a series
of round sttipis. Natésa is seen in the gadha.
The giidhamandapa joins the vimana by means of short “kapili” walls. This
hypostyle hall is wider than the vimana and possesses a mukhacatuski at the east and
parsvacatuskis on the north and south (Fig. 37).
The exterior of the gidhamandapa has karna and pratibhadra bays. Pratibhadra
niches are graced by toranas; the karnaguhas have small temple-models or figural
groups instead of nasis. Salilantaras have jala windows crowned by large nasis bearing
either temple-models or figures. In all other respects the treatment of the exterior
parallels that of the vimana. The niche-figures primarily represent forms of Siva
(Table 3). The three porches possess features which distinguish them from the man-
dapa’s exterior. The adhisthana differs from the prasada’s adhisthana (as also the
corresponding one of the Sangamésvara temple). The lower part is Kapotabandha,
with khura-kumbha, kantha, and kapota. In the kantha are figures of elephants on the
karna, pafijara, and bhadra projections, vyalas and simhas in the recesses. The kapota
has a hara above with karnakitas, pafijaras, and bhadrasgalas (Plate 236). Each porch
has two free and two engaged pillars. On the forward pillars are mithunas (Plates
237-238) and Saivite and Vaisnavite narratives such as Kailasaharana (Plate 239),
Gajéndram6ksa, Karivarada (Plate 240), Visnu and Bali, warriors, etc.; the rear pillars
support large dvarapalas (Plates 241-242). That on the southern porch (Plate 242) was
carved by the sculptor Baladéva, son of Duggi Acari, and is comparable with the best of
early Cola counterparts. The ceilings of the porches are carved. That of the eastern
porch shows Surya (east), Daksinamiurti? (north), and Brahma (south). In earlier
Karnata style, II.A.2.
84
SALILANTARA
[Catuski entrance]ee
[jala]
(damaged)
Calukya temples, the rear columns are shown disengaged from the wall; here they are
joined by walling with niches on the side. On the east porch are Sankhanidhi and
Padmanidhi. Siva dancing on top of Apasmara on the north porch and Narasimha
killing Hiranyakasipu and Natésa on the south porch are particularly noteworthy.
The hall’s doorways are carved, but figures at the base of the sakhas are generally
damaged. The interior has a central nave and two aisles on north and south. The 16
free-standing pillars are in groups of four, and have corresponding pilasters on the
walls (Fig. 37). These Rucaka pillars are ornamented with decorative belts and medal-
lions as in the earlier temples, but the carved themes are more varied, richer in detail,
and often exquisitely finished (Plates 243-246). The lower medallions show ihamrgas,
mayuras, makaras, kinnaras, vallimandala, lotuses, etc. (Plates 247-250). From the top,
broad vine strips connect the lower medallions with the upper belts. These upper
bands show lotuses, muktagrasa, hamnsas in loops, manibandha, vajrapatta, etc., or
figural belts with dancing bhitas in loops; in the upper belts are narratives from the
_ epics, puranas, Pancatantra, etc. (Plate 251). The upper medallions show floral or
figural ornament.
Taranga-potikas support a nave clerestory. The lintel-soffits in some cases show a
lotus set in a square box. The engaged pilasters show mithunas (Plate 252). The clere-
story nave has carved ceilings, one showing a naga, the others having large lotuses.
These are more formal than in the preceding phase.
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE II 85
Two small shrines face each other in the anatarala. They each have a sala-sikhara.
The ambulatory is poorly lit by small jalas. The garbhagrha walls have engaged col-
umns on the exterior with empty bhadra niches. The doorway has a magnificent
makara-torana, the usual sakhas, and river goddesses at the bottom (Plate 253). The
doorway is topped by a kapéta over outer stambhasakhas with a large sala above
. housing a fine four-armed seated Bee Nandi and Mahakala appear on the pilasters
flanking the doorway.
Inside the garbhagrha are engaged ee the linga and pithika are canopied by
a grid-ceiling showing figures in boxes and Natéa in a central roundel. The engaged
columns have carved capitals, one showing a large grasamukha. The uttara above
shows bhitas carrying a garland or relaxing in its loops (Plate 254). Above the doorway
from inside is a fine scene of the kamalaputja worship of the Sivalinga (Plate 255).
The Nandi-mandapa on the east (Plate 256) has four openings and stands on its
own socle; access is from the west. The adhisthana mouldings are similar to those of
the porches but have no hara. In the kantha are mostly bhitas, with lions mounting
elephants at the corners. Openings on north and south have engaged Rucaka pillars
closed by kaksasanas; on the east and west, only fragments of kaksasana appear.
Corners are cantoned by Brahmakanta pilasters. Above, bhita figures feign to support
the heavy eave (the engaged columns at the openings have vydlas). The wall is deco-
rated with panjarakosthas enclosing apsarases. The entrance columns show apsarases,
river goddesses, mithuna figures, etc. (Plate 256). These engaged columns have potikas
with figures of vidyadharas holding sword and shield on the taranga face. Four Rudra-
kanta columns surround Nandi; these have round kalaSas, rare in the Calukya period
in Karnata and possibly introduced from Gangavadi. The image of Nandi seems
original.
The heavy kap6ta-eave shows no decoration; its underside copies a wooden frame
(Plate 257) as in the Badaémi cave-temples. Above appears vyalamala and a raised,
corrugated, roof (Plate 256). This Nandi-mandapa matches the grandeur of the main
temple and is considerably more ornate than its Mahakita predecessors.
The parivaralayas around the Nandi court (Fig. 37) are well preserved on the west
(Plate 258). Some were ékatala, some dvitala (Plates 259-260); that facing the southern
porch of the gidhamandapa is rectangular, meant for the Saptamatrkas.
The main eastern pratoli has a two-pillared entry-porch (Plate 261) not duplicated
on the inner side (Fig. 37). Its adhisthana resembles that of the Nandi-mandapa, its
bosses left unworked. The walls on north and south have four Brahmakanta pilasters
with a band of figures above that are mainly bhutas, but with a sprinkling of erotic
figures, and figures of Ganésa and Karttikéya on the southwest corner (Plate 262).
Above this is a decorative belt showing pearl festoons. The kap6dta-eave shows a
woodlike framework underneath. Above the kapota comes vyalamala and a hara with
karnakitas and éalas (Plate 261). The longer walls show pafijarakosthas flanking the
entrances. All four niches are empty.
The western pratoli, behind the vimana (Plates 263-264), is small but effective. Its
adhisthana shows kantha with large vyala figures at the corners and elephants on other
bays. Above the vyalavali are figures of seated or dancing Siva, bhitas, apsarases,
mithunas, etc. The inner faces of the engaged columns at the entrance show dvara-
palas. The hara above shows karnakutas, pafijaras, and bhadrasala.
The Virupaksa complex is a notable achievement; the monumental main shrine
with its Sukandasa has great formal strength. It is in no way inferior to the Kailasanatha
temple at Karici, which in some ways it excels.
Karnata style, II.A.2.
86 1
trisula, naga)
The vimana is catustala. The second tala comes over the inner sanctum and
repeats the plan of the lower tala, with slit-niches on bhadra and karnas (Plate 265).
The third tala follows the same rhythm on a diminished scale, without slit-niches. The
fourth tala lacks karnakiitas above. The subdued griva, sikhara, and stipi are round.
The lower portion of the Sukanasa projects the hall of the second tala, with kitas at the
front (preserved on the south). The lalatanasi, above the extended ardharika, contained
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE II
87
a Saiva temple-model, now much eroded. The temple is not so logically laid out as the
neighbouring Virupaksa. The round shape and proportionately smaller size of the
sikhara mar the formal beauty of the main structure. The broad, projecting bhadraésalas
also considerably alter the temple’s aesthetic effect (Plate 266) and indicate a new
intention.
The gudhamandapa follows that of the Viripaksa temple, though smaller in size.
(The distribution of images on the walls is shown in Table 5.) The porch-adhisthanas
(Plate 267) differ from that of the main building but resemble those of the porches of
the Virtipaksa. The pillars of the porches are decorated with mithunas, divine figures,
and pratiharas flanking the doorways. Doorframes show the usual ornaments. The
interior pillars are similar to those in the Viripaksa; one of the lower medallions
contains an intricate vine design (Plate 272).
The band connecting the lower medallion and upper belt is short and sometimes
contains figures (Plate 271) besides the customary scroll. The upper portion is divided
into three belts: the lower generally contains bhutas in loops or festoons, the upper two
show episodes from the epics and puranas. The upper three-quarter medallions show
floral motifs and figural tableaux: lingaptija, an 4Srama scene with landscape (a rare
feature), etc. The lower part of the wall-pilasters contain mithuna figures (Plate 270).
The central blocks of the taranga-potikas of the nave pillars show flying gandharva and
vidyadhara couples (Plates 274-276). One shows a vigorous depiction of Durga fighting
Mahisa (Plate 273), the composition strongly recalling that in the Mahisasuramardini
cave at Mahabalipuram.
The uttaras in the nave are surmounted by kapota and a clerestory with niche-
panels and hara with kitas and Salas (Plate 277). The cross-lintels are supported by
bharavahakas riding an elephant. The soffit of these lintels shows scrollwork. The
‘BI
‘ep
(‘{Tayot :Asaynoy)) ‘WoT}eAsTa puke UOT}OIS ‘g[dura} eun(sieyT][eN ‘Teyepelied
Karnata style, IL.A.2.
ae,
88
—
CALUKYAS OF BADAMI: PHASE II
&9
nave ceilings show Natésa, Nagaraja, Gajalaksmi, Hara-Gauri, and a padmaéila in the
garbhagrha.
The antarala has facing shrines as in the Virtpaksa (Fig. 42). The gidhamandapa
has 16 pillars with corresponding pilasters. The pancasakha doorframe of the giidha-
mandapa includes patrasakha and mithunasakha; the lower portion of the frame
shows figures of Ganga and Yamuna. Pilasters flanking the door show the Saivite
dvarapalas, Nandi and Mahakala (Plate 278).
It is the recently uncovered Nandi-mandapa of this temple that is the chief glory of
the complex (Plates 279- 280). Even in its ruined state, it excels the Nandi-mandapa of
the Virijpaksa in design, conception, and execution. Its adhisthana is similar to that of
the porches of the gidhamandapa, with elephants and other figures in the kantha and
with no hara above. Its prominently projecting bhadra-balconies show beautifully
shaped Indrakanta pillars with fluent scroll belts (Plate 280). Discrete projecting
panjarakosthas bear apsarases on the walls. The nasis have tall simhasikhas; their
90 Karnata style, II.A.2.
(parasu, tristila) ‘
eo
i ae
mukhapattis are relieved by pearl festoons and rosettes, and the gadhas are filled with
figures. The kapodta of the prastara is exquisitely formed; its underside shows
framework supported by maddalas (Plate 279).
The prakara surrounding the complex is relieved by simple square pilasters
(Plate 265).
Supplementum
The porch has a lotus ceiling and four Rucaka pillars. Their square shafts are
carved with raised bands of mithunas, lotus petals, and grasamukha (Plates 284-285).
The doorway from the porch (Plate 286) shows five sakhas: patra, stambha (deli-
cate pilasters with two shaft boxes showing mithunas), ratna, naga, and mithuna’s
bearing garlands. A winged garuda occupies the lalata. Above the lintel is an eave with
bracketing and a prastara with a series of shrines supported by vyala busts. Standing in
the central shrine is a male figure holding tridents in both hands; the flanking shrines
show female figures. To either side are dvarapalas carrying club and trident. Naga
busts appear near the base of the doorway, but the lower figures have been destroyed.
The inner chamber has a central aisle formed by two pillars with flanking pilas-
ters. There are no side platforms, as in the Durga temple’s gateway. The interior pillars
are cut with raised bands of grasamukha, mithuna, and lotus designs. The potikas are
cusped, but with sides cut in a design resembling folds of material (Plate 287). The
pillars have mithunas, grasamukhas, lotus medallions, and dancing ganas. One pillar
has a label inscription.
The high interior ceiling has three panels: Varaha flanked by gandharvas (south);
Brahma seated on hamsa, a lotus in his lower right hand, pot in his lower left, four rsis
to either side (Plate 288); and Andhakasura flanked by gandharvas and apsarases
(north). The crossbeams are carved with a “lotus-issuing-lotus” pattern as at Aihole.
The exterior of the north doorway (Plate 289) is even more elaborate than is the
south door. River-goddess figures appear at the base. On the outside of the upper “T”
are salabhanjika figures. Below, on the west, is an elephant bust. The innermost sakha
shows mithunas in a vine; others are naga, ratna, stambha, and patra. Above the lintel
are sadvarga shrine-models; above are dentils and a kapodta having nasis with faces.
Above, in the clerestory, is a frieze divided by two pilasters containing Siva and
Parvati on Nandi, with Gané§a and Karttikéya (left), Brahma on hamsa, and Trailokya-
bhramana-Visnu on Garuda, with three gandharvas to either side (right).
One does not expect so much imagery on a pratoli. The style relates to sculpture
found on temples from the end of the seventh and the beginning of the eighth century.
The architecture is similar to that of the Durga-temple gateway. The Sulebhavi pratoli
may be dated c. A.D. 705.
ft. wide and 20 ft. in depth and consists of a four-pillared porch (the pillars are a local,
geometric type not typical of Calukya temples), and a nirandhara vimana. Lingas
survive in four of the sanctums. Each shrine has exterior niches with images; only the
second from the south has a rear niche. All are heavily whitewashed. The niche images
for the five temples (from south to north) are given in Table 6.
TEMPLE .
No. 1 Gajantaka Vinadhara
Temple no. 3 is the largest of the five temples. Its pitha is round. The porch has”
flanking dvarapalas, each with four arms and a trident headdress; that on the north has
four legs. The entrance gate to the group is opposite this temple. A small Nandi is
placed before its door. In the Sukanasa are five ganas.
Each vimana has a stepped superstructure and a flat roof over the porch. These
Sikharas are a variation on the tiered, pyramidal superstructure, but with a domical top
(temple no. 2 has a Nagara tower but with a Dravida sikhara at the top). There are no
ceiling panels. The exterior walls are divided into three bays by four pilasters. The
adisthanas are partially buried, but have upana, faceted kumuda, and kapota.
The exterior niches have an eave with nasis and busts; the pilasters are
ornamented. Dvarapalas are of Pattadakal type; other images reflect a continuation of
the slender proportions of the Pattadakal type. They are, however, somewhat more stiff
than any at Pattadakal.
These five temples as well as the Baccanagudda Durga temple were possibly the
product of low budget, village sponsorship during the reign of Kirttivarma II (c. a.p.
750). Though the dynasty was dying and imperial patronage was not available, village
craftsmen still built temples in this period.
Supplementum by
Carol Radcliffe Bolon
REFERENCES
eae cour a of the Kunti Group Aihole,” Oriental Art, XXIV (1978), 297-308.
-©. ee
Nagaraja Rao,oka
“Chronology of Papanatha Temple
p at Pattadakal:
al: A R econsiderat
ideration,”
ion,” Srikanthik
Sri a,
ika
Seca coe Il,” The Chalukyas of Badami, Bangalore 1978, 105-115.
-V. ae
Fadigar, “Twoae
Narrative
iat Reliefs from Mallikarju
j na Temple,
ple, Pattad
Pattadakal,” . Archaelogi i
cal Studies
i 3,
R.S. Panchamukhi, “Pattadakal and its Sculpture, A Brief Outline,”
Deccan College Post Graduate and
Research Institute Bulletin, 8 (1947), 60-72.
:
3ee eendada Badami Chalukyara Avagéégalu,” Karnataka Bharathi,
VI, 4 (1974), 151-153.
; a! "4 i, “An Early Western Chalukyan Durga Temple at Bachinagu
dda,” Madhu: Recent Researches in
ee A jan Archaeology and Art History, ed. M.S. Nagaraja Rao, Delhi 1981,
185-186.
-V.Shettil, “Ramalingésvara Temple at Hungund,” Rangavalli: Recent
Researches in Indology,
ee Rao Felicitation Volume, ed. A.V. Narasimha Murthi and B.K.
Gururaja Rao, Delhi 1983,
CHAPTER wp)
II.A.3.
AluvarasaI
alias Gunasagara-Alupéndra
(c. A.D. 650-680)
Citravahana I
(c. A.D. 730-765)
Aluvarasa II
(c. A.D. 730-765)
ose
Ranasagara
enh eee iCitravahana II
(c. A.D. 765-805) (c. A.D. 765-800)
Aluvarasa IV
(c. A.D. 840-870)
Vimaladitya
(c. A.D. 870-900)
Historical Introduction
Tulunadu roughly comprises the present district of South Kanara in Karnataka and
part of the Kasargode Taluk of Cannanore District in Kérala. It was ruled by kings of the
Alupa dynasty from c. the seventh to the beginning of the 15th century a.p. These
rulers gave a distinct character to Tulunadu which followed a defined linguistic
boundary. The language of Tulunadu — Tulu — is a Dravidian dialect showing greater
affinity with Kannada and the Kodagu dialect of Coorg than to Tamil or Telugu.
Tulunadu style, II.A.3.
96
Udiyavara® ')
AREA OF MAP
A Phase l
e Phaseli
(6) 20 40 60 80 100_..
peop
pp} Kilometres
Little is known of the history of Tulunadu prior to the rise of the Alupas. In the
Sangam age it was inhabited probably by a tribe known as K6égar. A Kadamba line of
rulers extended its sway over Tulunadu during the fourth and fifth centuries a.p. The
Mahakita inscription of Mangaléga (A.D. 602) declares that the Calukya Kirttivarma I
(c. A.D. 567-598) conquered the Alukas or Alupas; this points to the Alupas as an
independent power in the sixth century, bordering the Kadamba territory. We know
nothing of the Alupa contemporary of Kirttivarma. We do know that the Alupas under
Aluvarasa I (c. a.p. 650-680), ruled over the Kadamba country as vassals of the Calukya
king Vikramaditya I (c. a.p. 654-681). The relation of the Alupas with the Calukyas
became still closer when Citravahana I (c. a.p. 680-730) married the Calukya princess
Kumkuma Mahadévi, sister of the Calukya emperor Vijayaditya.
The Alupas seem to have thrived largely under the shadow of one or another
bigger power, and in the reign of Aluvarasa II (c. a.p. 730-765) they shifted their
allegiance from the Calukyas of Badami to the Pallavas of Kaficipuram. As a conse-
quence, the Alupas lost Kadamba territory, although they temporarily continued to
retain their hold over Pombulcca (modern Humca in District Simoga). They lost.and
regained Pombulcca more than once before the rise of the Santaras as an independent
power late in the ninth century a.p. The Alupas surrendered the region to the Rastra-
katas during the reign of Alupa Citravahana II (c. a.p. 765-800) who had to face a
dynastic feud soon after his accession. Taking advantage of Citravahana’s preoccupa-
tion with the Rastrakita army in the Pombulcca region, one Ranasagara staked his
claim to the Alupa throne, and this family did eventually succeed in overthrowing the
branch represented by Citravahana II and Svétavahana. In the reign of Maramma, or
Aluvarasa IV, the Alupas had to line up with the Gangas of Talkad against the Rastra-
kitas. The tide of Rastrakita power under Krsna II (c. a.p. 880-915), however, soon
swept over Alupa territory. After the death of Maramma, a veil of uncertainty descends
on the history of the Alupas for about a century. The influence of the Alupas from the
ninth century onwards continued to be confined to Tulu country, with Santaras as
their eastern neighbours.
Alupa inscriptions claim Pandyakula origin for the Alupas. The symbol! of the
carp, an emblem used by the Pandyas as well, appears on the seal of the Alupas from
their single known charter, from Belmannu. The Alupa rulers followed Saivism; their
capital city Udayapura (the modern Udiyavara near Udipi) was then a most important
religious centre. The ruined SOmésvara temple at Udiyavara, on a hillock known as
Sambhukal, is probably the earliest extant temple in Tulunadu. Inscriptions of Alupa
rulers are replete with references to Saiva shrines, and it is likely that temple
architecture in Tulunadu began some time in the first quarter of the eighth century.
The Udiyavara inscription of Aluvarasa II (c. a.p. 730-765), and one of Ranasagara
(c. A.D. 765-805), mention the deity of the Somésvara temple as Sarnbhukalladéva and
Cambukalla-Bhattaraka, a name preserved even today. Before that, when Kadamba
country was under their control, the Alupas possibly had the famous Madhukéévara
temple built at Vanavasi, much in the Calukya style and datable not before c. a.p. 700.
An interesting development in the religion of the Alupa country is the worship of
the Saptamatrkas and of Durga-Mahisasuramardini. The Polali inscription, attributed
to the reign of Citravahana I (c. A.D. 680-730), states that the Alupas were protected by
the Saptamatrkas (as also were the Kadambas and the Calukyas). It may be assumed
that the cult of the Saptamatrkas spread from Calukya country to Tulunadu. Their
shrines were rectangular (as was also true in the Maitraka kingdom of Saurastra).
Polali, for instance, has a rectangular shrine dedicated to Rajarajésvari; among several
98 Tulunadu style, II.A.3.
gigantic stucco images in the shrine, one known as Bhadrakali has jackal as vahana,
suggesting its identification with Camunda. The Virabhadra temple at Udiyavara en-
shrines stucco figures of Kaumari, Vaisnavi, and Mahéévari, each with her characteris-
tic lafichana. Stone images of Saptamatrkas noticed at places like Kotésvara and Ullala,
on the other hand, are without mounts. These images may be dated to the ninth
century and are somewhat reminiscent of Nolamba sculpture, though the local tradi-
tion of rendering is clear. Stucco used for images may represent an earlier trend in
Alupa country.
