PACIFIC LINGUISTICS

Series C-140

A GRAMMAR OF WAMBAYA,
NORTHERN TERRITORY (AUSTRALIA)

Rachel Nordlinger
A grammar of Wambaya,
Northern Territory (Australia)
 PACIFIC LINGUISTICS
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Series C, Volume 140

 A GRAMMAR OF WAMBAYA,
NORTHERN TERRITORY (AUSTRALIA)

Rachel Nordlinger

Pacific Linguistics
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies
The Australian National University
Canberra
Published by Pacific Linguistics
Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies
The Australian National University
PO Box 1428
Canberra ACT 2601
Australia

Copyright © The author

First published 1998

Nordlinger, Rachel.
A grammar of Wambaya, Northern Territory (Australia).

Bibliography.
ISBN 0 85883 481 2
ISSN 0078-7558

1. Australian languages — Northern Territory. 2. Australian

languages — Northern Territory - Grammar. I. Australian National
University. Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies. Pacific
Linguistics. II. Title. (Series: Pacific Linguistics. Series C-140).

499.15

Copyedited by Basil Wilson, typeset by Sue Tys

Printed by ANU Printing Service

Bound by F & M Perfect Bookbinding, Canberra
Ngaba irri ngajbi: "Ahh, yununggu irraji ngarlwi ".

So that (the young people) can look (and say):.

"Ahh, so that's how they used to talk".

— Molly Grueman
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page
PREFACE xi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xii
ABBREVIATIONS, SYMBOLS AND CONVENTIONS xiii
MAP 1: THE bIIRNDI GROUP AND SOME SURROUNDING LANGUAGES xv
MAP 2: THE WEST BARKLY LANGUAGES xvi

CHAPTER 1: THE LANGUAGE AND ITS SPEAKERS 1

1.1 THE LANGUAGE 1
1.1.1 The West Barkly languages 2
1.1.2 Wider relationships 4
1.1.3 Other spellings of language names 5
1.1.4 Previous investigations 6
1.2 ITS SPEAKERS 6
1.2.1 History 6
1.2.2 Present situation 8
1.2.3 Social organisation 9

CHAPTER 2: PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY 17

2.1 PHONEMES AND THEIR REALISATIONS 17
2.1.1 Consonants 18
2.1.2 Vowels 21
2.1.3 Phonemic oppositions 22
2.1.4 Long vowels and vowel—semivowel—vowel sequences 23
2.2 PHONOTACTICS 25
2.2.1 Syllable structure 26
2.2.2 Word-initial position 27
2.2.3 Consonant clusters 29
2.2.4 Stress placement 33
2.3 MORPHOPHONEMICS 38
2.3.1 Lenition 38
2.3.2 Elision 39
2.3.3 Epenthesis 39
2.3.4 Assimilation 39
2.3.5 Reduction of non-permissible consonant clusters 42
2.3.6 Reduplication 43

CHAPTER 3: PARTS OF SPEECH AND OTHER PRELIMINARIES 46

3A PARTS OF SPEECH 46
3.1.1 Inflecting word classes 47
3.1.2 Non-inflecting word classes 52

VII
VI"

3.2 GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS 53

3.2.1 Core functions, adjuncts and complements 53
3.2.2 Defining subject, object and indirect object 56

CHAPTER 4: NOMINALS 58
4.1 THE STRUCTURE OF THE NOMINAL WORD 58
4.2 GENDER 59
4.2.1 Gender assignment 60
4.2.2 Gender marking 65
4.2.3 Odd agreement 70
4.3 NUMBER 72
4.3.1 Singular 72
4.3.2 Dual 73
4.3.3 Plural 76
4.4 NOMINAL CASE MORPHOLOGY 80
4.4.1 Nominative case 81
4.4.2 Accusative case 82
4.4.3 Ergative/Locative/Instrumental case 82
4.4.4 Dative case 86
4.4.5 Allative case 90
4.4.6 Ablative case 90
4.4.7 Perlative case 91
4.4.8 Comitative case 92
4.4.9 Causal suffix 92
4.4.10 Genitive suffix 92
4.4.11 Proprietive suffix 94
4.4.12 Privative suffix 97
4.4.13 Origin suffix 101
4.5 DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY 102
4.5.1 Nominal-to-nominal morphology 102
4.5.2 Verb-to-nominal morphology 104
4.5.3 Nominal reduplication 106
4.6 DEMONSTRATIVES 107
4.6.1 Details of form 111
4.6.2 Function 115
4.6.3 Ga series 117
4.7 INDEFINITE/INTERROGATIVES 119
4.7.1 Gayîni `someone/something, who/what' 120
4.7.2 Injani `somewhere, where' 123
4.7.3 Yangulu `sometime, when' 124
4.7.4 Yangulany- `some amount, how many' 124
4.7.5 Wunjugu `somehow, how' 124
4.7.6 Injuguja `what sort of' 125
4.8 FREE PRONOUNS 125
4.9 NP STRUCTURE 130