Images of Mahisasuramardini from Tulunadu show Durga uplifting the hind part
of Mahisa by holding his tail, a form quite uncommon in South India. Some of these
may be dated to the ninth century. Images of Krsna, Visnu, Skanda, and Surya are also
known from this period.
The Alupa rulers followed a policy of religious tolerance. Kumkumadévi, the
Calukya consort of Citravahana I, constructed a Jaina establishment of Purrigere, Dis-
trict Dharwar, at the request of her husband. It is, however, doubtful whether any Jaina
foundation existed in Tulunadu during the rule of the early Alupas. Likewise, it is a
debatable issue whether Buddhism in this period received any foothold here. A stone
image of Buddha is reported from Muluru (Milapura in the inscription); slightly more
tangible evidence for Buddhism exists in the subsequent phase.
Architectural Features
It is not easy to define an architectural style for Tulunadu, since the region seems to
have been a meeting ground for divergent trends. Both laterite and granite have been
used for construction; the tradition of building in sandstone found in the Calukya
country had no impact due to the paucity of this material in the region. The majority of
temples carry superstructures in the form of sloping roofs, but a few temples with
typical Dravida superstructures were built in the early phase.
Tulunadu shows a predominance of apsidal and rectangular groundplans; circu-
lar temples, which constitute a dominant type in Kerala, are rarely seen. Square
shrines are not uncommon. No less than 25 apsidal shrines are known from all
periods. The earliest temple of Tulunadu, the temple at Sambhukallu, Udiyavara, has
an apsidal groundplan of an unusual type. It consists of an apsidal structure, enclosing
a rectangular shrine that is apsidal internally. Its nearest parallel, if only the sanctum
is taken into account, might be from the late Buddhist phase of Amaravati or the
ParaSuraméévara temple at Atirala, Andhradééa. A temple with similar groundplan
has been noticed at Murdheévara near Bhatakala, District North Kanara. It is likely that
Kérala derived the apsidal plan from Andhra and Karnataka through Tulunadu, with
its great concentration of such temples. Such apsidal shrines show no external divi-
sion between sanctum and mukhamandapa.
A groundplan, found in Tulunadu, that stands completely apart from the Kérala
style has a closed mukhamandapa and a square sanctum forming a rectangle. Wall
decoration is practically absent except for kudyastambhas and ghanadvaras. Rectangu-
lar shrines consisting of only a sanctum are also known; in most cases these are meant
to house Saptamatrka images. One of the earliest such temples is the Rajarajésvari
temple at Polali having a tenth-century inscription on its lintel. Several sets of matrkas
and a few rectangular shrines of the Muttaraiyar, Irrukuvel, and Cola idioms in Tamil-
nadu indicate the general popularity of the cult. There is little evidence, however, that
a rectangular plan for matrka shrines attained any popularity in Calukya territory.
ALUPAS OF UDAYAPURA: PHASE I
99
Adhisthanas and columns show little variety in this phase. The Kapotabandha
adhisthana frequently met with in Kérala is uncommon in Tulunadu; it is noticed in
the apsidal Mahalingésvara temple at Brahmavaram, which may possibly date back to
the late ninth century. In the kantha of the adhisthana, dentils are preferred. Many
temples, like the Rajarajésvari temple at Polali, have no adhisthana in the real sense.
Wherever adhisthanas occur, they are followed by védika. Columns are undecorated,
with octagonal “kattu” intervening between cubical “caduram” (caturasra).
Though the plastic art of Tulunadu assumed some distinctness, architectural
trends, which adopted features of extraneous origin, are not ever fully consolidated.
Temples with a square shrine and mukhamandapa forming a common rectangle, as
well as apsidal shrines, may both be taken as typical of Tulunadu. Walls show no
recessing, though both types carry sloping roofs to counteract the heavy rainfall in this
region. The sarvatobhadra plan, so common in Kérala, is rare in this and the succeed-
ing phase in Tulunadu.
where a separate garbhagrha inside an apsidal outer wall was first introduced. This
form attained considerable popularity in Tulunadu and Kerala.
The foundation of the Mahalingésvara temple at Brahmavara may possibly be
dated to c. a.p. 850-900.
ESO il 2
See cae eee oe
Fig. 46. Barakiru. Mahalingésvara temple, Padabandha adhisthana.
102 Tulundadu style, II.A.3.
H. Sarkar
REFERENCES
Govindaraja (I)
Karkaraja
Karkka Suvarnavarsa
| | Bhattarika
Karkka = Dantivarma Sankaragana Samaravaléka Asavagge
(governor (governor of
of Lata) Gangavadi)
Rastrakutas of Malkhéd:
Upper Variation, Phase I
Historical Introduction
The Rastrakitas of Daksinapatha and Karnata were the greatest of India’s imperial
dynasties after the Mauryas and Guptas. Their predecessors in the Deccan, the Calu-
kyas of Vatapi, whom they vanquished and supplanted, had founded a great kingdom,
vaster than any before their times in South India. However, while Pulakési II (a.p.
609-642) had not been able to progress beyond the Narmada in North India owing to
the powerful presence of Harsavardhana of Kanyakubja, the Rastrakutas under Govin-
da III (a.p. 794-814) reached both Kanauj and the sacred Ganga and brought consider-
able territory in central and lower western India under their control. Matching their
political achievements were ones in the spheres of religion, literature, and, above all,
even in certain aspects excels — that of the Pallavas of Tondainadu, and in some
instances eclipses that of the Calukyas of Vatapi.
The original home of the Rastraktitas, the location of their capital before they
shifted the imperial seat to Malkhéd, in northeastern Karnata, in the early years of
Amoghavarsa I (a.p. 814-878), and their provincial affiliation — whether Kannadigas
or Marathas — are questions still not satisfactorily answered. Current scholarship in
Maharashtra favours a Maharashtrian origin for the dynasty and locates their early
capital in the present Marathi-speaking area of Maharashtra at either Ellora (Elapura)
or Morkhinda near Nasik. Vidarbha scholars seek to identify the capital with Mar-_
kanda of medieval Vidarbha, and the temple of Marakandésvara there as a foundation
of Govinda III (the temple, in fact, is in the general Dahala style of the Haihayas of
Tripuri and stylistically dates from the latter half of the 11th century a.p.). Scholarship
in Karnataka is inclined to take Latur (Lattaltr) as their place of origin Morkhandi as a
place of the same name situated in northern Karnata territory, and the Rastrakutas
linguistically as Kannadigas. K.V. Ramesh recently has advanced a hypothesis that
they could be from some place in Gujarat.
Whatever their origin, it is probable that the Rastrakutas initially settled in the
Elapura area. Govinda, who possibly was a feudatory of the Kalacuri king Budharaja
: and whom Pulakési II at the beginning of his career won over to his side by granting ~
him a fief (c. a.p. 611), was seemingly the progenitor of this Rastrakuta dynasty. The
lower part of the Kalacuri kingdom (which included Elapura and portions of Maratha-
vada) was possibly part of the fief Govinda enjoyed. The repetition of the appellation
“Govinda” throughout the Rastrakita ey follows, presumably, this original
106 Later Karnata
far style, II.B.1.a.
Buses”
f-@ @ .
SS
Coda
S6davens a R.
yy
ae peek
LAYS J ;
= RR,
Krsna R_ wrsne é
Sirval
Bhavanasi Sangam
. Ao OOF Aihole
aK is ‘Pattad akal
@ Phase I
@ Phase I
ee pene
dynast. Up to c. a.p. 752, however, the Rastrakitas remained loyal to their Calukya
masters.
The initial years of Dantidurga’s career are as yet not fully clear. He is presumed to
have been reigning from c. a.p. 733 (or A.D. 715). He is also supposed to have collabo-
rated with the Calukya Pulakési of Lata in repulsing the Arab invasion of Nagasarika
(Navasari) in southern Gujarat in a.p. 738 and to have assisted Vikramaditya II’s
campaign against the Pallavas in a.p. 743. His first independent conquests were Nan-
dipuri in Latadéga and areas of Malava and Vidarbha. His growing strength and de-
fiance of Calukya power resulted in a military conflict in which he succeeded in
vanquishing Kirttivarma II; by a.p. 753 he had assumed sovereign titles. He converted
one of the Buddhist caves at Elldra (cave no. 15) into a brahmanical place of worship.
His uncle Krsna I, who succeeded him in a.p. 757, completely wiped out imperial
Calukya power in Karnataka; next he defeated the Gangas and annexed their territory,
took the prince Sivamara captive, sent an expedition to Véngi under the crown prince
Govinda, and subdued the Eastern Calukya king Visnuvardhana IV who gave his
daughter Sila-bhattarika in marriage to Dhurva, the younger brother of Govinda. Krsna
I was responsible for the excavation of the great Kailasa temple at Ellora.
In c. A.D. 773, Govinda succeeded Krsna but proved to be wayward and weak. His
brother Dhurva, who had been appointed regent, succeeded in capturing power; he
next defeated the helpers of his brother — Ganga Sripurusa, Pallava Dantivarma, and
even the Eastern Calukya Visnuvardhana IV. Next he set his eyes on Kanyakubja: the
city was then a bone of contention between Pratihara Vatsaraja and the Pala monarch
Dharmapala. Dhurva occupied Malava, proceeded to Jhafsi and defeated Vatsaraja
who fled to Rajasthan; he next defeated Dharmapala who ran back to his home territory
in Ber gal. The Rastrakuta empire thus reached the climax of its power before the end
of Dhurva’s career. In his lifetime his elder son Stambha (Khamba) was appointed
governor of Gangavadi. He had selected his other, and younger, son Govinda (II) for
succession, in whose favour he abdicated the throne.
After some time, Stambha opposed his brother but, along with his allies Ganga
Sivamara and Pallava Dantivarma, was eventually defeated. In North India, Kanya-
kubja once again became the centre of a dispute between the Pratiharas and the Palas.
Nagabhatta II defeated Dharmapala and his nominee Cakrayudha. Govinda III then
proceeded northward where he defeated Nagabhatta, who escaped to Rajasthan; Dhar-
mapala sued for peace. Govinda also brought large portions of Gujarat, Malwa, and
eastern Madhya Pradesh under his power.
Amoghavarsa I, who ascended the throne in c. a.p. 814 when he was still a boy of
13 years, faced many troubles, through all of which his father’s cousin, Karkka, of the
Lata branch, stood by him. Améghavarsa, his feudatories, and other subjugated powers
struggled for many years. The successors of Karkka (Dhurva and Akalavarsa) eventual-
ly revolted against him, and Dévapala, the successor of Dharmapala, once defeated
him. Only with difficulty could he contain the Pratihara king, Mihirabhoja, who by
then ruled from Kanyakubja. His relations with the Eastern Calukyas were also far
from cordial, and successive defeats and victories went on for many years until
Calukya Vijayaditya II, with the help of his general Panduranga, re-established
Calukya power in Véngi. Améghavarsa managed good relations with the Gangas and
Pallavas by giving his daughters in marriage to Ganga Butuga and Pallava Nandivarma.
Although not a military leader like Dhurva or Govinda II, Amoghavarsa managed to
retain the larger part of his nuclear kingdom of lower Maharastra and Karnata. He was
a pious king, and in the years after a.p. 860 he was more and more inclined to practic-
ing the tenets of Jainism.
108 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.a.
Among brahmanical sects, Saivism dominated; Dantidurga and Krsna I were its
great patrons, and the Brahmanical sculptures in the Dasavatara cave and in the Kaila-
sa-temple ensemble at Ellora were the result of this patronage.
Jainism also flourished. The Digambara divine and dialectician Akalankadéva
(c. A.D. 720-780), the author of Tattvartha-rdja-vartika (a commentary on the Digam-
bara adaptation of the Tattvartha-sutra of the Svetambara pontiff Vacaka Umasvati of
Ucchairnagara-sakha), the Siddhiviniscaya, the Laghiyastrayi, the Astasati (a com-
mentary on the Dévagama-stétra 6lim Aptamimarnsa of Samantabhadra c. seventh
century a.p.), and several other works on Jaina epistemology and logic, had challenged
the vadis in a dialectic disputation at the court of Sahasatunga (Dantidurga) some time
around the middle of the eighth century a.p. Rastrakiitta Subhatunga Indra (who may
be identified either with the father of Dantidurga or the son of Dhurva, governor of
Lata) had founded Subhatunga-vasati in Vatagramapura or Vatanagara (modern Vad-
nér in Nasik District) wherein lived two of the greatest Jaina scholars of the time,
Svami Viraséna of Pahcastipanavaya and his worthy disciple Jinaséna. Viraséna had
begun his voluminous commentary (72,000 verses) on the Satkhanddagama of Puspa-
danta and Bhitabali (c. late fifth-early sixth century a.p.) in the time of Jagattunga
(Govinda II) and completed it in a.p. 817 in the time of Nrpatunga Amoghavarsa I,
christening it “Dhavala” either after the title “Tribhuvana-dhavala” of Govinda II or
“AtiSaya-dhavala,” one of the epithets of Amdghavarsa. Earlier, Jinaséna wrote his
famous Parsvabhudaya-kavya (referred to in the Jaina Harivamsa-purana of Jinaséna
of a.p. 784). In a.p. 837/8 he completed the commentary Jayadhavala of Viraséna on
the Kasaya-pahuda-sutta (Skt. Kasdya-Prabhrta-sttra) inclusive of the earlier com-
mentary of the Yapaniya saint Yati Vrsabha (c. third-fourth century a.p.). In this effort
Jinaséna added 40,000 verses to his preceptor’s 20,000. Jinaséna wrote the first part of
the Mahapurana, the “Adipurana”; when it had progressed to 10,380 verses, Jinaséna
passed away. His disciple Ganabhadra added 1,620 verses to the first part and also
wrote out the second part called the “Uttara-purana” comprising about 9,500 verses,
completing it by the mid-ninth century a.p. Gunabhadra also wrote a philosophical
poem called the AtmdnuSsdsana (279 verses).
The Yapaniya sect also produced great works and learned pontiffs of no mean
eminence. Palyakirtti Sakatayana wrote his famous grammar Sdkatayana along with
its commentary Am6ogha-vrtti in the time of Am6ghavarsa I; Mahaviracarya wrote his
famous mathematical treatise, the Ganitasdrasamgraha, also in the time of Amégha-
varsa.
Amoghavarsa had heavy leanings toward Jainism. Acarya Jinaséna was his pre-
ceptor and Gunabhadra was appointed as his son Krsna I’s instructor. The Améghavas-
ti at Candanapuri-pattana (Candanapuri in Nasik District, referred to in the copper
plate charter from Vazirkhéd of Krsna II dated a.p. 913), may have been founded by
Amoghavarsa. Amoghavarsa’s successors also continued patronage. to Jainism. He is
also credited with a work, Kavirdja-marga, on Kannada poetics.
Jaina temples also received support from Rastrakita royalty. Prince Ranavaloka
Sauca Kambhadéva donated the village Péruvvadiyir, in a.p. 802, to the Jaina temple
founded by Mahasamanta Srivijaya in Manyapura (Manné) in Gangavadi by the com-
mand of his (elder brother and sovereign) Govindaraja Prabhiitavarsa; Kambhadéva
donated the village Vadanoguppé in a.p. 808 to Vardhamana-guru of Kondakundan-
vaya for the Vijaya-vasati of Talavanapura (Talakadu), also in Gangavadi; Govindaraja
himself donated the village Jalamangala in a.p. 813 to the pontiff Arkakirtti of the
Yapaniya Sangha for the Jaina temple in Silagrama; and Amoghavarsa I gave a grant of
land for the Nagula-basadi to Acarya Naganandi in a.p. 860.
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
aoe
Architectural Features
Claims for the greatness of Rastrakiita architecture have largely been based on the
merits of the great Kailasa temple at Ellora. Notwithstanding the overwhelming pres-
ence of the Kailasa, our knowledge of the Dravida style under Rastrakita patronage
seems incomplete for want of sufficient knowledge of other edifices raised during their
rule (those that are mentioned in the inscriptions are mostly lost). Much confusion
also exists about the origin of the Kailasa temple’s style, which often, erroneously, has
been looked upon as a direct product of the Calukya style at Pattadakal (of which the
Virtipaksa temple is the most eloquent representative). While some elements and ideas
in the Kailasa (and in the style of the Rastrakiita period) owe something to the preced-
ing Calukya style, the Rastrakittas had at Elapura an inheritance of post-Vakataka
styles in the Maurya-Kalacuri complex of monuments there to which Dantidurga and
Krsna I’s forefathers were witness. Whatever the Rastrakitas got by their conquest of
Karnatadééa was, as a result, modified, enriched, and invigorated. (Rastrakita style
may also have owed something to the style of Gangavadi of that period, now lost,
without the intermediary of which some of the Tondainadu ideals found in early
Rastrakuta architecture would not be likely to exist.) Some influence of Karnata is seen
in the iconography and style of the Siva figures on the Kaildsa temple and in some of
the narrative episodes and scenes. In architecture, at Ellora in any case, only a few
such elements can be traced back directly to Calukya conventions. Some of these
elements were applied in a fresh context, show a deeper intensity, and receive greater
emphasis than do their Calukya parallels. These features were occasionally combined
with indigenous decorative motifs and were thoroughly absorbed, creating a distinctive
style that is authentically “Rastrakita.” Architectural form — both compositional and
expressive elements — betray a degree of cohesion, typological clarity, conceptual
independence, and aesthetic validity rarely conceded to Rastrakita architecture.
The earliest edifices of the Rastrakitas are found in their Elapura homeland. After
their imperial status was firmly established, and after they had shifted their capital to
Manyakhétaka, the Rastrakita style spread also to Calukya territories, both eastern and
western. Since both these territories had long established regional traditions, resist-
ance was offered, and continued to be offered, to the Rastrakita style; some of its
elements, particularly pillar types and some doorway details, ultimately triumphed
and were taken in. The Rastrakitas did not directly rule the vast territory they had
conquered; some of their vassal chieftains were thoroughbred Kannadigas, fully im-
bued with the spirit and culture of Karnatadésa. The buildings raised during the
Rastrakita hegemony in their territories, therefore, show many surviving and thriving
local elements of the Calukya period. A compromise had to be struck between fresh
Rastrakita elements, ideals, and motifs, and the persisting local traditions. The purest
and the most authentic Rastrakita style, therefore, is met at no place but Ellora, yet
certain architectural generalities and common denominators for Karnata and adjoining
western Andhradé§a of that period can be defined.
While the Kailasa temple employs an upapitha, it is a rare feature in Rastrakita
buildings. For the adhisthana, Kapdtabandha was preferred, with or without obliga-
tions to Pratibandha. (Vyalamala was sometimes discarded; even the kapota has been
dropped in the Kailasa complex.) While tripatta kamuda was known and occasionally
used, vrtta type was preferred in Rastrakuta buildings. Padma often tended to be steep
and less sinuous than before. Brahmakanta pilasters were broader than the Calukya
type (at least at the Kailasa) and were in a few instances more fully ornamented (with
vertical bands as well).
Later Karnata style, II.B.1.a.
110
The walls have dévakésthas, and toranas were sometimes applied; these, unlike
on the
the Calukya type, appear not only on the bhadrakdstha but also sometimes
karnakosthas. For recesses between the angas, pahjarakosthas (with or without images)
play a significant role. As in Calukya buildings, no settled pattern for alamkara-devatas
is noticeable. Vaisnava images often appear together with Siva on a Saivite shrine. Ina
single instance of the ninth century (Bhavanasi Sangam), Dikpala images appear on the
karnas. Narratives from the epics and Puranas freely appear in different associations,
though they became scarcer as time advanced. Beneath the prastara’s kapota, the
carving of bhittamala or harnsamala, the latter akin more to Tondainadu (Pallava) type
than to that of Karnata-Calukya, was the rule. The vyalamala above the kapota
sometimes included other figures also, a tendency that becomes more pronounced in
Phase II. The hara, karnakiitas, and bhadragalas, in their generalities of shape and
decoration, follow conventions already set for Dravidian architecture in Tamilnadu
and Karnatadéga of the Calukya period (Phase II).
The védi and griva, at least in Ellora examples, are loftier than are Karnata
parallels, though in the provinces Calukya norms prevailed. The Visnucchanda
sikhara, unemployed by the Calukyas but favoured in Pallava-Pandya territories, was
used at Ellora, though Bramacchanda, sometimes with a karna-phalana, was also em--
ployed. (Rudracchanda, as in the early Calukya period, was not favoured.) The prati-
corners either showed vrsa or bhttanayaka figures as in Tondainadu. The antarala
supports a Sukanasa, as in Calukya buildings of the Pattadakal phase; details, however,
differ. The gadhamandapa externally somewhat resembles the Calukya mandapa of
Phase II, even showing some jalas typical of Pattadakal temples, and is likewise joined
to the vimana by kapili-walls. For semi-open halls and hall-temples, the Rastrakutas
employed a wide variety of mattavarana and védika types. At least three new orders of
' pillar types were evolved at Ellora, and one of them— unfluted Rudrakanta with a
cube below the lasuna — became a standard for Rastrakita buildings of later times.
In the interior, the Rastrakita style introduced several new features. The tiresome
and archaic clerestory arrangement of the nave was given up. The ornate figural ceil-
ings of Calukya specification were de-emphasized. A large, full-blown, central lotus, of
considerable beauty and effectiveness, was used instead, differing from that found in
the Calukya caves. Rastrakita interiors, with their wonderful columns and single-lotus
ceiling, look very chaste and dignified. In Karnata, however, the Calukya taste for
richly decorated ceilings as well as some of the earlier pillar-forms lingered. Rastra-
kuta doorframes show large nidhi, pirnaghata, and sometimes elephant-figures at the
pédya section. While sakha-order largely remained the same as in Calukya buildings,
the vidyadhari type was introduced and often was favoured. Laksmi did not lose her
tutelary position in brahmanical Rastrakita temples, though in Jaina temples Jina
images often took her place.
The external roofs of temple-halls at Ell6ra show a huge padmacchatra with four
circling lion-figures, a feature unknown in Calukya tradition. Hara continues to be
used as in Calukya temples though the shapes and detailing differ. The $ala-sikhara,
used for the gopura-pratéli at Ellora, is not met in Karnata but is found in Pallava
territory. Rastrakita free-standing “dhvajas” and ‘““manastambhas” differ in character
and in formal as well as decorative detail from known early Karnata examples.
Ell6ra, Dasavatara cave (no. 15), dsthana-mandapa (not illustrated)
The only architectural work surviving that probably was sponsored by Dantidurga is
the asthana-mandapa in front of this great two-storied cave, where the deep upper hall
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
ot
contains Saivite panels on the north and Vaisnavite ones on the south. Originally, this
was a Buddhist cave, the last of three great excavations (nos. 12, 13, and 15) that differ
from earlier Mahayana caves (cave nos. 4-10) in plan and probably represent a dif-
ferent sect. Its Buddhist affiliation is indicated by the presence of small Buddha figures
in the carving of the dwarf parapet-pillars of the upper storey (a figure of Tara also
appears). A figure of Tara has also been allowed to remain, as if Parvati, in the ex-
panded panel of Andhakavadha-Siva on the north side.
Other panels on the north side, in a few cases, also retain earlier figures, such as
camara-bearers. The large panels of Sarasvat? and Abhiséka-Laksmi flanking the
garbhagrha are in an early style, retained probably during the brahmanical impositions
of Dantidurga’s time. These brahmanical panels are unsurpassed by any subsequent
Rastrakuta figural carving; what circumstances caused their imposition is a matter
only of guesswork.
The asthana-mandapa in front of the cave bears Dantidurga’s inscription; it is
primarily in Karnata-Nagara style.
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RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
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RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I 115
The upapitha of the main temple, despite its great height, is a simple Matrica-
bandha type provided with a sub-socle made of three superposed (but well integrated),
plain, upana courses (these greatly help it to gain additional height). The upapitha
proper is made up of a kumbha-shaped jagati, a ksudra-vajana, tall kandhara, and plain
pattika. What lends a strong individual character is the presence of large elephant
figures (Plate 300) intermixed with simhas and vydlas in the kandhara (Plates 298,
301). (At the southeast corner apsarases and mithunas also appear; Plate 302).
Although elephants are seen in the kandhara of some Pallava upapithas such as that of
the Dharmaraja ratha at Mahabalipuram and in some Calukya temples of the Pattadak-
al phase, the rendering in both cases is not the same as here. The monumental size of
the elephants at the Kaildsa is more reminiscent of the vithika-elephants at the base of
the porch walls of the Satavahana caitya cave at Karla (c. first century A.p.). In passing,
it may be noted that the pattika of the upapitha at places shows muktadama carving
surmounted by a ratnapattika (Plate 300); at other places it is replaced by plain maha-
patta (Plate 302).
The Kapotabandha adhisthana is placed immediately over the upapitha and is
articulated tightly with it. It is applied only to the gadhamandapa and peripheral sides
of the parivara shrines surrounding the main temple. (The main vimana is drawn in
and does not share this adhisthana. Between the parivara shrines the continued train
of adhisthana courses act as a sort of parapet; Plate 302.)
The adhisthana uses tripatta kumuda above the jagati and a kapota ornamented
with crowded alpanasis (Plate 302).
An ample pradaksina is left around the main vimana, open to the sky, leaving the
parivara shrines free of the main shrine. Had this been walled in and roofed, the
temple would have looked much like a larger version of the Viripaksa temple at
Pattadakal, and would have had the same dark, bat-ridden interior. Two small doors in
the gidhamandapa open toward the east on either side of the antarala walls (Fig. 47),
providing thus a little more light inside and an easy access to the pradaksinapatha.
The vimana is only 37 ft. in diameter; its simple, short, rather disappointing
adhisthana is composed of a tall jagati (supported by a ksudropana) and a short kum-
bha. The wall above, however, is a marvel of design. It is laid on a tri-anga plan, with
karna, bhadra, and pratibhadra, but no salilantara-recesses between. Kapili extensions
connect the vimana and gidhamandapa. The Brahmakanta pilasters which delineate
the angas are, in view of the extreme height of the wall, defined as if in two parts, their
decorative schemes made up of vertical bands connecting horizontal ones (this general
pattern is known from Pattadakal temples, where it is seen only on pillars inside the
hall, not on exterior pilasters). Bhitamala, as in many Pallava and Calukya temples, is
featured beneath the kapota. Highly embellished dévakésthas, while recalling those at
Pattadakal, play with new ideas. The karnas and upabhadras have panjarakosthas with
powerful nasi-tops and flamboyant sikhas; those on the subhadra show images seated
on exquisite lotus pedestals, flanked by pairs of maytras, cakravakas, etc. (Plate 310)
that are unknown at Pattadakal. Another extraordinary feature, unequalled elsewhere
in India in this age, is the presence in the upper blank face of the wall, above bhadra
and karna niches, of effortlessly soaring, gliding, or sometimes descending figures of
handsome vidyadharas (Plates 305-309, 311-312). They not only relieve the wall’s
upper section, but each is a masterpiece of sculpture in motion. (This feature, on a
much smaller scale, is, however, paralleled on Alampur’s Nagara temples, of the
Calukya period.)
“2168 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.a.
Dévakosthas harbour forms of Siva, supported by ganas, and other deities (Table
1). Some of these remind one of Pattadakal parallels, but, in terms of quality and
rendering, even surpass them, particularly those that illustrate dynamic movement.
ANTARALA VIMANA
LOCATION
P| karna |PRATIBHADRA | BHADRA | PRATIBHADRA | KARNA
DIRECTION
The hara above the ground-storey’s prastara merges with the lower part of the first
tala of the arpita tritala superstructure (Plate 313). This hara has karnakiitas and a
central bhadrasala; the intervening harantara sections show alpanasis above tiny
kdsthas, as also on the kita and 4ala sections. Figures connected with these hara
kosthas look insignificant; the pada of the second tala, however, has large images of
divinities set between pilasters on the karnas and bhadras, with apsaras images in
intervening kosthas. The hara above echoes the pattern of the aditala’s hara. The pada
of the second tala has niches showing seated nidhis, vidyadharas, and other divinities.
The third tala has small images of pramathas. Finally, above the prati, are the usual
vrsa figures. The short, (though not excessively short) griva above the védi bears no
figures. The octagonal sikhara is reminiscent in form as well as elegance of that of the
Dharmaraja ratha at Mahabalipuram. The eight mahanasis of the sikhara show minia-
ture temple-models framed by the gadha-cavities. The stiipi is lost. With it, the height
of the vimana would have been about 75 ft. from the top of the upapitha, or 100 ft. from
the ground.
As with Calukya temples, a Sukandsa appears over the antarala-walls. In profile, it
is treated like the harantaras of the first tala but on a larger scale; it is crowned at the
centre by a round stipi, with a lion attacking a buffalo at the front (Plate 313).
The great lalatanasi of the Sukanasa shelters in its gadha-cavitya beautiful, con-
templative, image of Mahaydgi-Siva (Plate 314). The mukhapatti is decorated with
pearl festoons and floral motifs and indeed excels in elegance all Calukya parallels.
The exterior of the gidhamandapa differs in a few points from the treatment of the
vimana proper (Plate 298). A bhadravalokana is attached at the centre of the northern
and southern walls and a mukhacatuski on the west. Salilantara recesses are inserted
between pratibhadras and karna. Dévakésthas on the wall are small, of slit type, and
with no decorative framing. Vidyadharas (at places with consort), appear as on the
vimana proper, but at a higher level on the wall. The pattern of divinities on the
gudhamandapa includes Vaisnava themes (Table 2). The salilantara-recesses
are re-
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
117
lieved by small jalas; their patterns, however, are so heavy that little light or air is
admitted to the interior.
third (a sort of khalva) with gandharvas, and the fifth (bahyasakha) with padma.
Figures of what seem to be river-goddesses occur at the base of the frame. Two large
dvarapalas are placed at the sides of the half-pilasters to either side of the door
(Plate 326). 7
The vast interior of the gidhamandapa (Plate 315) has 16 free-standing pillars, in
groups of four, with corresponding engaged pillars on the walls. The central four
pillars are a sort of Brahmakanta (with nominal curve at the shoulder) and are pro-
vided with a massive ghata, with supporting mouldings below and a heavy citra-potika
above. (The attached pillars on the wall also follow this pattern.) The other free-
standing pillars are more or less of Rucaka order; they omit the central horizontal belt
of ornamentation, nasi, and heavy ghata of the former, providing instead a fluted
laguna (enframed by pearl-festoon belt with vyala figures at the corners) topped by a
large ghatapallava (Plates 316, 318). The citra-potika for this pillar-type has a flattened
bottom. The quality of decoration on these pillars is very high; the central band on the
Brahmakanta pillars carries epic or puranic narrative scenes.
The Samatala nave-ceiling has a rather average representation of Natésa; that of
the antarala shows an equally ordinary two-armed goddess surrounded by Brahma,
Visnu, vidyadharas, etc. It is difficult to decide whether she is meant to represent
Parasgakti or Uma. The south antarala wall carries a niche with a figure of Hara-Gauri
between half-columns; from the presence of Nandi, another figure of Hara-Gauri could
once have been placed on the north.
The garbhagrha doorway is flanked by large, now headless, figures of Ganga and
Yamuna. The paficasakha doorframe of the garbhagrha differs from that of the gudha-
mandapa on minor points only.
The main roof of the gidhamandapa is topped by a very large padmacchatra with
a central kita. The innermost circle of the lotus is guarded by four, powerful, circling
lions (Plate 324).
Both the sides and fronts of the two nala-stairways on the west have been treated
sculpturally; on the south of the southwest stair are superimposed strings of
Ramayana scenes (Plate 298); the north face of the northwest stair shows scenes from
the Mahabharata; the west-facing fronts of both stairs show a Sala structure acting as
entrance. The bands of narrative scenes on the north and south do not blend well with
the architectural form of the temple but the western sala-fronts are in harmony.
On the western face, between the small sala-gopuras and the central area below
the mukhacatuski, are panels of divinities set between ornamented Brahmakanta pilas-
ters (Plate 303). On the south, above a mutilated lion to the left of the gateway, is a
small figure of Siva seated on Nandi. The large central panel shows a seated figure of
Brahma flanked by female attendants, and the figure to the left is of standing Visnu. On
the north, to the right of the s4la-gateway, an image of Ravana shaking Kailasa is shown
with Bhairava-like dvarapala-figures in flanking panels.
In the area on the west below the mukhacatuski and the bridge connecting it to the
Nandi-mandapa is a magnificent figure of Siva (usually thought to be Mahayégi but
recently identified as Daksinamirti by K.L. Mankodi) on the east wall and a figure of
Gajantaka on the west.
Two karnavimanas (on the southeast and northeast) and three bhadravimanas
(north, east, and west) stand on the upapitha surrounding the main vimana. Two
ghana-dévakulikas (that on the south without any image) stand at the karnas flanking
the two doorways on the west of the gidhamandapa. These seven, plus the Nandi-
mandapa, could be taken as the astaparivaralayas. In the absence of cult-images or
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I 119
as if it were part of a temple’s wall. Four Brahmakanta pilasters in very high relief
(decorated after usual Rastrakita pattern) canton the corners. At the top of the phalaka,
in each case, a large bharavahaka figure pretends to support the massive kapdta-eave
above (faintly resembling Safici’s west gate). The bhitti is divided into sections by
perhaps the most curious wall-pilaster in the history of India’s architecture (Plate 332).
It consists of several elements, some known, some unknown, combined in a complete-
ly new way. At the base are three thin modillions vertically arranged, then a rectangu-
lar block with ratna pattern, a lotus pedestal supporting an elephant front, a vyala
above, a plain pedestal and figure (mostly mutilated on the south but in one instance
replaced by vyala), and finally a maddala supporting the upper kapota. Underneath,
on the uttara-pattika, instead of bhitamala are pramathas carrying a mala of pearls and
flowers, a motif known from the Satavahana period and in early Calukya buildings.
Between these pilasters on the corners of the south wall are panjarakosthas that
harbour erotic couples; a large central niche shows Narasimha killing Hiranyakasipu
(Plate 332). The kap6ta above is surmounted by a hara with karnakitas and a bhadraga-
la; divinities look out behind the hara and beside the niche’s Brahmakanta pilasters are
superposed figures of adoring vidyadharas, etc.
The north wall shows only two minor differences: the modillions are wide and
hence only one is used, and the panjarakésthas shelter deities (a four-armed male on
the right and a female on the left).
The east wall, under the bridge to the mukhacatuski, bears a huge representation
of Gajantaka framed by two pilasters; this faces the great image of Daksinamurti on the
base of the main temple.
The west wall frames an image much different in disposition — the large, propi-
tious panel of Abhiséka-Laksmi that confronts the visitor as he enters the interior of
the gopura-pratéli. This Laksmi panel is flanked by pratihara-guards.
Above this solid lower storey, the upper storey acts as the actual pavilion shelter-
ing Nandi. Its walls, in general, duplicate the architectural ornament found on the
north and south sides of the lower portion except that there are four openings at
bhadra-points; the handsomely formed corner pillars also stand detached from the
wall (Plate 334). The bhittipadas bear maladhara figures, much damaged on the east
and west, but well preserved on north and south. Images in the panjarakosthas on the
east wall are mutilated; on the south, these are of a three-headed and four-armed deity
(Siva?, Agni?, Brahma?; right) and of a mithuna (left); on the west are Siva (right) and a
mithuna (left); on the north are Visnu (right) and a two-armed male (left).
Underneath the shapely kapéta-prastara (Plate 334) is a mayaramala. The under-
side of the kapdta is structured similarly to that of the mukhacatuski. Above the
vyalamala ot the prati-kantha is a hara without karnakitas or bhadragala. It is relieved
only by nétrakésthas, the effect aesthetically ‘being far more satisfying than that of a
hara with its usual components of kitas and bhadraSalas. The prastara’s kapota has
floral pattern at the corners and a round, unworked patch at the centre. Above, on the
edge of the védi, is a loosely spaced row of elephants, etc. (Plate 333).
Inside the mandapa, on the central ceiling, is a figure of Natésa. On the outside,
_ the flat roof of the mandapa has no padmacchatra; instead, a slightly raised square
platform supports a round drum ornamented by a bhitamandala with a floral or pearl
mala; above this rests an ornamented stapika. Four Bhutanayakas are stationed at the
comers of the platform.
F lanking the Nandi-mandapa on north and south and centered on its bhadras are
two high, handsome, rock-cut columns (Plates 297, 299; Fig. 50), the sula- (or tristla-)
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
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dhvajas. The shaft of each is supported by a Kapétabandha adhisthana. The tall jangha
of the shaft is plain at its base; the irdhvajangha is marked by a ratnapattika, then
shallow, torana-topped niches sheltering, in some cases, divinities (such as Ganésa;
Plate 342) on four faces, a malasthana harbouring playful bhitas within pearl-festoons,
a ratnapattika, a narrow kantha with kufjaraksa pattern, a pattika showing bhutas,
ratikrida scenes, etc., a ratnapattika, and finally the constricted lasuna with nasis on
the four sides, with padma-mukta-dama above. Above this, the tapered necking sup-
ports a kumbha decorated with manibandha and flowers. This supports a mahapatti, a
half-cube bearing pattika showing bhitas carrying mala (on the north column) or vine
(on the south), and, on a short, constricted pedestal, the trisala emblem (which is
somewhat better preserved on the northern column; Plate 297).
On the west, the sloping hill escarpment was shaped into a prakara with a gopura
in the middle. The prakara, though provided with kapisirsa-battlements, was purely
decorative. Its outer face is demarcated by deep Brahmakanta pilasters with divine
images between which, even in their mutilated and weatherworn condition, are
powerful and impressive. The prakara (Plate 335) is laid out with three facets to either
side of the gopura. To the left are mostly Saivite themes; to the right are also Vaisnavite
images (Table 3).
WEST [unfinished]
(re-entrant )
WEST Varaha
(re-entrant)
The uttarapattika above the pilasters here and there shows bhita-ganas carrying
mala. Above the kap6ta, a narrative band rather than the customary vyalamala sup-
ports the kapisirsas.
The gopura’s west wall is part of the prakara and follows its cadence and features
except that the riipa-pattika is replaced by vyalamala and, in lieu of kapisirsas, an
upper storey appears. Its wall units show powerfully rendered images of divinities
such as the Lokapalas (Plate 336), Nagas, Naginis, and river-goddesses (Table 4). The
Nagas and Naginis particularly are superlative.
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
123
NORTH [unfinished]
WEST Ganga
(praggriva)
SOUTH [unfinished]
WEST Yamuna
(praggriva)
The west face of the gopura is provided with a short praggriva, on the front of
which (west) are exquisite, now mutilated, figures of Ganga (right) and Yamuna (left).
The side walls (north and south) each bear a niche, set between ornamented pilasters,
containing a Rsi. In the narrow walls of the entrance are scooped two slit niches that
again bear figures of Ganga and Yamuna. This plain entrance leads to the pratoli, with
an indrak6éa-pavilion on both north and south (Plate 337). The pillars and pilasters of
the indrak6Sa are reduced versions of the ghatapallava columns met inside the gidha-
mandapa.
At the entrance of the eastern praggriva are images of Sankhanidhi and Padma-
nidhi (Plate 337); within the eastern praggriva, these walls show Saivite pratiharas in
slit niches. North and south walls within the eastern praggriva show Ganéésa with
Riddhi and Siddhi (north), and Durga (south) placed in gorgeous niches that take the
form of a §ala-shrine (Plates 338-339).
The projecting east walls of the praggriva are guarded by Nandi and Mahakala.
The east pratéli walls, as on the west, have Saivite images to the left and Vaisnavite
ones to the right (Table 5).
The upper storey of the gopura is reached from the Nandi-mandapa by way of a
bridge having low mattavarana walling on either side. (A hastihasta-stairway descends
from the west door of the Nandi-mandapa to the bridge.) The mattavarana and kaksasa-
na form the lower part of the east praggriva-mandapa of the upper storey of the gopura
(Plate 340). The immense, overhanging, almost vertical, kapota that hides much of the
dwarf pillars above the mattavarana is both unusual and ungainsome. (The rock-mass
for the upper storey of the central pratoli was intended to have niched walls flanking
both sides of the praggriva-mandapa; only the mala and the prastara-kap6ta were
124 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.a.
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finished.) Above this kap6ta is a vyalamala that also includes figures of nidhis, rati-
nayakas, elephants, etc. On the east corners of the praggriva-mandapa roof are seated
figures of bhitas facing west (Plate 340). At the centre between the bhitas was a seated
figure facing east, its upper half now destroyed.
The sala-sikhara placed at the centre on the roof of the pratdli’s upper chamber is
small, intended only to be symbolic (Plate 340). Seated vimanapala-vidyadharas, of
which only a few survive, guard the large lalatanasis and kuksinasis. The mukhapattis,
as usual, show pearl-festoons. Of the four deities standing in the gadhas, Brahma
(south; Plate 341) and Visnu (north) can be identified; those on the east and west are
worn but appear to be forms of Siva. Five stipis stood along the long (north-south) axis
and three along the shorter (east-west) axis of the sala-sikhara, of which some still
survive. This upper storey of the pratdli on the whole is executed rather perfunctorily
and may have been done in a hurry.
Kailasa” probably was initiated by some Jaina minister (amatya), military governor
(dandanayaka), or even perhaps an abbot (mathavasi-muni). The temple has been
partly chiselled from a rock-mass left in a 130 x 80 ft. pit cut from the rock. The
west-facing tritala structure consists of a vimana, antarala, gidhamandapa, and
mukhacatuski (with parsvacatuskis on the gidhamandapa’s north and south). A small,
unfinished, prat6li leads to the court of the main temple and a small cave-shrine was
excavated also in the south face of the trench for the main temple.
The adhisthana and pada of the vimana have been left unworked. The upper talas
are stunted and arpita; griva and Sikhara are missing (in fact only a low lump of solid
rock remains where the griva would have been).
The southern side of the superstructure is somewhat more substantially worked
than are the others (Plate 343). A kalaga for only one of the karnakitas has been fully
shaped. The karna-niches of the second tala have seated vidyadhara couples. The
kuksinasis of the bhadrasalas have been reinterpreted as pafjaranasis (the body proper
of the bhadrasala has been eliminated). These large nasis have mukhapattis
ornamented with pearl strings and festoons; inside the gadhas are a series of madalas
as in the great lateral nasis of the Bhima ratha (c. mid seventh century a.p.) at Maha-
balipuram; a figure of a yaksa is in one instance discernible. Vimanapala-vidyadharas
appear at the lower ends. The prastara’s kapota has ornamented alpanasis. The hara of
the third tala shows vyala figures at karnakita-corners, figures of a yaksi, an adoring
divine couple, etc. The temple’s Sukanasa (Plate 344) has a mahanasi with seated nidhi
figures at its lower extremities; the mukhapatti is ornamented; and inside the gadha is
an opening leading into the kuhara-sanctuary (which shows on the back wall a figure
of a seated Jina on a lion-throne and with an ornate back, halo, and two camaradharas
behind the throne, in typical southern fashion, with a torana in front of the image).