CHAPTER 5: THE AUXILIARY 137

5.1 BOUND PRONOUNS 139
 ix

5.1.1 The reflexive/reciprocal pronoun 141

5.1.2 First person dual inclusive as an ambiguous category 142
5.2 TENSE/ASPECT/MOOD 144
5.2.1 Simple tense 144
5.2.2 Habitual aspect 147
5.2.3 The progressive suffix 147
5.2.4 Irrealis mood 148
5.3 DIRECTIONAL SUFFIXES 151
5.4 THE AUXILIARY IN THE CLAUSE 153
5.5 THE AUXILIARY IN IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS 155

CHAPTER 6: VERBS 157

6.1 INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY 161
6.1.1 Non-future inflection 161
6.1.2 Future inflection 161
6.1.3 Infinitive suffix 164
6.1.4 -nka `DAT' 164
6.1.5 -nî `LOC' 165
6.1.6 -nnga 'ABL' 166
6.1.7 Verbal reduplication 166
6.2 DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY 167
6.2.1 Verb-to-verb morphology 167
6.2.2 Adjective-to-verb morphology 170

CHAPTER 7: SYNTAX OF SIMPLE SENTENCES 173

7.1 VERBLESS CLAUSES 173
7.1.1 Ascriptive clauses 173
7.1.2 Having/lacking clauses 175
7.1.3 Comparative clauses 176
7.1.4 Possessive clauses 176
7.1.5 Locative/allative clauses 176
7.1.6 Existential clauses 177
7.1.7 Mirra `sit' as a copula 177
7.2 VERBAL CLAUSES: BASIC ARGUMENT STRUCTURES 179
7.2.1 Impersonal verbs 180
7.2.2 Intransitive verbs 181
7.2.3 Reflexive verbs 185
7.2.4 Semitransitive verbs 186
7.2.5 Transitive verbs 187
7.2.6 Ditransitive verbs 189
7.2.7 Verbs with alternations in transitivity 192
7.3 VERBAL CLAUSES: DERIVED ARGUMENT STRUCTURES 192
7.3.1 Reflexive/reciprocal constructions 193
7.4 COMPLEX PREDICATES 194
7.4.1 Predicates with two verbs 194
7.4.2 Secondary predicates 195
7.5 QUESTIONS 197
7.5.1 Yes/no questions 197
X

7.5.2 Information questions 198

7.6 NEGATION 199
7.6.1 Sentential negation 199
7.6.2 Constituent negation 203
7.7 CLITICS AND PARTICLES 204
7.7.1 Clitics 204
7.7.2 Particles 207

CHAPTER 8: SYNTAX OF COMPLEX SENTENCES 212

8.1 NON-FINITE SUBORDINATE CLAUSES 212
8.1.1 Sentential causatives 216
8.2 ADJOINED CLAUSES 216
8.2.1 Subordinate functions 217
8.2.2 Coordinate clauses 222

APPENDIX A: TEXTS 225

Text 1: Ilarrawulu gujarrawulu 225
Text 2: Barnanggi and Jabiru 233
Text 3: Gambada and Wardangarrî 239
Text 4: Jinkijiyulu 241
Text 5: Dirdibulyi ninagangga buwarraja 244
Text 6: Indilyawuma and Wardangarri 248
Text 7: Gunbi and Garrgalyi 250
Text 8: Molly Grueman's Story 252

APPENDIX B: COMPARATIVE DISCUSSION OF GENDER MARKING 258

APPENDIX C: EASTERN GROUP AUXILIARIES 265

APPENDIX D: WAMBAYA—ENGLISH WORD LIST 268

APPENDIX E: ENGLISH—WAMBAYA FINDERLIST 296

REFERENCES 317
 PREFACE

Wambaya is a non-Pama-Nyungan language originally spoken in the Barkly Tablelands

region of the Northern Territory, Australia. There are perhaps 8-10 fluent speakers
remaining, most of whom live in Tennant Creek and Elliott in the Northern Territory. The
linguistic work which led to this volume was initiated by the Wambaya community (through
the Gurungu Council Aboriginal Corporation in Elliott) out of an increasing concern for the
fate of their language as these few remaining speakers get older. It is hoped that this
(ongoing) work will help younger Wambaya speakers learn something of their language
now, and have some access to their language even when it is no longer being spoken around
them.
While the main focus of this work has been on Wambaya, substantial reference has also
been made throughout the text to the mutually intelligible dialect Gudanji. The close and long-
term interaction between the Wambaya and Gudanji communities makes it virtually
impossible to work on one dialect without working on the other. Furthermore, the similarly
small number of remaining Gudanji speakers makes any work on this dialect equally urgent.
The research for this grammar was conducted during six field trips, totalling over seven
months, from February 1991 to August 1994. Work was begun in Elliott, N.T., and then, as
many Elliott Wambaya moved to Tennant Creek, was continued there. There was a lot of
support for the project from the Wambaya/Gudanji people of both Elliott and Tennant Creek.
Although people were not always able to to help me with language material, help came in
many different forms: from helping with the elicitation and transcription of stories, to
providing access to computers and office space, to providing company for the many hours
spent driving between Elliott and Tennant Creek.
This grammar is a revised version of my Melbourne University MA thesis (Nordlinger
1993a). The revisions include the reanalysis of some earlier analyses (e.g. the treatment of
complex clauses in Chapter 8), and the inclusion of new data collected since the MA thesis
was submitted (e.g. the causal suffix in §4.4.9). Unfortunately, the constraints of time have
made it impossible to cover all areas of Wambaya grammar in the same amount of detail.
Wambaya is a morphologically complex language, and thus these aspects of the grammar
have been given the most attention (Chapters 4-6); other areas have been given less coverage
than they deserve (e.g. complex sentences); and still others have been left out altogether (e.g.
prosody, discourse). Throughout the text I have indicated areas in which more work is
needed in the hope that it can be carried out in the future.
This grammar is written as a reference grammar. I have therefore deliberately avoided
presenting the data in any particular theoretical framework, or devoting much discussion to
the interesting issues raised by aspects of Wambaya grammar for current theoretical research.
Instead I have tried to describe this interesting language in its own terms, using a substantial
number of naturally occurring examples and texts. My belief is that this will give the
grammatical description the best chance of standing the test of time, and readers the best
chance of discovering things in the language that I have not, perhaps even inspiring more
work on Wambaya before it is too late.

xi
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.