The gudhamandapa, c. 36 ft. 4 in. square, has walls divided into karna and bhadra
parts with shallow salilantara recesses carrying a panjarakostha between. Much of the
lower part of the walls has been left unfinished. Details on the upper half of the
southern side are more or less finished. On the karnas are flying vidyadharas, their
right hands raised up in praise of the Jina. The upper part of the pafjarakosthas are
also finished on the south side (Plates 345-346); the gadhas show a seated yaksa in one
and yaksis in the other. The laSuna-nasis of the Brahmakanta pilasters are finished at
places. The taranga potika shows a frontal vine-belt. Above the plain uttara is a bhuta
frieze. The kapdta: has corner nasis with floral, animal, or gandharva-head pattern
wherever they are finished. Between the nasis is vallimandala. The lower course of the
hara is fully present only on the south; elsewhere, where available, it lacks ornamental
enrichment.
The wide mukhacatuski is flanked by a recess in the west wall of the gudha-
mandapa and by images of eight-armed dancing Saudharménda and Isanéndra in
catura and lalita postures, hands showing different mudras. (These Indras are some-
times wrongly identified as Siva Natésa; they wear a karanda crown, as Siva does not.)
The adhisthana of the mukhacatuski and the kaksasana above are only blocked
out. The dwarf pillars (Plate 347), wall-pilasters, and the entrance-frame are finished.
(The pilaster to the right carries a bust of a yaksi in relief.) The dvarapalas, as on the
Kailasa temple, are placed sideways (Plate 348). The trisakha doorframe is made up of
stambha-, vidyadhari-, and ratnasakha, with a hara above having sala units at the ends
as well as in the centre, with pafijaras between (Plate 348). Identical doorframes in the
northern and southern parsvacatuskis (Plates 349, 350) are somewhat better carved.
(Dvarapalas are absent on the north and stand in a three-quarter posture on the south.)
126 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.a.
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in the four directions, with a short pillared praggriva in front of each. The corners of
the shrine are cantoned by Brahmakanta pilasters. The praggriva columns are Misraka.
Over the ghata, they show either vyala- or simha-consoles (Plate 359). The large kapota
above lacks nasis but has broad vallimandala at the corners and at the centre. The
simulation of wood-strip skeleton under the kapdta is less complex than usual. In the
shrine interior is a samavasarana bearing four images of the Jina, with short antecham-
bers disposed in the four directions; the southern one has a beautiful padma on its
ceiling (Plate 359).
This dvitala vimana is extremely elegant in its overall proportions. The super-
structure is near to perfection. Above the kap6ta comes a “makaramala” with no
vyalas. Instead, tula-ends bearing flowers appear. (A patti of tiny dentils runs below
the makaramala; Plate 360.) The karnakitas are elegant (for only one of these does the
stiipi survive). Large pafjara-nasis (bearing in their gadha-cavities miniature madala-
consoles and a nude, standing Jina in khadgasana) take the place of bhadrasalas. The
mukhapatti is richly carved on the east face (Plate 361). (The simhasikhas rival the best
on the Kailasa.) Between karnakita and pafijara-nasi is a low hara with a single nasi-
kostha.
The second tala has no karnakitas; curiously (and as in the Chota-Kailasa temple),
the panjara-front with vimanapalas at the nasi-ends is applied at kapota level (Plate
360). (The gadhas here shelter seated Jina figures.) The vyalamala above the kapota
includes also elephant figures. The prati-corners, inconsistent for a Jaina temple, bear
bhttanayaka figures. Of these, two (NW and SW) survive (Plate 362).
The octagonal védi and griva support an elegant Visnucchanda sikhara with
eight mahanasis with tiny models of vimana superstructures in their gadhas (Plates
360-361). The grivakosthas are tiny. The sttipi is not extant. Stylistically, the temple
seems coeval or perhaps a little posterior to the Chota Kailasa. It cannot be later than
the first quarter of the ninth century, and possibly predates Améghavarsa’s time.
In the courtyard to the southwest, once stood a manastambha with a ribbed laSuna
and ghata and a fourfold image of a yaksa on the phalaka-top (Fig. 51).
The Lankééa cave in the Kailasa complex is useful from this point of view. After
completion of the Kailasa and its adjuncts, the next major project probably was the
so-called LankéSa cave, along the rock-face opposite to the northern bhadravaldkana of
the Kailasa temple. It is a columnar hall of considerable dimensions with very massive
but prettily shaped, richly and tastefully decorated, carefully finished columns; these
and the large images on the inner pillar faces of the front vithika could only have been
the result of a royal patron. It must have been conceived by one of the immediate
successors of Krsna I, probably before Améghavarsa I, in the early years of Jagattunga
Govinda III (a.p. 793-814),
No structural mandapa could easily have been so large, nor its pillars so massive
or stunted, yet in this cave a variety of new orders are first conceived and a satisfying
grouping first arrived at. In the gidhamandapa of the Kailasa temple, an attempt had
been made to evolve new types, but the general pillar-forms were not then completely
freed from Calukya norms. Only in the Lankééa did three viable and very handsome
new pillar-forms emerge.
The Lankésa fagade has a damaged mattavarana (Plate 365); inside, on the south
and partly along the west side, the cuter, mostly Brahmakanta, vithika pillars are
joined by a low védika with mithuna figures and ratikrida in countersunk panels
between the columns (Plate 365).
The three column-types in this vast hall are Brahmakanta (mostly unfluted) a type
derived from Badami cave no. 1, fluted Rudrakanta, with roots in Ajanta (a wonderful
mushroom-like variant of which is found at Elephanta, c. mid sixth century, and in
cave no. 26 at Elldra) but revived in the Rastrakita period using different proportions
and with a few additional details (particularly a cube converted into a magnificent
purnaghata; this blending of seemingly irreconcilable elements had been so perfectly
achieved that it was used soon after in the Jaina caves), and Indrakanta, a type known
in Pallava and Calukya traditions (as in the balconies of the Nandi-mandapa of the
Mallikarjuna temple) but with profusely ribbed laSuna and ghata. Its ponderous fa-
ceted ghata of course does not have the verve and vitality of its Pallava predecessor,
but the ornamental belt applied on it and the ornate nasi belts and other decorations on
the shaft and jangha considerably enhance its impressiveness.
These new achievements in the Lanké§a cave are crucial to subsequent develop-
ments at Ellora and elsewhere in the empire.
368, 371-372). Cave no. 30 A (J 4), however, shows a coping with flowers in counter-
sunk panels (Plate 369).
Behind the kaksdsana, in general, are Brahmakanta dwarf pillars (Plate 376),
though Bhadraka and fluted Misra-Rudrakanta (Plates 368, 375) also occur. The pras-
tara-kapOota often includes flying vidyadharas and gandharvas in its decoration, a
feature first noticed at cave no. 30 A (J 4; Plate 368) and on the Indrasabha cave (J 19),
the adjoining cave (J 20), and the Jagannathasabha cave.
The heavy kapota-eave of large halls such as the Indrasabha and the Jagannatha-
sabha show vyala or lion consoles that act as support below. The underside of the
kap6ta shows simulated rafters and wood-like cross-bars with floral or bud motifs
along the soffit (Plates 378-381).
The vithika is separated from the hall proper by a dwarf véedika that, in a few
cases, shows erotic couples. In one case, a temple-model complete with phalana-yukta
sikhara is shown (Plate 373). Figures of seated Sarvanubhiti and of Ambika are usual-
ly carved at the end-walls.
The hall proper, in square-plan types, looks much like a copy of a structural hall.
In general, an inner védika is stretched between faceted Misraka Rudrakanta pillars
(Plates 384-386) and Brahmakanta pilasters (Plate 377); nave pillars are fluted Misraka-
Rudrakanta with ghatapallava member (Plates 382-386). Those of the cave below the
Jagannathasabha, however, are faceted (Plate 387). The arrangement and grouping of
these varieties of columns in the Jaina cave-temples excel, though they are doubtless
indebted to those in the Lanké§ga cave to which they are close in time. Proportions also
show improvement over the Lankéga prototypes. Their lower jangha-section does not
slope as in the case of the Lankésa columns.
The nave ceiling often shows an astadalapadma, either directly carved on the flat
ceiling or more often on a raised square (Plates 390-392). The Jagannathasabha ceiling
shows a Satadala padma (Plate 389), even superior to that in the mukhacatuski of the
Kailasa (Plate 327).
In square-plan halls, an antarala (sometimes with torana) precedes the garbhagrha.
The doorframe of the garbhagrha shows sakha-vibhakti, but generally is uncarved
(except the lalatabimba). That of the Jagannathasabha, however, is fully carved, with
padma-, vidyadhari-, and Jinasakhas. The two fluted composite stambhas that stand
here a little forward to support the kapdta-eave are remarkable (Plate 388).
F.0O Z 4 6 8
——
Fig.52. Baccanagudda. Bacalingésvara temple, plan.
and these include the typical alpanasi of Rastrakitta form. Bhadra-niches are crowned
by makara-toranas. Pafijarakosthas at places preserve the leaping vyalas on the pha-
lakas.
Hamsamala is featured below the kapota (Plate 396). Many hamsas are shown
breast-wise but some are posed in three-quarter, their necks craning, a feature more
frequently adopted in the next phase. The mukhapattis of the kapdta-nasis are
ornamented. Their gadhas carry gandharva and kinnari heads. The panjaras of the
panjarakosthas are articulated with the kapota (Plate 397), their large nasis containing
temple-models or, in rare instances (as on the west wall), a (Saivite?) figure in lalita-
sana.
Above the kapota is the vyalamala, followed by a hara with karnakitas, bhadra-
sala, and nétrakosthas on the harantara-intervals. The lalatanasis of the bhadrasala
carry divinities; the nasis of the kitas have gandharva or kinnari heads and seated
figures, perhaps nidhis.
. The second tala’s pada follows that of the aditala. The bhadras show forms of Siva
(Daksinamiurti at the south). The recesses flanking the bhadras have apsarases; and
between the pafijarakésthas and karnas were pratihara figures (a seated nidhi appears
on the northwest corner). Harnsamala appears below the prastara-kapOta. Pafijara-nasis
contain figures of Vinayaka, nidhis, bhitas, etc. Some karnakitas preserve stipis.
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
aoe
The third tala repeats the same sequence. Pratihara figures were stationed at the
‘karnas. :
Above the védi, vimanap4la-vidyadhara pairs are placed at the corners rather than
bhutanayaka or vrsa figures (these were placed at the ends of the bhadraSala in Pallava
and early Calukya temples).
The very shapely Brahmacchanda éikhara seems almost early Cola in form and
beauty; it has large mahanasis, though the low griva allowed no room for grivakésthas.
Seated images occupy the griva’s cardinal points and extend into the gadha cavities.
The corners of the sikhara are carved with beautiful vallimandala scrolls. The stip! is
well shaped. The proportions of the receding talas and their progression are ex-
ceedingly elegant, and, indeed, the vimana is one of the finest Dravidian structures
known.
The north antarala niche is filled with jala displaying Siva Tripurantaka (Plate
398), one of the earlier instances of this class of jala. Above the niche is a beautiful
makara-t6rana; at the bottom, the niche is supported by two lions between madalas
that also bear on their front small figures of lions (Plate 398), with large, plain, shapely
madala-modillions at the side. The niche on the southern wall contains a floral jala,
somewhat of Pattadakal type (Plate 399). The makara-térana differs considerably from
that on the north. The niche’s pedestal shows two madalas at the extremities and
dancing bhitas between.
The plain masonry walls of the gidhamandapa have central projecting bhadrava-
lokanas on north and south, each fitted with a jala-vatayana over which is placed a
figure of NatéSa (Plates 400, 402). The projecting balcony is supported by a pair of lions
under the pillars (Plate 400) with two, large, seated nidhi figures between. The
pillarets bearing the prastara of the balcony are unadorned compound Visnukanta. The
balcony shows a long bhadraéala in the hara above.
On either side of the balcony, the wall bears a shallow niche framed by a torana of
patra, citra, or makara type. The figure of Manmatha (Kama) on the north is one of the
best sculptures associated with the temple (Plate 401).
DIRECTION
Ganga {mukhacatuski] Yamuna
Below the uttara are figures of vidyadharas, vidyadharis, and vidyadhara couples
who glide in the air (a feature paralleled on some Calukya Nagara temples at Alampur).
134 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.a.
These lack the effortless motion of those on the Kailasa at Ellora. Ganga and Yamuna
flank the mukhacatuski. Harnsas of the harnsamala are mostly in profile; the prastara
and hara above are extentions of those of the vimana.
’ The wide mukhacatuski has stairways with hastihasta-railings on the north and
east. The pillars of the mukhacatuski are square at base and top and octagonal in the
middle; they are uncarved. Here, or possibly inside flanking the garbhagrha-door, were
the two dislodged dvarapalas that were lying in the compound before the temple was
dismantled recently for relocation because of the Srigailam hydroelectric project. .
The interior has four compound-Citrakanda pillars in the nave, corresponding
half-pillars on the wall, and two columns in the aniarala.
probably introduced in Aihole in the late years of the Calukya period. The affiliation of
this building to the Rastrakitta period, however, is clearly revealed by its four nave-
pillars (Plate 414), the dwarf pillars along the kaksdsana, and by the style of the
garbhagrha doorframe. The type and style of lotus carved on the soffit of the lintel of
the nave’s rear pillars (Plate 416) also are clearly Rastrakita in origin.
The stalky yet gorgeous Citrakhanda pillars of the nave have round lasuna be-
decked with muktadama (Plate 415). This phenomenal blending of flamboyant lasuna-
nasi with the heavy caturasra-decoration below and its co-ordination with the large
nasis and basal pattis above the lower cube of the pillar make these among the most
impressive examplars of Rastrakita column decoration. (The heavy taranga potikas,
however, look somewhat more Calukya than Rastrakita in style.)
The dwarf pillars along the kaksasanas (Plate 413) present a new technique for
embellishment, their typical minute faceting and chamfering producing uncarved but
well-defined bosses (a feature the aesthetic pretension of which later carvers made a
virtue).
The satsakha doorframe of the garbhagrha possess padma-, mithuna-, stambha-,
ratna-, naga-, and vallisakha (of peopled-scroll type). A large, anthropomorphic, garu-
da at the lalata holds naga tails. A conspicuous pirnaghata at the pédyapinda pro-
claims the Rastraktta affiliation of the doorframe (Plate 414).
Above the kap6ta over the doorframe is an attic portion showing blank panels
crowned by hara with its usual components (Plate 414), a convention more Calukya
than Rastrakita.
The temple stands on a plain, rather unattractive, Maficabandha upapitha. Its
adhisthana mouldings are much decayed. The kapota, from which the roof rises,
emulates wooden parallels underneath, where boxes formed by strips bordered by
floral and cakravaka belts show birds, vidyadharas, ratnas, etc. A door has been fitted
on the northern side (Plate 411), the open hall recently closed on the west.
Both the temple and the structurally separate catuski in front (Plate 412) can be
dated to c. the third quarter of the ninth century a.p.
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florid alpanasi, partly overlapping a small fragment of a vertical belt; then comes a
wide frieze depicting narratives such as Kailasaharana, Sivatandava, etc.; this is bor-
dered by a padma and ratnavali or muktavali; next is a band showing valli, mayuras or
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE I
ee
kinnaras, etc., then a border of ratnavali and padma; then again a patta with flam-
boyant nasi, which partly touches the somewhat squat lasuna. The pillars date stylis-
tically from the end of Améghavarsa’s period.
REFERENCES
A.S. Altekar, “The Rashtrakita Empire,” Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, The Age of Imperial Kanauj (The
History and Culture of the Indian People IV), Bombay 1955, 1-18.
A.S. Altekar, “The Rashtrakitas,” The Early History of the Deccan, Part I-IV, Bombay 1960, 247-314.
Ramachandra Gopal Bhandarkar, “The Rashtrakuta King Krishnaraja and Elapura,” The Indian Anti-
quary, XII (1883), 228-230.
Percy Brown, Indian Architecture (Buddhist and Hindu Periods), Bombay 1965, 73-75.
James Burgess, Report on the Elura Cave Temples and the Brahmanical and Jaina Caves in Western India,
(Archaeological Survey of Western India, V), reprint, New Delhi 1970.
Doris Clarke Chatham, “Stylistic Sources and Relationships of the Kailasa Temple at Ellora,” Ph.D.
dissertation, University of California, Berkeley 1977.
P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, No. 6), Shola-
pur 1957.
P.B. Desai, Shrinivas Ritti, B. R. Gopal, A History of Karnataka, Dharwar 1970.
M.K. Dhavalikar, “Kailasa — The Stylistic Development and Chronology,” Bulletin of the Deccan College
Research Institute, 41 (1982), 33-45.
M.K. Dhavalikar, Masterpieces of Rastrakuta Art; The Kailasa, Bombay 1983.
James Fergusson and James Burgess, The Cave Temples of India, New Delhi 1969.
J.F. Fleet, “Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions,” The Indian Antiquary, XII (1983), 156-165.
H. Goetz, “The Kailasa of Ellora and the Chronology of Rashtrakuta Art,” Artibus Asiae, XV (1952),
84-107.
Ramesh Shankar Gupte and B.D. Mahajan, Ajanta, Ellora and Aurangabad Caves, Bombay 1962.
Mary Beth Heston, “Iconographic Themes of the Gopura of the Kailasanatha Temple at Ellora,” Artibus
Asiae, XLIII, 3 (1982), 219-238.
Krishna Kumar, “The Buddhist Origin of Some Grattan Cave-Temples at Ellora,” East and West, 26,
3-4 (1976), 359-apy frei
T.V. Pathy, Elara Art and Culture, New Delhi 1980.
B. Rajendra Prasad, Art of South India: Andhra Pradesh, Delhi 1980.
B. Rajendra Prasad, ‘“‘Rastrakita Temples at Bhavanasi Sangam,” Artibus Asiae, XXXIV, 1 (1972), 211-224.
K.V. Ramesh, “Notes on Some Imperial Dynasties of Raraateks, es Srikanthika (Dr. S. Srikantha Sastri
Felicitation Volume), Mysore 1973, 99-107. :
G.C. Raychaudhuri, “History of Western Calukyas,” Journal of Ancient Indian History, VIII, 1-2 (1974-75),
1-166.
K.R. Srinivasan, “The Deccan,” Jaina Art and Architecture, vol. I, New Delhi 1974.
G. Yazdani, The Early History of the Deccan, Parts VII-XI, Bombay 1960, 723-743.
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140
Jagattunga Nirtipama Nityavarsa (13) Amdghavarsa Kh6ttiga (12) Akalavarsa Krsna III
(c. A.D. 967-972) (c. A.D. 939-967)
(son)
Rastrakttas of Malkhed:
Upper Variation, Phase II
Historical Introduction
This late phase of Rastrakita power on the whole heralded the decadence, and ulti-
mately the downfall, of the dynasty; even then, there were a few brilliant periods, as
during Krsna III’s reign.
Krsna II, son-in-law of the Cédi monarch KOokalla, succeeded his father Amégha-
varsa in c. A.D. 878. His period saw several serious troubles for the Rastrakutas. The
advance of the Pratihara emperor, Bh6ja, of Kanauj, could be checked only with sub-
stantial aid from Rastrakiita Krsnaraja of the Lata branch; Malava still was lost. The
situation on the eastern frontier was more dangerous. The Eastern Calukya Gunaga
Vinayaditya invaded the Rastrakita empire with results decisively in his favour. De-
spite Cédi help, Rastrakuta forces had to retreat and the Eastern Calukya general,
Panduranga, overran the Rastrakita territory; Acalapura Kiranapura were captured
and Krsna had to fly to the capital of his in-laws for shelter.
With the death of Vinayaditya, however, the tables were turned. Krsna, with the
active support of his Calukya vassal Baddega of Vémalvada, recaptured Véngi territory
and took the newly installed king Bhima captive. Bhima subsequently was restored to
power. However, after a time he gathered his force and challenged the Rastrakutas. In a
fierce battle near Niravadayapura, the Rastrakata general Gundayya was killed and so
was Bhima’s young son. The warring sides seem finally to have agreed to end hostili-
ties.
Krsna, as a political expediency to win friends in Tamilnadu, had given his
daughter in marriage to Cola Aditya I. However, Kannara, the son by this princess, was
sidetracked and Cola Parantaka | (prince by another queen) came to the throne instead.
In a battle that followed at Tiruvallam, the Rastrakita army was beaten back by the
Colas.
~ Krsna’s son, Indra III, had to repulse the attack of Paramara Upéndra soon after he
ascended the throne in a.p. 914. He next proceeded to the Pratihara heartland, crossed
the Yamuna, and captured the Pratihara capital. Pratihara Mahipala had to flee, and
only after the return of Indra to Manyakhéta (a.p. 916) could he regain his kingdom
with the help of his Candélla feudatory Harsa.
In the politics of Eastern Calukya succession, Indra could not succeed; his candi-
date, Tala I of the collateral branch, was killed by Vikramaditya II.
After Indra, Amoghavarsa II ruled only for a few months; he was maneuvered out
142 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.
of power by his ambitious younger brother, Govinda IV, who had good looks, but also a
licentiousness which alienated the courtiers.
Through a well-managed conspiracy, in which Ganga Butuga (son-in-law of
Govinda’s uncle Améghavarsa) and Arikésari Il were involved, Govinda (who had
sought help from Cola Parantaka I) was replaced by Améghavarsa III (who had re-
mained at his father-in-law’s court in Cédi country). Opposition to Améghavarsa III by
Dantiga and Vappuka of Acalapura, leaders of G6vinda’s faction, was crushed.