My greatest debt is to the Wambaya people who welcomed me into their community and
taught me, so patiently, what I know of their language. In particular I would like to thank my
friends and language teachers, Molly Nurlanyma Grueman, Minnie Niyamarrama Nimara,
Mavis Bangarinya Hogan and Powder Bangarinji O'Keefe (Gudanji) for their never-ending
cooperation, tolerance and patience. They cheerfully shared with me their language and their
stories, answered my questions, and corrected my mistakes. For their support and friendship
I would also like to thank many other people from Elliott and Tennant Creek, including:
Florine Bathern, Ivy Duncan, Amy and Jeffrey Dixon, Billy Hayes, Sandra Hogan, Judy
Holt, Ian Hopwood, Michael Neade, Penny Watson, Heather Wilson and Oscar Wilson; all
of the people who participated in the Wambaya literacy workshop in Tennant Creek in April
1993; and, especially, Moana Strauss for generously sharing her flat and car during my
months of fieldwork. The Gurungu Council in Elliott, who initiated this project, helped
enormously in obtaining funding for my visits and was always cooperative, as was the
Papulu Apparr-kari language centre in Tennant Creek.
A very special thanks goes to. Nick Evans, who was a dedicated and enthusiastic MA
supervisor, and who first got me interested in working on Australian languages. Without his
invaluable advice, support and encouragement this project might never have got off the
ground. Robert Hoogenraad provided general encouragement and help in the field and I was
also fortunate enough to spend some time in the field with Luise Hercus, David Nash and
Gavan Breen, whose kind support and advice were most appreciated. Many thanks are due
also to John Henderson and Robert Hoogenraad, who provided much-needed computer
assistance. For insightful comments on various aspects of this grammar I am indebted to
Peter Austin, Juliette Blevins, Joan Bresnan, Margaret Carew, Ian Green, John Hajek and
Lesley Stirling. In particular, my revisions to this grammar have benefited enormously from
the comments and suggestions of my two MA examiners, Bill McGregor and Jane Simpson.
Of course, none of these people can be held responsible for any of the remaining flaws or
inadequacies.
This project would not have been possible without the financial support of the Australian
Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies grant L91/4100, and the Australian
Research Council grant A58930745 (awarded to Nick Evans) entitled 'Non-Pama-Nyungan
languages of Northern Australia: descriptive, grammatical, comparative and sociolinguistic
investigations'. Funding for an additional field trip in 1994 was provided by the Centre for
the Study of Language and Information at Stanford University, with the help of Peter Sells
and Stanley Peters. I thank all these people and organisations for their generous support.
My heartfelt thanks go to Dean Robinson, who stood by me throughout this project and
put up with my many moods and absences. My family and friends also provided much
valued support and encouragement. I thank them all for their patience and understanding.
 ABBREVIATIONS, SYMBOLS AND CONVENTIONS

first person NACT non-actual (irrealis) mood

2 second person NEG negator
3 third person NF non-future tense
NM non-masculine
I Class I, masculine gender
NOM nominative case
II, Class II, feminine gender
NP noun phrase, non-past tense
i Class ni, vegetable gender
o transitive object
IV Class Iv, neuter gender
OBL oblique case
A transitive subject OP object-promoting suffix
ABL ablative case ORIG origin case
ABS absolutive gender suffix PERL perlative case
ACC accusative case PL plural
AGNT agentive nominaliser POSS possessive
ALL allative case PR present tense
AWY direction away PRIV privative case
C consonant PROG progressive aspect
CAUS causative suffix PROP proprietive case
COMIT comitative case PST past tense
COMP complement RDP reduplicand
DAT dative case REFL reflexive
DU dual RR reflexive/reciprocal
DUR durative aspect s intransitive subject
DYAD dyadic suffix SG singular
EP epenthetic vowel TH thematic consonant
ERG ergative case TRANS transitivising suffix
EXC exclusive TWD directions towards
EXCLAM exclamative particle V vowel
F feminine
KIN-TERM ABBREVIATIONS
FAC factitive suffix
B brother, brother's
FUT future tense
C child
GEN genitive case
D daughter, daughter's
HAB habitual aspect
E, e elder (sibling)
HYP hypothetical (irrealis) mood
F father, father's
LMP imperative mood
H husband, husband's
INC inclusive
M mother, mother's
INCH inchoative
S son, son's
ENT infinitive
W wife, wife's
INFER inferential clitic
Y, y younger (sibling)
IN interrogative
Z sister, sister's
10 indirect object
LOC ergative/locative/instrumental LANGUAGE-NAME ABBREVIATIONS
case. B Binbinka
M masculine G Gudanji
NABS non-absolutive gender suffix Gw Garrwa
xiv

7 Jingili affix boundary

Ng Ngarnga/Ngarnji clitic boundary
Nu Nungali morpheme boundary (affix or
w Wambaya clitic)
SYMBOLS AND CONVENTIONS 0 contrastive zero morph
primary stress 0 gloss of a zero morpheme not
secondary stress represented in example
// phonemic transcription links multiple words in the
[] phonetic transcription (IPA) one gloss

Note on translations
Translations in this work are mostly my own. Those that are not are given in inverted
commas. Where English makes distinctions that Wambaya does not (such as definiteness in
NPs) I have made these distinctions in the English translations according to context.
 XV

Melville i Croker l

Murgenella
Barhursr I IWAIDJA
Maningrida
Nhulunbuy
DARWIN GUNWINGGU

UMBUGARLA Jim Jim Crossing YOLNGU

Rum
_ Jungle •
N' H EM
Adelaide River
WARAY NGA NDI
Daly River Pine Ceek • JAWONYJ DALABON L \A N D
MARANUNGKU ~~NGALAKAN Groote Eylandt
Port Keats Numbulwar
WAGIMAN
MANGARAYI WARNDARANG
MURRI NH— PATNA Katherine
,Roper Bar*
NUNGALI MARA
JAMINJUNG
NGALIWURU
WARDAMAN) ALAWA YANYUWA
co
Timber Creek /)
J Borroloola •
• Daly Waters

NGARINMAN BINBINKA

C Top Springs
MUDBURRA
Newcastle Wa ers .
JINGILI

NGARNGA
GUDANJ!
f
GARRWA
GURINOJI
WAANVI
WAR LMANPA WA M B AYA
Hooker Creek • Renner Springs

I
WARUMUNGU
•Tennant Creek I
l~ V
.Wonarah i
See Map 2

WARLPIRI WA GAYA

• Wauchope

200 KAITITJ •Hatches Creek

km ALYAWARRA

MAP I: THE MIRNDI GROUP AND SOME OF THE SURROUNDING LANGUAGES

[Locations shown are approximate only an d are taken from Wurm and Hattori (1983).]
 to Katherine Nutwood
268 km ' Dns. ce

iBI
orroloolo •
BB
Daly
Waters•
C Q
NBINKA
• 0.T. Downs
• Dunmarra Q
Hwr (McArthur Riv.
Wayside Inn Robinson
ano,nK Ck. 1Cape Crawford
River
l o r ay Roadhouse

14C" 5`te cl' GUDANJI

JINGILI
Beetaloo
Newcastle• NGARNGA GARRWA
Waters
Elliott.
x
P' Ni%/
.Ucharonidge Wallhallow
Anthony
L. Woods
Lagoon
Creswell Dns. c - "'ser
Ck.
Po well Ck •
Eva Downs Cres wel l
WAM BAYA 0e
Renner Springs L. Tarrabool
Cl'
Fish Hole Ck
C e" Brunette Dns.
L. Corella

h
Banka Banka Brunchilly

River
WARUMUNGA Rockhampton
Downs Alexandria
x
4
e Alroy Dns .

WAGAYA
TENNANT CREEK
Barkly •
Roadhouse Mt. Isa
320 km

100 •
km
m
J to Alice Springs Soudan
I 507 km

MAP 2: THE WEST BARKLY LANGUAGES

[Locations are based on information contained in Chadwick (1978) and Avery (1990).]
 CHAPTER 1

THE LANGUAGE AND ITS SPEAKERS

1.1 THE LANGUAGE

Wambaya is a non-Pama-Nyungan language from the Barkly Tablelands region in the
northern central part of the Northern Territory. It belongs to the West Barkly language
family, which occupies an area of the central Northern Territory very roughly bounded by
Daly Waters in the north-west, Borroloola in the north-east, Brunette Downs Station in the
south-east and Renner Springs in the south-west (see Maps 1 and 2). The West Barkly
languages are part of a larger subgroup known as the Mirndi group which also contains the
Jaminjungan languages: Jaminjung, Ngaliwuru and Nungali. The location of these languages
is shown in Map 1.
Phonologically, Wambaya is fairly typical for an Australian language. The phoneme
inventory contains five places of articulation for stops (bilabial, alveolar, postalveolar, palatal
and velar), with a nasal corresponding to each stop articulation. Voicing is not phonemically
distinctive. There are three laterals corresponding to the three non-peripheral stop articulations
(alveolar, postalveolar and palatal), an alveolar tap/trill, three semivowels: /w/, Lr,,/ and /j/, and
three vowels: [i], [u] and [a], with no significant phonemic length distinction. In all of the
other West Barkly languages there is a sixth stop articulation, a dorso-palatal, described by
Chadwick (1978:9) as having an onset near the front of the velum and a palatalised release.
This stop does not occur in Wambaya and I have only ever heard one example of it in
Gudanji_ Wambaya words are mostly disyllabic or longer and, except for the auxiliary, never
end in a consonant.
There are seven parts of speech in Wambaya: nominals (including nouns, adjectives,
demonstratives, free pronouns and time and locational nominals), verbs, adverbs, the
auxiliary (including cross-referencing bound pronouns and tense/aspect/mood/directional
suffixes), particles, clitics and interjections.
Pronouns distinguish person (1st, 2nd and 3rd) and number (singular, dual and plural).
First person non-singular makes an inclusive/exclusive distinction, and a gender distinction is
made in the third person singular.
Wambaya nominals generally inflect for case, gender' and number. Although there are
three numbers — singular, dual and plural — only dual nouns are obligatorily marked for
number. All modifiers must agree with the noun that they modify in all of these categories.
There are four genders in Wambaya, marked by suffixes. In this respect Wambaya and the
other West Barkly languages are typologically aberrant, as gender in other non-Pama-
Nyungan languages, along with much of the verbal morphology, is usually marked by
prefix.'- In fact, apart from the West Barkly languages, the only other non-Pama-Nyungan