Amdéghavarsa then helped Bituga to oust his brother Racamalla. The crown-prince
Krsna invaded Gangavadi for that purpose, Racamalla died on the battlefield, and his
Noélamba ally Anniga fled. Krsna next unscrupulously attacked the kingdom of his
maternal uncle and alienated the Cédi house. He next proceeded toward Pratihara
territory and captured the forts of Citrakita and Kalanjar.
Amdghavarsa, being old, largely left the affairs of state to Krsna, who then suc-
ceeded him in a.p, 939. He, by his campaigns, ushered in a second period of great
political supremacy for the Rastrakuta dynasty.
After quelling the rebel chief Lalléya (who questioned Krsna’s right to the throne)
with the help of Bituga, Krsna next strengthened his resources and embarked on a
career of conquest. He destroyed the Céla’s border army at Takkolam, killed the Cola
crown-prince Rajaditya, and annexed all of Tondainadu. He next pushed the Colas
beyond their capital, Tanjavir, assuming then the titles Kancikonda and Tanjaikonda.
He pressed his victory as far as Ramésvaram in the Pandya heartland, setting up a
pillar of victory; he founded two temples to Siva there, the Krsnéévara and Ganda-
martandaditya (unless this is a reference to a site of the same name in Karnataka).
After the death of Calukya Bhima, Krsna supported Danarnava against his younger
half brother Amma in Véngidésa. After some struggle, Amma at last fled to Kalinga.
After Krsna III’s lustrous epoch ended in a.p. 967, the downfall of the Rastrakita
dynasty was rather quick. One of Krsna’s three younger brothers, Khottiga, succeeded
Krsna as regent for Krsna’s son Indra. He proved to be unlucky. The Paramaras under
Siyaka Harsa crossed the Rastraktta borders, reached Manyakhéta, and plundered the
city. Ganga Marasimha, loyal feudatory of the Rastrakitas, put a brave face against this
serious incursion but could not defend the kingdom. Khottiga died and was succeeded
by Karkka II. This incompetent and wicked prince was the last stroke that broke the
Rastrakita empire (already reduced to a kingdom). He was deposed by the Calukyas
led by Taila Il, despite the loyal support of many allies who were killed in the battle.
Ganga Marasimha took up the cause of Krsna III’s son, Indra IV, but his efforts met no
success. Indra died through the Jaina rite of withholding food at Sravana Belagola in
A.D. 975; Marasimha followed suit at Bankapura in a.p. 982. The Rastrakitas, who had
vanquished the Calukyas, by the irony of fate were destroyed by the Calukyas.
Saivism continued to be the paramount religion of the Rastrakita empire. Jainism
continued to receive patronage but distinguished Jaina teachers were fewer in this
phase. Among them may be mentioned Paravadimalla, Nemicandra, and Somadéva
(the author of Yasastilaka-campt and the Nitivakyamrta). The Jaina poets Pampa I
and Ranna took Kannada to a literary level not previously achieved. Distinguished
writers in Apabhraméa like Svayambhi and Tribhuvana-Svayambhi also flourished
in the Rastrakita period, probably late in the ninth or early in the tenth century a.p.
While extant important Jaina temples of this phase are only two (Hallar and
Pattadakal), inscriptions mention a few more. Lokaditya, a vassal of Krsna II, built
temples to Jaina, Hari, Hara, Buddha, and a reservoir (Lokasamudra) in Lokapura,
which he founded some time late in the ninth century A.p. One Cikharya founded a
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE II
143
Jaina temple at Mulagund in a.p. 903. A copper-plate charter dated a.p. 915 records
that Indra III donated two villages for the Amdgha-vasati at Candanapuri-pattana
(Candanapuri, Nasik District) to Vardhamana-guru. Another charter of the same year
records Indra III’s donation of six villages for the Uriamma-vasati at Badaner-pattana
(Vadaner), also to Vardhmana-guru. krsna II’s widow, Candiyabbe, founded a Jaina
temple at Nandavar for Acarya Padmanandi in a.p. 932. Inc. a.p. 972, Indra IV set up a
pedestal for the lustral ceremony of Jina Santinatha in the vasati of Dalvulpadu. Krsna
Ill’s feudatory Sarmkaraganda founded the Jaina temple called Manikyasvami in
Andhradééa.
-
Architectural Features
Generally, the pattern of building a square vimana (with or without bay-proliferations)
continues to be followed in this phase. A rectangular vimana can be noticed at Sirval
(temple no. 2), and some larger temples show more projected, clearly differentiated
bays. Bhadras are sometimes broken into three, even five planes—a central subhadra
flanked by auxiliary upabhadras. A gidhamandapa, larger than the vimana, is usually
added to the vimana with an antarala between. The gidhamandapa is provided with a
mukhacatuski; the Visvésvara-gudi at Hallir has a mukhamandapa. A Nandi-mandapa
may be connected to the gidhamandapa by an opposed flight of steps (particularly at
Sirval). Temples are generally nirandhara, though the Jaina temples at Halltir and
Pattadakal have a narrow pradaksinapatha.
There is a strong preference for Kapotabandha adhisthana, with kap6ta and prati-
kantha (with or without ornamental enrichment). The decorative scheme of the prati-
kantha, besides the usual vyala-busts and makaras, includes elements such as
elephant-figures, amorous couples, and cameos inset in square or rectangular panels.
A rare instance of a Padmabandha adhisthana is noticed on temple no. 4 at Sirval.
Kumuda is either tripatta or round.
In the treatment of the wall, some noticeable changes are obvious. The thinning
down of the kudyastambhas and the de-emphasis on ornamentation already had
appeared in the Rapala Sangamésvara temple. This is carried to the point that the wall,
whether differentiated into bays or straight, uses the shafts primarily to produce a
strong architectonic effect. The very simplicity of the design produces exceedingly
graceful surfaces which needed little ornamental enrichment. The malastana decora-
tion resembles but ‘is not identical with that on Colanadu buildings. Pafjarakosthas or
késthas with no tops appear on bays and sometimes in the recesses; they generally are
sham, carrying no decoration except at Kukkanur and Bagli.
In the prastara, vyalamala shows an increased degree of variety and richness.
In this period, most vimanas are mundamala. A superstructure possibly may have
been intended to be built in brick, as at Halltr’s Visvésvaragudi and the Kallésvara
temple at Bagli.
The two extant Jaina temples (Halldr and Pattadakal) have an upper garbhagrha as
well as a lower one. The square Sikhara at Pattadakal is one of an advanced form.
Columns inside the gidhamandapa are often without decoration. In some cases,
considerable refinement in form and contour has been achieved. In other cases, the’
heaviness of earlier examples persists.
The antarala pillars tend to be slender; in a few cases—as at Sirval’s Nandappa
temple and the Navalinga temple at Kukkantr—they support a torana. The engaged
columns are usually Brahmakanta-Citrakhanda, showing no ornamentation.
Doorframes follow local idioms; in some cases no carving was intended. Buildings
144 Later Karnata style, II.B.1.
of this phase seem concerned less with vigour and richness than with architectural
refinement.
on the west. The kapéta shows ornamented nasis with gandharva- and kinnara-heads
also only on the west side.
The vimana (Plates 441-442) shows karna, pratibhadra, and bhadra parts with
salilantara-recesses between. The slender Brahmakanta pilasters almost seem Calukya.
Below the prastara on the wall are figures of gandharvas, vidyadharas, etc. (Plate 442).
The elegant harnsas of the hamsamala (Plate 443) anticipate Calukya developments.
(On the east end of the north wall, a portion of bhittamala also appears.)
The vyalamala above the prastara-kapota is rather complex; besides the customary
vyala-busts and makara-figures, there also are vigorous human figures (adorers,
celebraters, etc.).
The hara contains karnakiitas, bhadrasalas, and pafijarakosthas. (The gadhas of
the pafijaras contain fine temple-models.) The harantara-sections have nasikosthas
(mostly unfinished). The walls of the antarala show small jala-windows (Plate 441).
The gidhamandapa follows the details of the vimana but has figures of standing
Parsvanatha and Bahubali at the karnas and bhadras (see Table 1); large framed jalas of
Calukya extraction (with prastara-éala above) are placed between the karnas and prati-
bhadras (Plate 441). The vyalamala above the prastara shows only vyala-busts. The
details of the kitas, Salas, pafijaras, etc. have largely been left unfinished, as also the
details of the makara-toranas on the bhadras. Figures at the top of the wall to the right
side of the door show a standing Jina and a seated Jina with adorers.
ee can
Table 1: HALLUR, JAINA TEMPLE
WALL
A.D. 880. The temple now enshrines a linga and Nandi; a fragment of the original stele
bearing a Jina figure is lying inside the hall. The images of Par$vanatha on the facade of
the gidhamandapa have been deliberately mutilated; this may have been during the
ViraSaiva uprising when many Jaina temples in northern Karnataka were forcibly
converted into Saivite temples.
Interior pillars (Plate 450) are like the peripheral ones in the Kuntigudi temples,
nos. 2-3 (Plates 417, 413). The exterior is archaistic, but the temple can hardly date
earlier than the last quarter of the ninth century.
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of the first half of the tenth century a.p. Most of these seemingly were founded during
Krsna III's period.
‘Temple no. 15 is situated on the westernmost outskirts of the ancient township
and perhaps is the earliest extant building at the site. It consists of a vimana and
antarala, with no mandapa attached.
A bhitamala with vigorous and playful bhitas is placed below the prastara; the
kapota has shapely alpandasis of typical late-Rastrakita form. The antarala has two,
handsome, Simhapada-Rudrakanta columns (Plate 463). (Such lion-based columns are
otherwise unknown in Rastraktta buildings.) The shaft has vertical and horizontal
bands of carving and an alpanasi, all of typically Rastrakita type.
insteadof having bhitamala (or harnsamala), has madalas (at places loti-formed)
emerging from an ample irdhvapadma moulding (Plate 467).
The vimana and giidhamandapa have no niches; the kapili-walls have one
(Plate 466).
The gudhamandapa (Plate 467) has a wide projection on each wall. The north wall
had no opening; the south wall probably had a bhadravalokana fitted with jala
(Plate 467). The roof is missing and the pillars inside have been removed.
The opposed flights of steps at north and south are provided with hastihasta-
banisters; the stairs led to a platform which allowed entry into the gidhamandapa on
the west and to the Nandi-mandapa on the east. (The Nandi-mandapa is completely
gone except for the adhisthana and the low pithika on which Nandi stood.)
(Plate 491). Sham-niches are placed in all the recesses. (From the cornice of each
niche, a kadalipuspa hangs [Plate 493], a feature met for the first time in Sirval.) The
elegant Kapotabandha adhisthana (Plate 492) shows adorned figures of vyalas in the
prati-kantha and, unusually, pairs of makara-heads at the corners. On the malasthana-
cum-laguna blocks are ivory-like muktagrasa with Saivite monks inside the loops
(Plates 493-494). The vimana is constructed of excellent masonry, extremely well
chiselled, with individual architectural elements particularly well finished.
The gidhamandapa connected with the vimana has three small jalas on the south
(mostly geometric), two on the west (one destroyed), and three with figures (two
Gauri-Sarhkaras, one female figure) on the north.
The vast interior of the gidhamandapa has 12 pillars; the four at the corners are
Miéraka (Plate 496); those between are thinner, with most of their shaft round (Plate
495). The central flat ceiling bears a full-blown lotus.
The front Misraka pillars in the antarala are thin and possess carving; the makara-
torana (Plate 497) resembles that at Kukkanur (Plate 432) but is longer.
(horses, elephants), and representations of linga and Nandi, Anantasayi Visnu, etc.
- The bhadra having upabhadra-projection and the presence of pratirathas is typical of
both late Rastrakita and Nolamba conventions.
The Brahmakanta pilasters on the pada are the same as those of other Rastrakuta
buildings of the period. There are kita-topped sham-niches on the bhadras and karnas
and panjarakosthas on the pratirathas. The latter generally are in salilantara-recesses
in other Rastrakita temples. Both the kapota and the sikharas of these sham-niches
have rich decoration (Plate 510). The kap6ta of the prastara has alpanasis that bear a
variety of figures, including rich erotics (Plate 511). The prati-kantha shows makaras,
vyala-pairs, erotics, mithunas, cavaliers, elephant-riders, Natééa, etc.
The vimana was designed to be tritala, though the top storey and sikhara are not
extant. The upper talas that survive appear made of brick and plaster. A simhamukha
pranala is inserted in the base-mouldings of the north wall of the vimana.
The interior of the gidhamandapa shows four pillars with blocks and other sec-
tions left uncarved (Plate 512). (This type is ubiquitous in the late Rastrakita phase.)
Two pillars in the antarala, which support a makara-torana that harbours meditating
male figures in end-loops and Gajantaka and Natésa in the middle, are fully
ornamented and have Saiva dvarapalas at the base (Plates 513-515). (The doorframe is
a later insertion.) The doorframe of the garbhagrha proper is located further inside.
The presence of erotic figures, as on this temple, is not a frequent feature in Karnata.
Vestigial pafijarakostha on the wall, the pillars, and the torana types show connections
with the Navalinga temple at Kukkanir and the Mudhol temple (Rastrakitta buildings of
the early tenth century). The northern doorframe of the giadhamandapa here is of a
typical, highly ornate, type known from the early years of the Calukyas. The Bagli temple
thus should probably date to the middle years of the tenth century a.p.
RASTRAKUTAS OF MALKHED: PHASE II 161
REFERENCES
A.S. Altekar, “The Rashtrakitas,”’ The Early History of the Deccan, Part I-VI, Bombay 1960, 247-314.
A.S. Altekar, “The Rashtrakita Empire,” The Age of Imperial Kanauj (The History and Culture of the
Indian People IV), Bombay 1955, 1-18.
Ramchandra Gopal Bhandarkar, “The Rastrakuta King Krishnaraja and Elapura,” Indian Antiquary,
XII (1883), 228-230.
Henry Cousens, The Chalukyan Architecture of the Kanarese District, Archaeological Survey of India,
New Imperial Series 42, Calcutta 1926.
P.B. Desai, Shrinivas Ritti, B.R. Gopal, A History of Karnataka, Dharwar 1970.
P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs (Jivaraja Jaina Granthamala, No. 6),
Sholapur 1957.
J.F. Fleet, “Sanskrit and Old-Canarese Inscriptions,” The Indian Antiquary, XII (1883), 156-165.
G.S. Gai, “On Some Recently Discovered Inscriptions of the Rashtrakuta Dynasty,” paper presented at the
Seminar on the Rashtrakutas, Mythic Society, Bangalore 1977 (unpublished).
V.V. Mirashi, “The Original Home of the Rastrakitas of Manyakheta,” paper presented at the Seminar on
the Rashtrakutas, Mythic Society, Bangalore 1977 (unpublished).
Alexander Rea, Chalukyan Architecture, Archaeological Survey of India, New Imperial Series 21, Madras
1896.
A. Sundara, “Some Jaina Temples in North Karnataka — Their Distinctive Features,” Jainism and Karna-
taka Culture, Dharwar 1977.
A. Sundara, “Some Structural Temples and Other Monuments of the Rashtrakuta Period in Dharwar-
Bijapur Area: A Preliminary Study,” paper presented at the Seminar on the Rashtrakutas, Mythic
Society, Bangalore 1977 (unpublished).
162
Visnuvardhana (II)
(a.p. 673-681)
Mangi Yuvaraja
(a.D. 681-705)
Vijayaditya I
(A.D. 753-770)
Sarvalokasraya = Visnuvardhana IV
(A.D. 771-806)
Naréndramrgaraja
alias Birudanka Vijayaditya II
(a.D. 806-846)
Visnuvardhana V
(A.D. 846-847)
Historical Introduction
In the early decades of the seventh century, Calukya Pulakési II wrested Andhrapatha,
of which Véngidésa was a part, from the Visnukundis. He appointed his younger
brother, Kubja Visnuvardhana, as viceroy and granted him the status of an indepen-
dent ruler in a.p. 624. Despite many ups and downs, the Eastern Calukyas survived
until the 12th century when the last ruler, Kulottunga, became ruler of Tamilnadu as
well as of Andhradééa.
Early references place the kingdom of Véngi between the Mahéndra mountains in
Kalinga and the Manneru river in Nellore District, Andhra Pradesh. Véngi’s western
frontier most often was the Eastern Ghats, although at times conquest allowed its
extension to areas across this natural border. Until Vijayaditya II ascended the throne
in A.D. 806, Véngi seems to have been troubled by strife over succession and by
rebellious vassals. This could explain why the Eastern Calukyas were not able to resist
Rastrakita incursions, and were compelled to accept their suzerainty, late in the
eighth century.
Vijayaditya II (A.D. 806-846) was an able monarch who did succeed in expelling
the Rastrakitas, winning victories also over the Gangas. Slightly later inscriptions
speak of 108 battles he fought and of 108 temples he founded that were dedicated to
Siva Naréndréévara (apparently named after his title “Naréndramrgaraja”). The reign
of his successor, Gunaga Vijayaditya III (a.p. 848-891), was equally illustrious. His
victorious marches over lands of the Gangas, Nolambas, Rastrakttas, Vemulavada-
Calukyas, Cédis, and the Eastern Gangas of Kalinga achieved political supremacy over
much of ancient Daksinapatha. Temples at Biccavodlu and the founding of the
township itself date from his time. (“Biccavolu” ‘itself apparently is a corrupt form of
“Birudankaprol,” following another of his titles, “Birudanka.”)
Saivism was favoured in this period of VéngidéSa. The five famed. Buddhist
aramas — Bhimapura, Dakaremi, Palakolanu, Draksarama, and Amaravati — became
centres of Saivism from the seventh century. Kalamukha and Pasupata sects were
predominant. Digambara Jainism enjoyed the support of the commercial communities
and also occasionally found royal patronage. Sub-sects like the Addakali-gaccha of the
Valahari-gana and the Yapaniya sangha are known also to have commanded respect.
Ayyana Mahadévi, consort of Kubja Visnuvardhana, founded a Jaina temple known as
Nadumbi basadi at Vijayavada and Kalyanavasanta, a Rattagudi vassal of Jayasimha-
vallabha II, donated land to Arhat Bhattaraka in the latter half of the eighth century.
164
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Early Andhra-Karnata style, II.B.2.
EASTERN CALUKYAS OF VENGI: PHASE I
165
Architectural Features
As far back as the third/second century s.c. a strong architectural tradition in brick
and stone existed in Andhrapatha. Structural temples in brick, as recent work by R.
Subramanyam and I.K. Sharma indicates, began to be built as early as the first century
A.D. These were followed by rock-cut excavations, as at Vijayavada, by the late sixth
and early seventh centuries a.p. possibly under the patronage of the Visnukundis.
Under the Eastern Calukyas, rock-cut temples were excavated at AdivisOmanapalli
and Bhairavak6nda.
Temples in Véngidééa earlier than the ninth century do not survive; several no-
table medieval temples, however, had earlier brick structures of which the foundation
courses have come to light. In Western Andhra, in territory ruled by Calukya Vikram-
aditya I (c. a.p. 655-680), a few examples also exist that belong to the Andhra-Karnata
style. These adopt North Indian superstructural forms, but with details characteristic
of the Andhra-Karnata region.
_ From the ninth century onwards, the Dravida tradition becomes the backbone of
Andhradé§a’s architectural style. Influences of Kalinga, weak in this phase, percolate
through the Mahéndragiri barrier and become stronger in the later medieval period.
Andhra temples generally are nirandhara, consisting of a square vimana, ardha-
mandapa or antarala, and mukhamandapa. In Véngidéésa temples generally have Pada-
bandha or Kapétabandha adhisthanas. Variations in kumuda form often appear as in
later Pallava and Rastrakita buildings. Temples adhere to the manasttra and delineate
bhadra and karna by using salilantara recesses. Deep recesses can be noticed in tem-
ples at Pondugula and Biccavolu. A hallmark of this early style is the presence of
panjarak6ésthas in the wall-recesses of the temples, a feature adopted perhaps from
Tondainadu. (The absence of the panjarakosthas can be noticed on the Nakkulagudi,
Virabhadra, Kafcanagudi, and Rajarajésvara temples in Biccavolu.) Temple walls use
Brahmakanta pilasters. In the Golingésvara, Rajarajésvara, and Virabhadra temples, an
elephant motif appears between pilasters and supports niche-pilasters on the bhadra.
Niche-téranas seem of Rastrakita extraction. Makara-toranas are widely used, though
mayura, harnsa, and kinnara types also occur. The more elaborate toranas have makara
tails drooping down as far as the base of the malasthanas. Particularly in Biccavélu
examples, these recall filigree work analogous to the carved scrolls encountered in
Kalinga temples, though the main stylistic mould is Eastern Calukya and the spirit
Dravida. 7
In the standard temple, the superstructure has no more than three storeys with the
prati at a level much lower than on the temples of lower Dravidadésa. This feature is
found from Biccavélu in the east to Bhavanasi Sangam in the west. Talas are mostly
arpita. The high grhapindi, duplicating the wall’s pattern, is sometimes decorated with
mithunas and apsarases. The boldly projecting capitals of the pilasters and the pre-
sence of pafjarakésthas create a feeling of massiveness in the superstructure. The
excessive rise of the védi and the prominent prati-projection are features of earlier
temples (Pondugula); a little later (Biccavdlu), a subdued griva gives the mahanasi of
the sikhara an illusory prominence. Vrsa figures do not appear on the corners.
Eastern Calukya temples are invariably Brahmacchanda; the sikharas of the later
temples at Biccavélu possess central and corner offsets, as do some later Rastrakuta
examples. The top courses of the sikhara are lost in most cases. Perhaps some conquer-
or has forcibly uprooted the gold kalaSa and damaged the upper part in the process.
Even where the sikhara is less damaged or undamaged, the original kalaga is generally
166 Early Andhra-Karnata style, II.B.2.
missing. Three types of pranalas are noticeable in this phase: simhavaktra, vrsavaktra,
and plain.
The Siva temple at Pondugula and the Gélingésvara temple at Biccavolu both
have a fair-sized mukhamandapa. Other temples built in the latter half of the ninth
century have only an ardhamandapa. The mukhamandapa is treated simply, with no
offsets: recesses feature niches, as on the Siva temple at Pondugula. Pillars rarely show
rich carving. ;
The doorway to the garbhagrha, as in the Virabhadra temple or the mukhamanda-
pa of the Galingésvara temple, is trisakha and features figures of Ganga and Yamuna at
the base of the jambs. On the whole, however, doorframes in this area are plain and
uninteresting. :
A couple of plain, early buildings are known from Pondugula. Storied brick build-
ings are known from Alvanipalli and Jedcerla.
Columns are seldom used in this period in Véngidééa. The Siva temple at Pondu-
gula and the GolingéSvara at Biccavélu, however, employ Citrakhanda pillars. The
two, plain, early temples at Pondugula have engaged columns in the ardhamandapa
(one ornamented).
Most temples were dedicated to Siva; two at Biccavélu apparently were sacred to
Surya; two may have been Jaina. Most temples have images in bhadra-niches. The
Golingésvara is the only temple with images also on the karnas and pratibhadras.
Rules for the placement of the images do not seem to have been fixed at this time;
whatever appears differs from that generally found in either Karnataka or Tamilnadu.
Images such as Aja-Ekapada may be due to the influence of neighbouring Kalinga; the
placement of Ganésa (south), Skanda (west), and Dévi (north) is reminiscent of the
same territory.
Fig.62. Adhisthanas:
a. Biccavélu, Golingésvara; b. Biccavolu, Rajarajésvara.
The éalas in the superstructure harbour figures. The second and the third talas
echo the wall. Karnas and bhadras of the second tala show figures (Plate 526). The
Brahmacchanda Sikhara is restored at top.
The mahamandapa is raised on a Kapotabandha adhisthana; its straight walls
have poorly shaped Brahmakanta pilasters.
The temple can be dated to the middle of the ninth century a.p. -
oan
Table 1: BICCAVOLU, GOLINGESVARA TEMPLE
preserve some of their original figures (Plate 532); the third tala has figures only on the
bhadras. Figures are rather crude; they include siddhas and surasundaris besides
divinities. The griva is extremely short, much shorter than even those of Karnata
temples. The sikhara is renovated; some members have been added to raise its height
in an ungainly fashion (Plate 531).
perhaps the best integrated among all the Eastern Calukya structures and is probably
the latest among surviving examples. It probably was built at the end of the ninth or
beginning of the tenth century. The mahanasis of its well-formed Brahmacchanda
sikhara show exquisitely shaped temple-models (Plate 545).
The adhisthana is Kapdtabandha and is the only instance to show katakavrta
kumuda, noticeable on the bhadra’s projecting auxiliary divisions (Plate 544). Shallow
niches are applied on the bhadras; these are empty and the térana-bosses are uncarved
(Plate 543). They show dandika (or stambhika) at the bottom. Aesthetically; this tem-
ple is very impressive, due entirely to the architectural clarity of its parts.
S. Gopalkrishna Murthy, Jain Vestiges in Andhra (Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological Series
No. 12), Hyderabad 1963.
B. Rajendra Prasad, Art of South India: Andhra Pradesh, Delhi 1980.
M. Rama Rao, Eastern Calukyan Temples of Andhra Déga (Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological
Series No. 19), Hyderabad 1964.
I.K. Sarma, The Development of Early Saiva Art and Architecture (with special Reference to
Andhradééga), Delhi 1982.
C. Sivaramamurti, “Early.Chalukya Sculpture,” Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum, VII, 2
(1957).
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Early Temple Architecture in Karnataka and its Ramifications, Dharwar 1969.
N. Venkataramanayya, The Eastern Calukyas of Véngi, Madras 1950.
CHAPTER 26 II.B.3.
Historical Introduction
The long and eventful reign of Gunaga Vijayaditya on the Calukya throne was followed
by that of Bhima, which began in a.p. 892. He averted a Rastrakita invasion led by
Krsna II but otherwise his reign was peaceful. Of the many temples constructed in his
period, those at Calukya-Bhimavaram and at Draksarama are the most notable.
Soon after the death of Bhima, the kingdom of Véngi passed to several rulers
in succession until, in a.p. 973, the Telugu-Codas under Jata Coda Bhima overran
Véngi, but ruled there for only three years; the Calukyas regained control through the
help of the Colas of Tafijavir. Only one royal name shines with some brilliance during
this phase of Véngi history, that of Rajarajanaréndra, who ruled for 41 years (A.D.
1022-1061). In a.p. 1075, the long rule of the Eastern Calukyas came virtually to an
end, and Véngi became a part of the Cola empire under Kuléttunga I (A.D. 1070-1122), a
Véngi prince and grandson of the Cola emperor Rajaraja the Great.
Western Andhra, from a.p. 756 until a.p. 973, was under the hegemony of the
Rastrakitas, and subsequently of the Calukyas of Kalyana.
Architectural Features
At the beginning of the tenth century, a significant architectural development in
Vengidésa was the appearance of the sandhara madakara vimana — a form favoured in
particular by Eastern Calukya monarchs. This form was not popular in western
Andbra, where a simple square type of temple with Phamsana superstructure was
preferred.
As in Tamilnadu, the sandhara madakara vimana in Véngi can be chersclonead by
a solid ground floor, the pradaksina (or andharika) provided on the next floor, which
has the customary garbhagrha with bhadra-gavaksas at cardinal points. Such a scheme
is represented in the Bhimésvara temple at Cébrolu (Plate 546); most temples that
followed had a functional ground floor with bhadra-gavaksas lying within the mana-
sutra (a form that to some extent refers to the Rastrakita antecedent of the Kailasa
temple, Elldra).
It is difficult to determine whether an upapitha existed in all cases. One can be
discerned in the case of the Somésvara temple at Bhimavaram. Pratibandha type of
adhisthana is not preferred; Padabandha occurs in all save the Draksarama example.
The wall varies from place to place, revealing a variety of influences to which Véngi-
déga was subject. One type embraces straight, undifferentiated walls cantoned by tall,
slender, pilasters with niches between the upper floor of the mukhamandapa. A
172 Later Andhra-Karnata style, II.B.3.
second variety differentiates the plan into karna, bhadra, and salilantara (or harantara)
parts; the walls are ornamented by an unusual variety of pilaster, having members
resembling kumuda and padmacchatras surmounted by simhalalata or vyala, as at
Bhimavaram (Plate 558) and Amaravati.
The prastara of later temples (as the Soméévara at Bhimavaram) is quite complex,
almost equaling the height of the adhisthana. Kalinga inspiration may have been
instrumental in this order of entablature elements, but the result is a somewhat incohe-
rent pile of mouldings. :
The superstructures of temples in this phase seem light compared to the massive-
ness of examples from the earlier phase; they are further characterized by subdued
pafijarakésthas, absence of vyalas in the kantha of the prastara, lack of hara in the
topmost tala, a high raised védi with a prominent prati projection and a square Sikhara.
The superstructure of the Virabhadra shrine in the Bhimésvara temple precincts at
Samarlakota (Calukya-Bhimavaram) betrays similar features (Plate 557). Dvitala vima-
nas are common; the catustala variety is known from the Somésvara temple at Bhima-
varam (Plate 558). Hara over the uppermost storey is rare. Access to the upper floor is
through the pradaksina when the ground floor is functional (as at Draksarama and at
Cébrolu). Where the ground floor is solid, a staircase is provided inside the mukha-
mandapa.
Among pillar-types, Visnukanta and Citrakhanda are common, with potikas of
taranga type with a median scroll, the recurved tips of which appear halfway down the
band. A sarvatobhadra garbhagrha is generally preferred. The Bhiméévara temple’s
garbhagrha at Cébrolu has doorways on all sides decorated with lata-, stambha-, and
patrasakhas; the overdoor shows vidyadharas. The pithika of the linga is situated on
the ground floor; the tall, slender, linga rises to the upper floor, where the area for
worship is located. ;
A prakara with one or more dvara-gopuras is another characteristic feature in this
phase. Draksarama, Samarlakota, and Amaravati may be cited as illustrations. The
north gopura in the Bhimésvara temple at Draksarama typifies the Andhra variety of
gateway. ;
Temples in western Andhra Pradesh from the tenth century are often simple
structures with Phamsana superstructures. In the early decades of the tenth century
they consisted of a garbhagrha, antarala, and mukhamandapa of sandhara type, as at
Paficalingala. Trikita scheme was increasingly adopted, as at Papanasi, Alampur, —
Somasil, etc. Prakara with prat6li is a feature commonly employed. Gépuras are not
encountered in this region until the Vijayanagar period.
The adhisthana of these temples is either plain Padabandha or Pratibandha.
The pranala is normally set in the upana. The wall in most cases is simple and
unadorned; those at Beccam and Majnicalagatta (under Nagara influence) show niches
with divinities. :
Among other superstructural forms, Salakara, Gajaprsta, and Kittina occasionally
occur. A high védi capped by a square sikhara, and sometimes the presence even of
amalasaraka (as at Papanasi) show the residue of Nagara influence in the Krsna-
Tungabhadra doab. The retention of Sukandsa in Pharnsana forms (as at Papanaéi,
‘Somasil, etc.) is a further evidence of the hybrid forms with which western Andhra
experimented.
The exterior of these temples tends to be severe, but decorated interiors relieve the’
dryness. Mandapa pillars are Citrakhanda, their cubical section carved with floral
patterns and sometimes themes from the Ramayana and the Mahabharata. This varie-
EASTERN CALUKYAS OF VENGI: PHASE II
173
ty probably derived from one of the current Rastrakita orders. Asta-Dikpala ceilings
and rich floral patterns on the beams also characterise these temples. Doorways are
trisakha or sometimes paficasakha. The Asta-Dikpalas are shown above the front aisle
of the doorway; elephant figures occur at the base of the sakhas. Sankhanidhi and
Padmanidhi as well as Ganga-Yamuna figures occur in a few temples, notably at
Papanasi. Gajalaksmi in the lalata is also fairly common; the overdoor normally con-
sists of kapdta decorated with nasikas. A moonstone at the threshold is characteristic
of this phase. Makara-torana is always shown on the beam over the ardhamandapa
entrance. Decorated grilles frequently appear, in the mukhamandapa in particular.
Fig.63. Adhisthanas: 4
a. Draksarama. Bhimésvara; b. Bhimavaram. Somésvara.
agrees in style with the vimana. The complex can be dated in the second half of the
tenth century.
dha adhisthana supports a straight wall with unadorned Brahmakanta pilasters. The
hara above the prastara consists of karnakiitas, hara, and madhyaéalas. The upper
storey has no hara but the prati corners support vrsa figures. The griva is very con-
stricted, with a typical Eastern Calukya Brahmacchanda sikhara above (Plate 557). A
short ardhamandapa precedes the vimana.
structure, and Brahmacchanda Sikhara (Plate 564). Its ramngamandapa has beautifully
carved pillars (Plates 565-567) close in style to those of the Paficalingésvara temple.
The mandapa has an Asta-Dikpala ceiling with Natésa in the central panel. The door-
frame of the garbhagrha has four sakhas: stambhasakha flanked by a large, outer pad-
masakha, and an interior padmasakha of valli variety, with Gajalaksmi as tutelary
deity above. Above the kapotapalika over the doorframe is a hara with central sala and
outer kiitas. Outside the bahyasakha at the top, are figures of Sankhanidhi and Padma-
nidhi. A well-shaped ardhacandra with end-conches appears on the floor.
The rangamandapa of the twin shrine also has carved pillars (Plate 567); dvarapa-
las flank the antarala of the west shrine (the lintel above bears a torana). The eastern
shrine has much smaller dvarapalas carved on the lower part of the bhittistambhas of
the garbhagrha. The rangamandapa has three ceilings: one has Asta-Dikpalas with
Naté§a in the centre; another has Asta-Dikpalas with Kalyanasundara in the centre; the
third has the avataras of Visnu with Buddhavatara in the centre.
Other shrines in the cluster are generally without a porch; some are Brahmac-
chanda (Plates 568, 569), one has an ornate doorframe (Plate 572), a few are rectangular
with a §ala-Sikhara (Plate 570), and one has an apsidal plan and a gajaprsta sikhara
176 Later Andhra-Karnata style, II.B.3.
REFERENCES
P.B. Desai, Jainism in South India and Some Jaina Epigraphs, Sholapur 1957.
B. Rajendra Prasad, Art of South India: Andhra Pradesh, Delhi 1980.
M. Rama Rao, Eastern Calukyan Temples of Andhra Déga (Andhra Pradesh Government Archaeological
Series No. 19), Hyderabad 1964. ;
C. Sivaramamurti, “Early Eastern Chalukya Sculpture,” Bulletin of the Madras Government Museum, VII,
2 (1957).
K.V. Soundara Rajan, Early Temple Architecture in Karnataka and Its Ramifications, Dharwar 1969.
N. Venkataramanyya, The Eastern Calukyas of Véngi, Madras 1950.
CHAPTER 4 I1.B.4.
Historical Introduction
Rénandu roughly corresponds to the modern Cuddapah District and parts of Chittore
and Kurnool Districts in Andhra Pradesh and Kolar in Karnataka State. However, from
the tenth century a.p. onwards, this region came to be called Maharajapadi. From the
mid-sixth century Rénandu was controlled by a line of chiefs known as Telugu-Codas
who continued to rule up to the ninth century. The Vaidumbas, who earlier were
subordinate to the Telugu-Cédas, gained supremacy over their former lords in the
mid-ninth century. Ganda Trinétra and Kaliga Trinétra were instrumental in the over-
throw of the Telugu-Codas. Iruga Maharaja I (a.p. 926-951) and Vetta (Betta) Maharaja
(A.D. 951-976) protected the independence of the Vaidumba principality. Later, in the
time of Cola Rajaraja the Great, the Vaidumbas were unseated and a Cola governor was
appointed to rule over the Vaidumba territory. The exact date of this event is not
known, though it may have taken place some time in the early 11th century.
The Rénandu Cédas were adherents of Saivism, especially the Pasupata cult.
Many of their inscriptions begin with an invocatory verse to Lakutapani (Lakulisa).
During Vaidumba rule as well, Saivism was the favoured religion. Jainism was an
important faith favoured among the populace. The principality’s famous Jaina centres
(like Danavulapadu and Panikélapadu) also received royal patronage.
Architectural Features
Temples belonging to the period of the Renandu Codas have not been fully explored.
However, in the Cennakésava temple at Muttukuru, a doorframe datable to the seventh
century survives in a late structure. The trisakha doorframe features on its jambs a vine
ornament and also dvarapalas. The upper part of the door is mutilated. In the Vaidum-
ba period, a few temples belonging to the tenth century are known. The plan in these
temples consists of a garbhagrha, a mukhamandapa, and an antarala. Use of parivara
shrines in the temple layout is known from the Agastyésvara temple at Cilamkuru but
there is no evidence to suggest use of either a prakara or gopura (Plate 574). Padaban-
dha class of adhisthana is favoured.
Among several forms of superstructure, Gajaprsta is frequent (Plates 574, 578).At
Cilamktru the superstructure of the main temple is not extant, but that on the parivara
shrine survives (Plate 575), recalling the somewhat earlier example at Satyavolu.
A superstructure of the Kutina variety is found at Kalkada. The Pallisvara-
mudaiyar Mahadéva temple possesses a tritala superstructure topped by a square griva
and Sikhara. The arpita hara with kutas etc., is present for all the talas.
178 Rénandu style, II.B.4.
The mandapa in Rénandu temples is fairly large and spacious. The doorframes are
either of paficasakha or trisakha class. The paficasakha door at Cilamktru with the
Dikpalas in the jambs recalls similar doorways at Papanasi and Hémavati. Significant
are the Citrakhanda pillars seen at Cilamktru (Plates 576-578) where the decorative
features of the malasthana extend up onto the laSuna. The convoluted creeper and
simha at the corners of the lasuna strongly recall Nolambavadi pillar-types, particular-
_ly those of the Doddésvara temple at Hémavati. Columns in the antarala have their
antecedent at Bhavanasi Sangam.
K.A. Nilakantha Sastri and M. Venkataramayya, “Telugu Chola Records from Anantapur and Cuddapah,”
Epigraphia Indica, XXVII (1948), 220-251.
N. Venkataramanayya, Andhra Pradesh Government Report on Epigraphy for 1965, Hyderabad 1968,
89-92.
CHAPTER 28 11.B.5.
Tulunadu style, c. A.D. 900-1000
Vimaladitya
(c. A.D. 870-900)
Sw
Alva Ranafjaya Datt Alupa
(c. A.D. 900-930) (c. A.D. 930-950)
Kundavarma
(c. A.D. 950-980)
Jayasimha
(c. A.D. 980-1010)
(Cola occupation, c. A.D. 1010-1020)
Historical Introduction
Between c. A.D. 900 and 1000 no less than five kings ascended the Alupa throne, of
whom Kundavarma (c. A.D. 950-980), the first to introduce “dated” records in the Tulu
country, was an outstanding figure. It was he who installed the famous bronze image of
Lokésvara at Kadiri (Kadirika), a suburb of Mangalore. He was succeeded by
Jayasirnha I (c. a.p. 980-1010) during whose reign Tulunadu was overrun by an inva-
sion launched by the Cola Rajaraja the Great (c. a.p. 985-1016). Before succumbing to
the Colas, the Alupas had, throughout their history, established contacts with various
other powers of South India: the Kadambas, the Calukyas, the Pallavas, the Gangas and
the Rastrakutas.
Architectural Features
That the Cola artistic tradition reached Tulunadu before Rajaraja the Great (a.p.
180 Tulunadu style, II.B.5.
985-1014) is apparent from the discovery of inscribed bronze images from Kadiri. The
Gané§a shrine in the Somanathéévara temple at UlJala is an architectural landmark of
this Céla contact. It is a small square temple of Cola type marked by subdued embel-
lishments on the exterior. The Manjunatha temple at Kadiri is also an exotic temple in
the architectural history of Tulunaddu, with an adhisthana allied to early Calukya
forms. As in the earlier period, Tulunadu in this phase assimilates but rarely synthe-
sizes elements from other regions and styles. :
Fig.64. Adhisthanas:
a. Ullala. GanéSa shrine; b. Kadiri. Manjunatha.
ALUPAS OF UDAYAPURA: PHASE II 181
pattika, followed by védi with padas. The pranala, now broken, issues from the kantha
of the adhisthana. Originally it had a tapering shaft with flutings and an open channel
(an identical pranala survives in the Gopala-Krsna shrine to the west of the main
complex). Three ghanadvaras, one in the centre of each wall, start above the pattika
and are practically cut inside the védi. Walls are relieved by pilasters and toranas,
which surround undulating floral scrolls in imitation of jalas. The main door is flank-
ed by tetragonal pilasters carrying bevelled corbels. Between the two pilasters is a kind
of kostha enclosed by toranas, having arches of makara, mayura, and patra types.
These suggest a blend of conceptions somewhat reminiscent of Nolamba tradition.
One representation depicts, in three registers, scenes from Krsna’s life. Most of the
toranas, however, enclose wavy floral motifs. The carved course above does not show a
continuous pattern; on the eastern side it has bhitas, the other three sides depict
harnsas. Some nasikas of the kapéta are unfinished; above the kap6ta runs a frieze of
vyalas. The square griva is ribbed; the central part simulates a grivakostha. The most
impressive part is the sikhara, with four nasikas enclosing beautiful human heads
(rendered in Tulu idiom) in their gadhas.
The sculptural portions of the Ganééa shrine may be dated to the tenth century
A.D. Some loose images of Saptamatrkas in the cloister of the Somanathésvara temple
(Plate 580) may be ascribed to the ninth century. The main temple may have been more
ancient, and the subsidiary shrine for Ganésa may have come into existence in a
subsequent phase. The inscribed bronze image from Kadiri dated to’ a.p. 968 shows the
arrival of Cola tradition in Tulunadu; the same impulse may have produced this
temple. In it, the local plastic idiom was beautifully blended with the architectural
style of the Colas. The date of the shrine may be fixed at c. a.p. 975.
H. Sarkar
ALUPAS OF UDAYAPURA: PHASE II 183
REFERENCES
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RACAMALLA IV Vasava
(A.D. 974-999)
Racamalla V
Historical Introduction
The Gangas, whose capital was at Talkad (ancient Talakadu, Skt. Talavanapura), were
among the more ancient ruling clans in Karnatadésa. They began their career in
the middle of the fourth century a.p. and had Gangavadi as their base, comprising
the modern districts of Mysore, Bangalore, Hassan, Kolar, and Citradurga. For some
time they were also masters of Kongudé§ga (the Coimbatore and Salem Districts in
Tamilnadu).
The Gangas at first were subordinate to the Kadambas of Vanavasi, to the Calukyas
of Vatapi, and still later to the Rastrakitas of Manyakhétaka — powers that ruled the
lower Deccan in succession, with Kuntaladésa as their mainstay. Depending on the
political situation, they were allied with the later Pallavas and then the Colas of
Tanjavur. Extant Ganga buildings largely date from the tenth century, and we shall
review their history only from that date. (Earlier inscriptional notices do occasionally
refer to temples, both Brahmanical and Jaina, which are, however, largely lost.)