I follow Corbett (1991:5) in using this term for what are more traditionally referred to as 'noun classes'.
2 The Jarrakan languages also have genders marked solely by suffixes (Ian Green, pers.comm.).
1
2 Chapter I

languages which are not prefixing in at least the verbal domain a re the Tangkic languages,
such as Kayardild and Lardil.3
The four genders in Wambaya are masculine (Class I), feminine (Class II), vegetable
(Class III) and neuter (Class Iv). Class membership is primarily semantically based. There are
two series of gender suffixes: those which occur in the nominative and accusative cases
(absolutive) and those which occur in all other cases (non-absolutive).4 Gender is marked on
nouns, adjectives, demonstratives and some indefinite/interrogatives.
Wambaya is a `split-ergative' language: nominals (excluding free pronouns) have an
ergative-absolutive pattern of inflection while the free pronouns have a nominative/accusative
declension. Following Goddard (1982), the class of nominals as a whole is analysed as
having a three-way case system: ergative (/locative), nominative and accusative (see §4.4).
A second position auxiliary, obligatorily present in most Wambaya clauses, contains
bound pronouns representing the subject and object arguments of the clause. This auxiliary
also contains most of the tense, aspect and mood information for the clause, and can contain
directional affixes indicating movement towards or away from the speaker. Unusually, the
auxiliary has no root.
Some further unusual aspects of Wambaya grammar include: a subjective/objective
distinction that is made by some adjectives (see §3.1), a suffix found with kinship nominals
which appears to have a reflexive possessive function (see §4.5.1.2) and some verbs which
alternate in transitivity without changing their form (see §7.2.7).
As is common for Australian languages, Wambaya is morphologically agglutinative and
the word order is relatively free.

1.1.1 THE WEST BARKLY LANGUAGES

The West Barkly language family consists of 5 languages/dialects: Jingili, Ngarnga (or
Ngarnji), Wambaya, Gudanji and Binbinka. The structure of this family can be represented
as in Table 1.1 (following Chadwick 1978:2).
TABLE 1.1: THE WEST BARKLY LANGUAGE FAMILY

West Barkly Language Family

Jingili Eastern Groups

Ngarnga McArthur Language

Wambaya Gudanji Binbinka

3 Although the Tangkic languages were originally classified by O'Grady, Voegelin and Voegelin (1966) as
Pama-Nyungan, recent discussions (namely Evans (1985, 1988, 1995a) and Blake (1988, 1990)) have
shown them to be clearly non-Pama-Nyungan.
4
These gender suffixes are then followed by the appropriate case suffix.
5
The terms 'Eastern Group' and 'McArthur' are taken from Chadwick (e.g. 1978).
 The language and its speakers 3

Thus, the language family contains two groups: Jingili an d the Eastern Group. The
Eastern Group contains four languages/dialects of which three — Wambaya, Gudanji and
Binbinka — are clearly dialects of the one language. Lexicostatistical data (discussed below)
show Ngarnga to be quite closely related to these three dialects, but different enough to be
probably best considered a language of its own.6 Thus, the Eastern Group is made up of two
languages: Ngamga and the `McArthur language'7 which has the three dialects Wambaya,
Gudanji and Binbinka.
Chadwick (1978:320, 322) provides a lexicostatistical comparison of the members of the
West Barkly language group based on a 100-item word list. His results are given in Table 1.2
(I have collapsed his two tables into one).
TABLE 1.2: LEXICOSTATISTICAL COMPARSION OF WEST BARKLY
LANGUAGES (BASED ON 100-ITEM WORD LIST)