About the beginning of the tenth century, Racamalla II of the main Ganga line was
in possession of the region around Talkad together with the more northerly parts of
Gangavadi; a collateral line of the dynasty, represented by Prthvipati II (a.p. 900-940;
186 . ; Gangavadi style, II.B.6.
who aided the Rastrakita expedition against the Banas), ruled over Kolar and the
northeastern sector of Gangavadi. Before the accession of Butuga II (a.p. 937-960) of
the Talkadu line, the role of that branch was insignificant, its history being one pri-
marily of turmoil. .
Rastraktita Amoghavarsa III Baddega (a.D. 935-939) gave his daughter in marriage
to Butuga II, who, as a consequence of this marriage, received Belvola, Puligere, Buge-
nadu, and Kisukadu as dowry from Améghavarsa III. Butuga assisted Amoghavarsa’s
successor, Rastrakita emperor Krsna III, in his expedition to Tondainadu, slaying the
Cola crown prince Rajaditya, son of Parantaka I, at the battle of Takk6lam (a.D. 949). As
a result, he earned fame and a fief of Banavasi as a reward from his Rastrakiita over-
lord. Marasimha II (a.p. 960-974) followed the brief rule of his elder brother Murula; he
was also loyal to the Rastrakiitas, was acclaimed for his victory over the Nolambas, and
for the capture of Ucchangi fort (as a consequence of which he earned the title “Nolam-
bantaka”). Camundaraya, the illustrious Ganga general and minister, played an impor-
tant role in these campaigns. The end of independent Ganga rule came during the reign
of Racamalla IV (a.p. 975-1000) when the Colas of Tafijavir overran Talkad in a.p.
999/1000. Gangavadi then became a province of the Céla empire (more completely
from c. A.D. 1024). A few stray names of Ganga princes are known from Jaina inscrip-
tions of the tenth and 11th centuries; Ganga glory, however, had faded by
c. A.D. 1000.
Under the Gangas, Jainism received progressively increasing support from the
royalty at least from the seventh century a.p. As a result, Gangavadi became an impor-
tant centre of the Digambara Jainas. Among the Digambara sects, the Mila sangha was
pre-eminent. Bituga was known for his proficiency in the Jaina doctrine and is cre-
dited with several victories in debates with the Buddhists.
If the Sadi grant of S. 860/a.p. 938 is not spurious, it may be inferred that Batuga
gave a donation of land to the Jaina temple at Stindi (Sidi), founded by his consort
Divalamba or Divalambika. Marasimha II founded a Jaina temple in Piligere or Puri-
gere (LaksméSvara), named after his title, the “Ganga-Kandarpa-Jinéndra- mandira,”
and gave it a grant of land in S. 890/a.p. 968. An inscription of S. 884/a.p. 962 reports
his granting of land to a Jaina temple founded by his mother Padmabbarasi of Kongu-
ladéSa. He also founded a temple called “Ganga-Kandarpa-Jinalaya” in Annigere
(Annigeri) in memory of his parents Butuga II and queen Révakanimmadi. According
to the Sravana Belagola inscription of c. a.p. 975, on the Kuge Brahmadéva column, he
passed away in Bankapura by the rite of fasting in the presence of the famous Digam-
bara divine Ajitaséna. The same inscription credits him with founding unspecified
Jaina temples and manastambhas.
In this period, Némicandra Saiddhantika wrote his well-known work, the Gom- ©
matasara. Ajitaséna, of the Mila Sangha, was preceptor of both Marasimha II and his
Minister Camundaraya, a distinguished literary figure and general. Camundaraya was
also famous for his Jaina foundations and generous endowments, particularly at the
ancient stronghold of Sravana Belagola. Camundaraya wrote the Camundardaya-
purdna and had the colossal image of Bahubali of Sravana Belagola carved. Other
places where Jaina temples were founded in this period were Kambadahalli, Varuna,
and Narasamangala.
In spite of Ganga leanings toward Jainism, Brahmanism was also well supported
by royalty, especially Ganga feudatories. The Brahmanical temples at Talkad, Bégur,
Varuna, and Gangavara in Gangavadi, and Brahmadésam, Erode, and Vijayamangalam
in the Kongu tract in the neighbouring Tondainadu, bear testimony to this.
GANGAS OF TALKAD 187
Architectural Features
In layout and elevation, buildings in the Gangavadi style reveal several strata of bor-
rowings. The basic vimana type is of Tondainadu-Pandinadu extraction; the mandapa,
with long or square central nave, side aisles, and sloping eave, is akin more to the
Karnata type. A feature that brings the temples closer to the Pandinadu nexus is the
presence of a square pithika for the linga in the sanctum of Siva temples. The absence
of Sukanasa and of sandhara plan — in contrast to Calukya temples at Pattadakal and
to many Rastrakita temples, — is also a feature that brings them closer to buildings of
Tamilnadu. The overall fabric does reveal the impact and color of Karnata, however.
The subtle and harmonious manner in which Karnata and Tamilnadu elements have
been blended is a pleasant feature of Gangavadi temples.
Buildings in Gangavadi are primarily of ékatala-vimana class. At least one temple
of jati-vimana category is also met at Sravana Belagola. In Kéngudééa, both classes of
temples are represented; there they sometimes are built with stone and brick, in con-
trast to the buildings in Gangavadi proper which are wholly built of granite. Temples
in Kongudésa, though they have a blood relationship with those of upper Gangavadi,
show a distinct sculptural style and other features which justify naming them a sepa-
rate Kongudéga sub-school.
Ganga temples customarily consist of garbhagrha, antarala, and gidhamandapa
(the so-called mahamandapa); a mukhacatuski is also seen, as in the case of the Pafica-
kita-basti at Kambadahalli. The Candragupta-basti at Sravana Belagola is a two-
towered trisalaka vimana (with three narrow sancta). The Paficakita-basti at Kambada-
halli has one three-shrined temple (trikiitacala); the other is a double shrine. No
gopura is associated with any Ganga temple, though, in the case of the Kambadahalli
Pancakita-basti, a pratoli with prakara-wall does appear. Ganga temples are niran-
dhara. The vimana is square, though a few instances show differentiation of bhadra
and karna.
Gangavadi architectural devices are marked by clarity, simplicity, and controlled
embellishment. The exterior elevation of the vimana, in its component elements, re-
veals a mixed character — perhaps that of the Bana and Nolamba country (the former
had always culturally belonged to the lower Dravidadé§a).
Padabandha class of adhisthana is seen in almost all examples except the
Patalésvara temple in Talkad, one instance in Kambadahalli, and another in Manne,
where one finds Pratikrama variety (Fig. 66b, d). The adhisthanas of the two temples
at Bégur are Pratibandha; the northern one is characterized by makara-busts in both
the kantha and prati mouldings while the southern one shows neither makaras nor
vyalas. As on Muttaraiyar buildings but not on Cola ones, vyalas are placed with space
between.
Walls in these temples are characterized by slender Brahmakanta pilasters, some-
times ornamented in the upper part, with narrow niches applied only at the bhadra
points. Kap6ta is often included in the prastara mouldings of the dévakostha (asis also
known in the temples of upper Karnata). A few temples, such as those at Sravana
Belagola, have no niches. Makara-torana is used as a sort of grace-pediment above all
niches, though the Yoganandi temple on Nandi hill — which could be post-Ganga —
lacks this feature. Though niches are applied in some cases and some plans do show
proliferations, a plan with straight wall-surfaces was often preferred. A unique feature
in the southern shrine at Bégir (as well the Kapilésvara temple at Manne) is the
presence of the kala-vatayanas recalling the convention of the later Rastrakuta (Sirval)
and contemporaneous Nolambavadi temples at Nandi, Hémavati, Aralaguppe, and
188 Gangavadi style, II.B.6.
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Adhisthanas:
a. Sravana Belagola. Camundaraya-basti, Padabandha adhisthana; b. Kambadahalli.
Paficakita-basti, Adinatha-basti, Padabandha adhisthana; _c. Talkad. Patalésvara, Pratikrama
adhisthana; d. Kambadahalli. Paficakita-basti, twin basti, western vimana, Pratikrama
adhisthana; e. Narasamangala. Ramalingésvara, Kapotabandha adhisthana with
padmopana; f. Bégir. Southern vimana, Padabandha adhisthana.
GANGAS OF TALKAD \ 189
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elsewhere.
The hamsamala (in lieu of bhttamala), commonly rendered in Colanadu below
the prastara, is characteristic of this style also, particularly in upper Gangavadi. The
hamsas are shown breastwise, as had been the case with Pallava, Pandya, and Muttar-
aiyar buildings, though the individual harnsa has characteristic details which distin-
guish it from its Tamilian counterpart. (The Mahalingésvara temple at Varuna displays
themes from the Ramayana in this location, a single exception in all DravidadéSa.) The
bhitamala under the kapOota at Bégur hints also at a kinship with the Narasamangala
temples in Kongudé§a idiom. The rendering of theflorid, if not flamboyant, nasikas on
Gangavadi temples reminds one of nasikas in Pandinadu style. Unlike normal Ganga
ékatala vimanas, Bégir temples possess a hara-parapet with kitas and Salas above the
prastara.
The doorframes, when carved, show restraint.
The normal ékatala superstructure has a square griva and Sikhara. The ékatala
vimanas of Gangavadi, by and large, are of sadvarga class. Bégtr’s dvitala vimanas
have kitas and central salads rich in ornamentation. The griva is subdued. The sikharas
are shapely; they may be square, octagonal, and, in one unique instance (at Kambadha-
halli), round.
The mandapa halls of Ganga temples show several orders of pillars including
Visnukanta as in Colanadu (Plate 607). A few temples show polished proto-Srikara
(double-pot) pillars, of Nolamba type, in which the inverted bell is inserted in the
190 Gangavadi style, II.B.6.
middle section. These ultimately are derived from a Rastrakita prototype, as seen in
the Jaina temple at Pattadakal. The Simhapada variant is encountered in one example,
the Somésvara temple at Gangavara; this recalls the form, but not the technique or
style, of one Rastrakitta temple at Sirval. Another less frequently met variety, with
antecedents in the rock-cut caves of Vengidésa, is found in the mahamandapa of the
Candragupta-basti at Sravana Belagola (Plate 585). Ceilings are found only in the nave,
and represent either a full- blown lotus (as in some Rastrakita instances) or the Asta-
Dikpalas (as in Nolamba instances). Ceilings of the latter class in Jaina temples show
either Dharanéndra or a Jina in Majesty in the central box.
F.0 5 10 15 20 25 30
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Fig. 68. Sravana Belagola. Candragiri, Candragupta-basti, plan. (Courtesy: Department of Archaeology,
Karnataka.)
192 Gangavadi style, 11.B.6.
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(pent-roof), short griva, and shapely Brahmacchanda sikhara (Fig. 69). A padma-cap
above each sikhara is preserved but the stipis are lost.
R. Narasimhachar, who thought the shrine was referred to in the inscription of
Sivamara II, has dated the temple to c. a.p. 800. M.S. Nayak dates it to the ninth or
tenth century a.p. It, stylistically, can scarcely be placed before a.p. 975.
A large columnar hall was originally added in front soon after the erection of
the main basti. Peripheral parts were modified, on the east by erection of a new wall,
then a plain pillared corridor in Vijayanagar times; on the west a very large temple was
added, by Gangaraja, minister of the Hoysala Visnuvardhana, in c. A.p. 1118. The south
side was blocked by the north wall of the Parsvanatha-basti, built in the’11th century
A.D.
The hall still has some 25 original out of possibly 36 columns in situ (Fig. 68). The
four handsome Bhadraka columns at the centre have a central block enriched with
chevron with alternating half flower and muktagrasa below. Lasuna shows simple or
sometimes flamboyant nasis in relief (Plate 585). Other pillars are double-pot Ganga-
Nolamba type. A third variety is a faceted or bi-polygonal version of the last type. The
nave has a large lotus on the central Samatala vitana above (Plate 585). The mandapa
today is said to belong to the Kattale-basti which,as noted, is a building of the Hoysala
period.
GANGAS OF TALKAD 193
Fig. 70. Sravana Belagola. Camundaraya-basti, plan. (Courtesy: Department of Archaeology, Karnataka.)
GANGAS OF TALKAD
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style of the lower structure is of the late tenth century and must have been of Camun-
daraya’s time. It can be dated to c. a.D. 982-985. The upper portion may have been
completed by Camunda’s son between c. a.p. 995-999. The thick walls of the vimana
indicate that Camundaraya had the intention to build an upper storey, however.
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vimana and two on the southern side of the western vimana remain (Plates 594-595).
The three main Dravida-sikhara forms appear over the sancta: Brahmacchanda or
Caturasra (square, the so-called “Nagara”; Plate 594), Visnucchanda of Astasra
(octagonal=“Dravida”; Plates 595, 597), and Rudracchanda or Vrtta (round=“Vésara”;
Plates 592, 601). A degree of artistic versatility is apparent in the handling of the
Sikharas; the Visnucchanda variety over the western vimana (Plate 597) is very elegant,
its eight ribs picked out by rich festoons of pearls, its profile sinuous, the lower rim
splayed, with sections between ribs relieved by framed and finished nasikas. It must
be classed for its incomparable qualities with such earlier examples as the Dharmaraja
ratha, the Kailasa temple, Ellora, and the Vetuvankovil at Kalugumalai. The Brahmac-
chanda Sikhara of the central shrine (Plate 594) and the Rudracchanda of the eastern
(Plate 601) are also handsome.
The gidhamandapa has massive, stunted Brahmakanta pilasters in the eastern
and western antarala (with pearl festoons encompassing vegetal creepers; Plate 603),
Visnukanta in the southern. The nave pillars are plain and octagonal. The soapstone
image of the main (southern) sanctuary is a Hoysala replacement by ParSvadéva in a.D.
1167, the granite camara-bearers are original. The images in the two bhadra-shrines are
original; the one in the western sanctum has lost its lion-throne and flywhisk-bearers.
Handsome nude figures of Jina Parsva and Suparéva Yaksi Cakrésvari, Ambika, Kali,
and two images of Yaksa Sarvanubhiti are found in the antaralas. The central ceiling is
a grid with nine boxes; the central bears a figure of Dharanéndra while the rest are
filled with the Asta-Dikpalas. The roof of the hall is flat and does not carry kitas and
salads along its rim, a fact which brings it closer to the architectural traditions of lower
Dravidadésa. The mukhacatuski has undecorated, moulded, Misraka-Visnukanta pil-
lars (Plate 602).
The twin basti c. 10 ft. to the north has two vimanas and gidhamandapas. They
closely resemble those of the Adinatha-basti. Toranas are of patra type without maka-
ras (Plate 605). Both vimanas have square sikharas (Plates 592, 606). The eastern shrine
is like the trikttacala vimanas. The western shrine (Plate 604), however, differentiates
bhadra, upabhadras, and karnas and has Pratikrama adhisthana (Fig. 66d). Other par-
ticulars are similar to those of the triple shrine. Only one mrgéndra figure, on the
southwestern corner, is preserved (Plate 604).
The gudhamandapa of the western shrine has Visnukanta pillars, much like those
in Célanadu but with one additional feature, the presence of manipattika (jewel-band)
above the malasthana (Plate 607). This is peculiar to the Karnata decorative repertoire.
The ceiling above the nave has Asta-Dikpalas with Dharanéndra in the centre. The
eastern hall has Rudrakanta pillars of Karnata type.
The small pratdli gate (Plate 608) has a plain entry-frame, plain Padabandha
adhisthana, pada with Brahmakanta pilasters, and niches crowned by patra-toranas
bearing seated figures of Jinas (Plate 609). The handsome hamsamaila is typically
Ganga. The gate was erected at the same time as the shrines, perhaps c. a.p. 975.
§akha with non-undulating mrnala-stalk over which are spread discrete repeats of
inverted lotus flowers supporting lotus buds, and a plain inner sakha. The uttaranga
shows hara with karnakiitas and madhyaéala. A hastihasta stairway, ruined at the left,
gives access to the mandapa. The temple seems a little later than the Akkatangai
temple at the same site (Plate 582) and may date some time in the latter half of the
tenth century A.D.
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Fig. 74. Sravana Belagola. Tyagad Brahmadéva pillar, south side. (Courtesy: Department of Archaeology,
Karnataka.) :
202 Gangavadi style, II.B.6.
has padmopana resting over a ksudrépana (Fig. 66e). The plan reveals deeply demar-
cated divisions, and bhadras project from the manasitra. Karnas are separated from
bhadra by salilantara-recesses bearing pafijarakésthas. The adhisthana of each panijara-
késtha substitutes plain padma for jagati and drops the kap6ta. This lowers the késtha,
creating a contrast in the cadence of vertical masses forming the wall. Brahmakanta
pilasters define the karnas, Visnukanta the bhadras, and Rudrakanta the niches. An
unusual feature is the presence of divine figures above the kapéta of the pafijarako-
sthas. The pafijara has been placed on the prastara’s kap6ta, broken at the lower end to
accommodate the bust of the deity. These figures are in terracotta and are largely worn
out. They seem to be an amalgam of Saiva and Vaisnava deities, at places with con-
sorts. The phalaka of the Visnukanta pilasters at the bhadra-ends support half-seated
figures. Large and handsome divinities are applied also to the hara’s kitas, Salas, and
harantara recesses; those on the north side are better preserved (Plate 614). The second
tala has hara; the third supports corner vrsas and grivadévatas. The griva is short; the
square Ssikhara is rather small for the temple. The superstructure is brick.
The large square gidhamandapa has massive double-pot pillars of Ganga type
(Plate 615). The round ghata, huge padma below the phalaka, and taranga-p6étikas with
central band invoke memories of Céla country: they are far too heavy, though not
unhandsome, compared to Cola examples. The temple stylistically cannot be later
than the third quarter of the tenth century a.p.
REFERENCES
Nolambas of Hémavati
Historical Introduction
The Nolambas, also called Nolamba-Pallavas, were a prominent princely family ruling
over the eastern part of south Karnata from around a.p. 750 to a.p. 980. The region they
originally held comprises the present-day districts of Anantapur in Andhra Pradesh
and Tumkur, Citradurg, and Kolar in Mysore. Their charters often refer to this area as
Nolambalige or Nolambavadi.
The early kings of the dynasty were subordinate to the Imperial Rastrakitas and,
on occasion, to the neighbouring Gangas. The reign of Mahéndra I (a.p. 860-895) — the
sixth prince in the line — was more eventful than that of his predecessors. He is
credited with defeating the Banas, a victory attested to by inscriptions at Dharmapuri
in Salem District. After Mahéndra, his brother, Iriva-Nolamba (a.p. 895-919), seems to
have ruled conjointly with his mother Dévalabbarasi. An inscription at Avani refers to
the death of Mahéndra and the raising by his mother Dévalabbarasi of a temple known
as Nolamba-Narayanésvara after one of the epithets of Mahéndra. In the period of the
subsequent rulers Ayyapadéva and Anniga (a.p. 919-940) the fortunes of the Nolamba
kingdom suffered heavily due to the campaign of the Ganga king Racamalla against
Nolambavadi which resulted in the loss of the region around Avani. An inscription at
Avani of a.p. 931 states that one Tribhuvana Kartaradéva, a Saiva pontiff, governed
Avani for 40 years and built many temples. Iriva Nolamba Dilipa (a.p. 940-967), the
next ruler of Nolambavadi, was a powerful monarch who fought on the side of the
Rastrakuta Krsna III in the battle of Takkolam against the Cola Parantaka I (c. a.p. 949).
In the reign of his successor Nanni-Nolamba (a.p. 967-970), the Ganga Narasimha (a.p.
960-974) overran Nolambavadi and captured Ucchangi fort, but soon after, in Mahén-
dra II’s reign (A.D. 975-980), the Nolambas regained their independence. This was but
for a brief time, for at the beginning of Ekavakya’s rule (a.p. 980-1005), the Calukyas of
Kalyana defeated the Nolambas, and Nolambavadi became a part to the Calukya
empire. ,
The Nolambas were beneficent patrons of Saivism, as their many temples dedi-
cated to Siva would clearly indicate. Jainism also was supported by the Nolamba
rulers. Inscriptions at Hemavati and Dharmapuri tell of gifts made to Jaina temples by
Mahéndra I. Kondakunda — supposed by P.B. Desai to be the birthplace of the famous
Digambara Jaina pontiff Padmanandi alias Kondakundacarya (Kundakundacarya), and
a particularly sacred centre of Jaina pilgrimage — was located in Nolambavadi. The
Jaina temples of Nolambavadi, however, suffered destruction later during the Vira-
Saiva uprising.
206 Nolambavadi style, II.B.7.
Architectural Features
The Nolambas favoured Kitina and Pharsana types of superstructure. And some of
their temples, particularly at Hemavati are mundamiéla (i.e. flat-roofed). Temples in
Nolambavadi (largely ninth century) assimilate conventions of both Karnata and
Andhradééa. The Nolambavadi temple, whether Pharnsana or Kitina, features mukha-
mandapa, antarala, and vimana (Figs. 76-78). A trikuta type of building is unusual. The
temple plan, as at Hémavati, Avani, and Pelubanda, includes a Saptamatrka shrine and
a pratoli entrance. Whether the Saptamatrka shrine was intended to be a part of an
astaparivara layout is difficult to say.
In only a few cases is the adhisthana exposed to view. Usually it seems to conform
to the Padabandha type (Plate 632) except at the Arunacalésvara temple, Nandi, and
the Laksmanésvara temple, Avani, where the Pratibandha variety (Karnata version)
occurs (Fig. 75). The application of vyala, gaja, and makara figures in the kantha of the
adhisthana and the type, manner, and disposition of the animals differs from the
corresponding features on early or late Tamilnadu buildings.