Jingili Ngarnga Wambaya Gudanji

Binbinka 21% 61% 69% 88%
Gudanji 21% 62% 78%
Wambaya 29% 60%
Ngamga 28%
Thus, Jingili has a fairly low level of shared vocabulary with all of the Eastern Group
languages/dialects and is quite clearly a language of a different subgroup. On the other hand,
the languages/dialects of the Eastern Group have quite high levels of shared vocabulary,
although the dialects of the McArthur language share more vocabulary with each other
(between 69% and 88%) than any of them do with Ngarnga (between 60% and 62%).
However, the levels of shared vocabulary with Ngarnga are still substantial and suggest a
close relationship with the dialects of the McArthur language. The three dialects of the
McArthur language form a dialect chain: Wambaya shares a high percentage of vocabulary
with Gudanji which shares a high percentage of vocabulary with Binbinka. The percentage of
shared vocabulary between Wambaya and Binbinka, however, is significantly less. This
pattern is predictable from the (traditional) geographic positions of the three communities:
Wambaya country shares its northern border with Gudanji country which shares its northern
border with Binbinka country (see Map 2).
The main focus of this description is the Wambaya dialect of the McArthur language.
Unfortunately it was not possible to investigate the other Eastern Group languages/dialects in
the sane amount of detail that I have for Wambaya. This is due not only to time constraints
but also to difficulty in finding informants: I have only been able to find one speaker of
Ngarnga and only one partial speaker of Binbinka. However, what information I have on
these other languages (particularly Gudanji, smatterings of which are found in the speech of

6 There has been a fair amount of variation in the literature as to the classification of Ngarnga with respect
to the other West Barkly languages. Capell (1979:182) considers it to be very close to Jingili, related
~practically at dialect level". Tindale (1974), on the other hand, gives `Ngandji' (Ngarnji/Ngarnga) as an
alternati ve name for the `Kotandji' (Gudanji) people, thereby suggesting that Ngarnga is very closely
related to dialects of the McArthur language. Chadwick (1971:34) describes Ngarnga as "a `halfway' in
linguistic content between Djingili in the west and the Wambaja-Gudandj.i group in the east..." which is
a more accurate claim although, as shown in Table 1.1, Ngamga is closer in relationship to the
McArthur dialects than it is to Jingili.
7 Note that this language exists only for the purposes of linguistic classification and has no traditional
status.
4 Chapter 1

most Wambaya speakers) is included in the discussion wherever possible.8 A discussion of

Jingili is outside the scope of this work as it is substantially different from the other
languages and is also the language which Chadwick has worked on in the most detail (see
Chadwick 1975). Jingili will be referred to only for comparative discussion.