Wm PO
PE bop
Brahmakanta pilasters. The dévakésthas of the garbhagrha are shallow and, seemingly,
were not meant to receive any image. The jala-vatayanas of the antarala as well as the
mukhamandapa are interesting, consisting of divinities (Durga; on the north) or of
frolicking ganas (Plate 621). The cloister over the prastara consists of kita, hara, pan-
jara, and sala elements and extends over the antarala as well as over the mahamanda-
pa. It is richly carved, with images of various aspects of Siva and some other deities
(see Table 1).
Daksinamurti Gangadhara
The makara-toranas over the vatayanas are exquisitely done, reminiscent of Bha-
vanasi Sangam. The vrsa images over the prati appear to be original.
The mukhamandapa is well proportioned. Citrakhanda pillars (Plate 622) support
the ceiling which is carved with a central Uma-Mahéévara image surrounded by the
Asta-Dikpalas. j
The Arundacaléévara temple at Nandi (Plate 623) is identical in some respects to the
Bhoganandiévara (Fig. 77). Nevertheless, certain new features appear, notably panjara-
késthas as wall decoration and also the presence of recessions and projections in the
wall.
The divinities represented on the pada of the vimana include Karttikeya and
Siva-Nataraja. Images on the superstructure of the vimana are made of brick and
mortar and are perhaps later additions. As on the Bhoganandiévara, there are jalas in
the antarala, which are somewhat advanced in style (Plates 621, 624). The temple is
slightly later than the neighbouring Bhoganandiévara, possibly founded in the tenth
century.
Fig. 78. Avani. Laksmanéévara temple, plan. (Courtesy: Department of Archaeology, Karnataka.)
onal? Nolambavadi style, II.B.7.
Fig. 79. Hémavati. Doddésvara temple, plan. (Courtesy: Archaeological Studies, Karnataka.)
NOLAMBAS OF HEMAVATI PA!
REFERENCES
Jayasangraha
(c. late seventh century a.p.)
Sahakara = Siriyadévi
JINADATTA
Ranakési
|
|
VIKRAMA SANTARAI = Laksmidévi, d. of
(S. 819/A.D. 897) Kamadéva (Kadamba?) of
Vanavasi
Santaras of Humca
Historical Introduction
The Malanad (hilly country) in Western Karnata was the home of two medieval dynas-
ties, the Santaras and the early Hoysalas. Of these the first began its career a century
before the other, by or before the end of the seventh century a.p. The brave, resilient,
but unambitious and peace-loving Santaras, unlike the Hoysalas, kept securely to the
hills. This, perhaps, is the secret of their survival to so late a date as the early part of
the 16th century. After this they were overcome by the Keladi chiefs of Tulunadu.
To the east of Malanad was Gangavadi, the kingdom of the Gangas of Talkad. To
the south, the extensive coastal land-strip was the home of the Tulus and Alupas. To
the north spread Vanavasivisaya i.e. Kadambavadi of the Kadambas. The Rastrakitas
of Malkhéd were the overall suzerains of Karnata. The Santaras occupied the northern
sector of Malanad, named Santalige. This region administratively formed a division of
the larger province of Vanavasi.
Since this dynasty played no major role in the historical current of Karnata, it has
received scanty attention from modern historians. The tiny princedom of the Santaras
took Humca as its capital. In ancient times this was known as Patti or more frequently
as Patti-Pombulccapura — city of gold. In some inscriptions it has been named by its
Sanskrit rendering, Kanakapura. ;
The earliest reference to the Santaras is in an inscription of the time of Calukya
Vinayaditya of Badami, of about the end of the seventh century a.p. A Canta king
Jayasangraha is claimed to be the lord of Madhura (Mathura), encircled by the river
Kalindi (Yamuna), and of the Ugra-vaméSa in a grant of a Pandya crown-prince. We hear
of Canta again in an inscriptional reference to Jagési (Jayakési) of Cantaraja-kula, a
vassal of Rastrakita Nrpatunga Amoghavarsa I (a.p. 814-880), who then administered
the district of Santalige Sayaranadu. An inscription of S. 999/a.p. 1077 of Nanni
Santara II in the Paficakita-basti at Hurnca introduces the ruling dynasty as “Santara.”
Besides giving a legendary account of the early dynasts, this inscription recalls the
family history over almost two and a half centuries, beginning with Jinadatta, a sion of
Ugra-varnéa. He, through the grace of Yakkiabbe (Yaksi Padmavati), obtained the king-
dom of Santalige and founded the town called Pombulccapura. The Yaksi came to
reside in the Lokki tree at Pombulcca, thus also called Lokkiyabbe (or Nokkiyabbe).
The essence of the myth, in light of the Kumsi inscription of the tenth century, would
seem to be that Jinadatta founded the temple of Padmavati in Pombulcca. The Dana-
sale inscription of Tribhuvana Santara (dated a.p. 1103) repeats the main facts of the
Humcea inscription.
218 Malandad style, H.B.8.a.
Patti-Pombulcca, however, had existed even before Jinadatta. It was part of the
kingdom of Alavakhéda of the Alupas, who held the title “Patti-Odeya.” Whether
Jinadatta was a historical personage or was a legendary figure like his remote mythical
ancestor Raha of the Mahabharata times mentioned in the Humca inscription, cannot
conclusively be solved. Known evidenceis not decisive (it even contradicts itself).
Earlier opinion treats Jinadatta as a real personage, placing him in the ninth century
a.p. and thus as a near ancestor of Srikési and Jayakési. More recent opinion tends to
doubt Jinadatta as a historical personage, on the grounds that Patti was under the sway
of the Alupas till the middle of the ninth century (Ramesh and Katti). According to the
same opinion, the Santara chief Jinadatta in the Kumsi inscription of a.p. 950 is not the
ancestor, Jinadatta, but rather is Vira Santara, the son and successor of Cagi. The
Humca inscription speaks vaguely about unspecified kings who intervened between
Jinadatta and Jayakééi, thus giving the impression that Jinadatta flourished in the
distant past but making his date a more irreconcilable with the known historical
facts.
The fragmentary Kumsi inscription does mention Pombulcca, the construction of
Lokkiyabbe-Jina-géha (apparently by Jinadattaraya), and the grant of a village named
Kumbsépura or Kumbasika (modern Kumsi) for the lustral ceremony of the Jina. This
Jinadattaraya cannot be other than the Jinadatta who is claimed to be the founder of the
Santara dynasty and who preceded Jayakési. The tradition linking Jinadatta, Lokkiya-
basti, and Pombulcca is so strong that it is mentioned in more than one Santara
inscription, for example that of S. 984/a.p. 1062 of Vira Santara’s time on the pillar in
the hall of the famous Pargvanatha temple at Hurhca. This Santara tradition would
seem too strong to be wrong. There also is some archaeological evidence to support the
existence of an early temple connected with Jina Parsva and with Padmavati. This is
assignable to about the middle of the ninth century, and is plausibly from the Lokkiya-
(or the Nokkiya-) basti often referred to in the inscriptions.
It is possible that the Kumsi inscription, though recorded in a.p. 950, could be
referring to an earlier event and thus also to the original Jinadatta, the supposed
founder of the dynasty. We may then, tentatively, accept Jinadattaraya’s historicity.
We can still not be sure what his connections were to the Santara chief Jayasangraha of
the late seventh century, nor do we have means to ascertain when he took Patti from
the Alupas, thus extending the traditional limits of Santalige. As a precessor of Jaya-
kési, he may provisionally be placed in the earlier part of the ninth century.
The Kumsi inscription introduces Jinadatta as a sion of “Kanaka-kula” and
“Kalasa-rajya.” The significance of this is not fully clear. The Madhura of the Hurmca
-inscription has been suggested as located in northern Karnata (K.V. Ramesh). If factual,
this would dispel the illusion of even a legendary connection between the dynasty and
North India.
Jinadatta’s exact relationship with Jayakési is unknown. About Jayakééi, too, no-
thing else is known. He seems to have been succeeded by his brother’s son, Ranakééi.
The Humca inscription of the Paficakitta-basti mentions that some unnamed kings
intervened between Ranakési and Vikramaditya Santara. The gap cannot have been
large. This first clear notice of Vikrama Santara’s rule has a date of S. 819/a.p. 897.
Two more inscriptions can be related to Vikrama Santara. The first, from Barur
(the date of which could be about a.p. 890) refers to an unnamed Santara king as
feudatory of Prthvivallabha Kannaradéva (Rastrakita Krsna II, a.p. 880-915). The
other, from Salir, is of a Santara officer, Candinga, and is dated c. a.p. 902/3. It refers
directly to Vikramaditya Santara and to his overlord Rastrakita Krsna II.
SANTARAS OF HUMCA 219
The Hurhca inscriptions of Vikrama Santara’s time call him “Tolapurusa” refer-
ring to his “tulapurusadana” ceremony. The inscription of a.p. 1077 credits him with
the performance of Hiranyagarbha sacrifice and with many donations which won him
two laudatory epithets, Danavinoda and Kandukacarya. The contemporary inscrip-
tions do not call Vikrama a “Santara” though they do refer to him as a sion of the great
Ugra-vamsa (Mahogra-vaméga). (The Dharmaéastras decry “Ugra” as mongrel; the
Svetambara Jaina Agamas, at least from c. first century B.c. count Ugra alongside Bhoja,
a clan of the Yadava tribe.)
Vikrama Santara thus seems to have been a powerful prince who consolidated
Santara power. He ushered in a peaceful period, and, as a result, also the full flowering
of Santara art and architecture.
Vikramaditya Santara was succeeded by Cagi Santara, his son by queen Laksmi-
dévi. If Caladankarama Santara of the three Soratir inscriptions (dated a.p. 933/34, in
the time of Suvarnavarsa = Rastrakiita Govinda IV, a.p. 930-34/35) is the same as Cagi
Santara of the Hurhca inscription (Cagi seems a nickname or abbreviation for the
cumbersome Caladankarama), one more point is also cleared. Rice writes that “In
about 920 a Santara king, whose name is not given, was defeated in a battle with the
Nolambas, and slain and beheaded by the Ganga prince, the son of... Prithvipati
(920).” This king cannot be Cagi. He must be Vikrama Santara, who thus seems to have
started his career some time before a.D. 897 (c. A.D. 890) and to have ended it in a battle
in A.D. 920 covering a span of about 30 years.
Cagi is credited by the Humca inscription of a.p. 1077 with having built a reser-
voir, the Cagi-Samudra. Its exact location is not certain. He was also the governor of
Vanavasi as attested to by contemporary inscriptions.
The Humca inscription also mentions eight successors of Cagi, and their consorts,
by name. The ninth one, Vira Santara III, like Vikrama Santara, shines as an illustrious
figure of the family. He is given a date of a.p. 1062. Between the last quarter of the
tenth and the first half of the 11th century, the Santara family had come on hard times.
This may be one of the reasons why the Humca inscription is silent about the activities
of Vira Santara’s predecessors. We have only stray records (dated a.p. 1027) of Annala-
déva alias Nanni Santara I alias Vikrama Santara II. This gap in the historical record,
however, has no relevance to the phase of Santara architecture under discussion.
Like their easterly neighbours, the Gangas, the Santaras professed Jainism at least
from Jinadatta’s times, and for three subsequent centuries. Their munificence, re-
vealed by the inscriptions at Humca, flowed to the holymen as well as to the sacred
temples of their faith. That they were devout followers of Jainism is proved by their
epithet “Padmavati-vara-labdha-prasada.” The Santaras accepted Vira-Saivism in the
latter part of the 12th century a.p. but did not turn hostile toward their ancestral
religion.
The known Santara buildings are all located in Humca and belong to the Digam-
bara Jaina creed. They are not large, nor are there many, though some evidence sug-
gests that there were a few more buildings than those today seen scattered around the
little township. In these surviving buildings, a style which has a flavour at once
delicate and distinctive can be discovered. This sets it apart not only from the neigh-
bouring Gangavadi and from Nolambavadi, but also from earlier buildings in Tulu-
nadu and in Kérala. Such buildings bear no real relationship to the Malanad style of
the Santaras, and none achieves the same refinement of expression.
Besides two to three pairs of fly-whisk bearers that once stood in attendance to
Jina figures in the sanctuary and in the hall, the only remnant of Jinadatta’s time is
a
220 Malanad style, II.B.8.a.
perhaps a ceiling-piece bearing the figure of Dharanéndra. This is not later than the
early or mid-ninth century in style and presumably belonged to the now vanished
original shrine of Padmavati (Plate 638). (In terms of technique, it is allied to examples
of Ganga as well as Pallava and other dynasties of Northern Tamilnadu.)
Not much is known concerning the art and architecture of the immediate descen-
dants of Jinadatta, though a few sculptures could fall into their period. The curtain is
lifted, however, late in the ninth century in the period of Vikrama Santara I.
Most important Santara temples seem to have been built under royal patronage.
These temples fall into two broad phases. Except one, all earlier buildings apparently
date from Vikrama Santara’s time. Vikrama Santara himself founded a stone temple on
the hill behind Humca in S. 819/a.p. 898. A notice to tnis effect was recorded on a wall
of this temple, known as Guddada-basti and sacred to Bahubali until its recent demoli-
tion. Two other buildings in the village, the precise origins of which are unknown, the
Sile-basti and the Bégara-basti, are in the same general style. The smallest of the
group, the Parsvanatha temple in the Paficakita-basti, is in style and date somewhat
later than Vikrama Santara’s time.
The existing temples of Hurnca reveal the main tendencies of Santara style and
give some indications of its origins.
Architectural Features
The extant buildings show that the early Santara temple consisted of a vimana of the
Brahmacchanda class with a gidhamandapa in front, broader than the vimana. The
plan of the vimana has no bhadra projections.
In elevation, the temple has either Padabandha or Pratibandha, if not infrequently
Kapotabandha class of adhisthana. The kantha, unlike the buildings of lower Dravida-
désa, shows galapadas also between the post-points of the pada of the vimana. The
wall-pilasters are invariably of the Brahmakanta type, but the laSuna is shorter, and, in
addition, is repeated. The lower lasuna is carved in an inverted position, its outline
vaguely recalling the so-called bell-capitals of early Indian architecture. The inverted
laSuna is separated from the upper one by a broad intervening belt, a significant feature
occurring also in the context of the later Karnata style under the Calukyas of Kalyana.
The superstructure, wherever present, is dvitala and crowned by a Brahmac-
chanda Sikhara. The grhapindi generally has the ornamental enrichment of salapafijara
at the bhadras and kap6tapanjaras at the karna sections. The doorframe of the giidha-
mandapa was elegantly carved in the more richly ornamented of these temples. In the
interior of the gadhamandapa are found four pillars forming the nave, sometimes
beautifully ornamented as in the Bogara- and the Guddada-basti. Unlike the temples of
lower Dravidadééa, but like the Jaina cave (no. 4) at Badami (c. late sixth century) and
some Rastrakita excavations at Ell6ra, the nave pillars, in two examples, are Brahma-
kanta. In the Guddada-basti, they were of the compound class. A free-standing makara-
torana resting on a pair of pillars was set up, as a rule, at some distance in front of the
doorway of the mandapa. The earlier buildings, however, have lost this feature, other-
wise inferrable from the many surviving fragments of torana-pediments and from
_ toranas preserved in later temples such as the Pancakita-basti.
the general Kap6tabandha class (Fig. 80c). On the karnas are pahjarakésthas with very
shallow slit-niches, as also on the bhadras. (This feature is reminiscent of Pandya
buildings.) The makara-torana over niches—so much a characteristic of lower
Dravidadésa— does not find a place in the Santara wall-scheme. The bosses of the
nasika-dormers of the pafijarakésthas and the kap@ta of the prastara are left unfinished.
The temple has lost its mandapa. The superstructure over the vimana seems never to
have been built, or was built of perishable materials.
eee
ea J
I 1
f |
I b; I fi
SA
SeySe
i tS
NRee
ieeeft
eee |
|
| |
ee eee F.
|
C1
|
| :
Fig.80. Adhisthanas:
a. Hurhca. Pargvanatha-basti, vimana, Padabandha adhisthana; b. Hurhca. Bogara-basti,
mahamandapa, Padabandha adhisthana; c. Hurnca. Sile-basti, vimana, Kapotabandha
adhisthana; d. Hurnca. Guddada-basti, Kapotabandha adhisthana; e. Angadi. Sosévir-basti,
vimana, Kapotabandha adhistana; f. Hurhca. Bogara-basti, vimana, Pratibandha (?)
adhisthana.
222 Malandad style, II.B.8.a.
richness, though the patterns are slightly varied. The belt of grasamukhas and undulat-
ing creeper-band is here replaced by one with standing, nude, Jina figures (Parsva-
natha and Bahubali in one case) and an exquisite manibandha respectively (Plate 646).
The walls were rather plain. The nasi on the lasuna face, which has good decorative
detail and the yaksa Sarvanubhiti in the cavity, is, in form, strongly reminiscent of
Rastrakuta types.
The lion-throne inside the garbhagrha is as old as the temple, but the image seems
a recent replacement. Altogether, the temple has the sense of a royal foundation, not so
much in its size, which is very modest, but in its excellence.
M.A. Dhaky
SANTARAS OF HUMCA 225
REFERENCES
Hoysalas of Angadi
Historical Introduction
About a hundred miles south of Humca and some fifty miles west of Belir in the
southern Malandad hills, is located Angadi (anc. Sosévir, i.e. Sagakapura), the first
capital of the Hoysala chiefs. The early history of the Hoysalas is still unclear, though
Poy-sal alias Poysala or Hoysala, the legendary founder of the dynasty, has been
suspected to be an historical personage who led a life as forest warden and hunter of
tigers, following one interpretation of the name. These circumstances perhaps account
for the well-known legend of the origin of the Hoysala dynasty. A more recent guess
(with which some scholars do not agree) is that Poy-sal means also “shunner of false-
hood,” which, when positively rendered, would be the “supporter or teller of truth,” a
phrase which reminds one of the description of the Satyaputras in AS6ka’s inscrip-
tions. This could mean that the Hoysalas were one of the surviving remnants of the
remote Satiyaputta or Satyaputra clan who ruled the lower west coast of Karnata in
Maurya times. The history of the Satyaputras is so much in darkness that, in the
present state of our knowledge, we can do nothing but give somewhat reluctant accept-
ance to this interpretation of the dynastic epithet in preference to the legendary
account.
The early kings of the Hoysala dynasty, like the neighbouring Santaras, patronized
Jainism. Sosévur, the Hoysala capital, seems to have been a Jaina centre of some
importance in the tenth and the 11th centuries. In the now forest-clad village of
Angadi are three Jaina shrines of which the two earlier ones, the Vasantika and the
Sosévur-basti,—the latter mentioned in the inscription of Saka 976/a.p. 1054 — are of
the tenth century, and would appear to be foundations of early Hoysala times. The
temple of Vasantika or Padmavati-devi — the patron goddess of the early Hoysalas —
has been renovated recently, but the images of Yaksas and Yaksis within the sanctum
do not seem to be later than the second half of the tenth century. The Sosévir-basti, on
the other hand, still preserves its older fabric; the sanctuary up to the cornice is old,
and gives some indication of early Hoysala style. As we have only a single building to
go by, it is not possible to form any extensive understanding, but if this temple does
indicate the nature of early Hoysala style, it would seem to suggest its poor quality,
falling far short of the excellence of Santara, Ganga, or Nolamba workmanship.
228 Malanad style, II.B.8.b.
M.A. Dhaky
' REFERENCES
Caduram (Tamil)
(Skt. caturasram) cubical pillar-part
cakravaka Cakva-bird (decorative motif on kapota Aretile)
camaradhara flywhisk-bearer
candrasala dormer-window decorative motif
catuhsakha having four sakhas
caturasra square; square Sikhara-type; cubical section in Citrakhanda
pillars
catuski four-pillared porch or pavilion
catustala four-floored
chadya eave
citra-potika potika-type with carved or painted central band
Citrakhanda square column-type with panelled bands often interspersed
with cubical sections
patra leaf
patra-torana vine-patterned torana arch
patrasakha door-jamb with vine or leaf pattern
patta broad rectangular fillet
pattasala lobby-hall
patti rectilinear fillet
pattika kampa; rectilinear fillet
pédyapinda basal section of the aggregate of §akha-doorjambs
phalaka abacus (pillar-part above the capital)
phalana minor facia in plan and elevation .
phalana-yukta architectural division carrying vertical facias
phamsa-kap6ta eave, cornice, or tier in the form of a stepped, pyramidal
roof
phamsakuta aedicula with tiered, pyramidal roof
Phamsana (Phamsan4a) tiered, pyramidal roof-type
pitha pedestal, small platform; plinth in North Indian temples
pithika pedestal for Sivalinga
potika bracket-capital;
Types: citra, taranga, puspa
prabhadra central, projecting face of a recessed bhadra
pradaksina ambulation; ambulatory path
pradaksinapatha circumambulatory path
praggriva short kapili-wall
prdggriva-mandapa short entry-hall
prahadra parapet above upper cornice
prdkara enclosure wall
pramatha gana, bhitta, goblin
prandla water-chute
prdsdda palace, mansion; temple
prastara entablature
prati plank-moulding
prati-kantha kantha with prati moulding above
Pratibandha adhisthana-type
pratibhadra subdivision in plan and elevation adjoining the bhadra
pratihara attendant, door-guardian
242 Reference Glossary
vrtta circular
vrttasphutita round pillarette with pot base and nasika top
(wall-ornament)
vyala composite fantastic animal
vyalamala band of vyala figures
vydlavali vyalamala
vydlavédi véedi-moulding with vyala figures
Yaksa nature-spirit
Yaksini generally mare-faced, female nature-spirit
Site and Temple Index
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