1.1.2 WIDER RELATIONSHIPS

As they are among the southernmost non-Pama-Nyungan languages, the West Barkly
languages are surrounded on two sides by Pama-Nyungan languages to which they are
clearly not genetically related: Wagaya and Warumungu in the south and the Ngumpin
languages in the west. Although the non-Pama-Nyungan languages Alawa and Wardaman are
adjacent to the West Barkly languages to the north, there is no apparent genetic relationship
with these languages either. Nor is there any obvious genetic relationship between the West
Barkly languages and Garrwa and Waanyi which lie immediately to the east; although striking
similarities in verbal inflections (see §6.1) suggest a history of contact and influence between
these two language groups (see also I. Green 1995). Thus, the West Barkly languages are
not (closely) related to any of the languages that border them.
Dixon (1980:225) claimed Jingili (and by implication all of the West Barkly languages) to
be one of two languages (the other being Tiwi) which could not be genetically linked to other
Australian languages at all. However, comparative work done by Chadwick (e.g. 1984) has
shown that the West Barkly languages are related to the Jaminjungan languages (Jaminjung
(Cleverly 1968), Ngaliwuru (Bolt et al. 197la) and Nungali (Bolt et al. 197lb)), located in
the west of the Northern Territory, towards the West Australian border9 (see Map 1). This
relationship is interesting as the West Barkly languages and the Jaminjungan languages are
physically non-contiguous; they are geographically separated by the Ngumpin languages.
There is (at least) one major typological difference between the Jaminjungan languages and
the West Barkly languages: the West Barkly languages are `suffixing' (employing suffixes
rather than prefixes) and the Jaminjungan languages are `prefixing' (employing both suffixes
and prefixes). However, many of the prefixes found in the Jaminjungan languages
correspond with suffixes in languages of the West Barkly group (see Appendix B). The
existence of residual prefixes in certain lexical items and grammatical elements in West Barkly
languages (such as the gender prefixes in Wambaya demonstratives and the pronominal
elements in the auxiliary), which correspond to prefixes found in Jaminjungan languages is
strong evidence that the West Barkly languages were originally prefixing and have since
become suffixing (see I. Green 1995 for detailed discussion).
The most striking similarities between the Jaminjungan and the West Barkly languages, as
identified by Chadwick (e.g.1984), are found among the pronouns (both bound and free) and
the gender affixes (at least in Nungali, the only Jaminjungan language with a gender
system). l

° The similarities, at least within the dialects of the McArthur language, are such that it can generally be
assumed that much of what is said for Wambaya will be at least similar if not the same for Binhinka and
Gudanji. The only major areas of difference between these dialects are the auxiliary (particularly the
tense/aspect/mood marking) and the forms of the demonstratives (see Appendix C and §4.6 respectively).
This group of languages, containing the West Barkly and Jaminjungan languages, is known as the
Mirndi group after their shared innovative first person dual inclusive pronouns.
10 The following discussion is based on information contained in Chadwick (1978, 1979 and 1984).
 The language and its speakers

Among the pronouns there is a large degree of similarity in the function and form of
regular pronouns, as well as irregularities in the system which are common to all of the
languages. One example of this is the first person dual inclusive pronoun which has a base of
the form mind(i) or mirnd(î) in all the languages, and has been adopted as the name for the
whole group. Examples of other similarities among free pronouns include the form of second
person singular free pronouns:
nanti Jaminjung and Ngaliwuru
naminju Nungali
nanuthiyama Jingili
nyami Gudanji and Binbinka
nyamirniji Wambaya
and the form of the suffix that occurs on dual and plural non-subject free pronouns:
-ag Jaminjung (e.g. mindag IDU.INC.OBL)
-agu Jingili (e.g. mîndagu IDUJNC.OBL)
-(a)ga Ngarnga and Gudanji (e.g. mîrndaga IDU.INC.OBL)
Among the bound pronouns, an example of similarity is the third person singular
masculine transitive subject forms:
gan- Jaminjung an d Ngaliwuru (used for feminine too)
ngan- Nungali
gani- Gudanji (present tense)
gînî- Wambaya
A significant degree of similarity also exists between Nungali and the West Barkly
languages in the area of gender and gender marking. All of these languages have four
genders, marked by suffix in the West Barkly languages, and by prefix in Nungali. In all
languages there is a distinction made among gender affixes according to case. In the Eastern
Group of the West Barkly languages this is a two-way distinction between absolutive gender
affixes which appear in the nominative and accusative cases, and those which appear in all
other cases, followed by regular nominal case suffixes. In Jingili and Nungali, however,
there is a three-way distinction among gender suffixes: absolutive, ergative and dative.
Unlike in Wambaya, the ergative an d dative gender suffixes in Jingili and Nungali are not
supplemented with regular nominal case affixes. There is a significant degree of
correspondence in both form and function between the gender suffixes of Nungali and the
West Barkly languages. This is discussed in Appendix B.

1.1.3 OTHER SPELLINGS OF LANGUAGE NAMES

Alternative spellings for the Wambaya language name that are found in the literature are
Umbia (Lindsay 1887), Wombya (Mathews 1900), Umbaia (Spencer and Gillen 1904),
Wombaia (Mathews 1905, Capell 1965), Yumpia (Basedow 1907), Umbai (Eylmann 1908),
Wambaya (Hale 1959, Tindale 1974), Wambaja (Capell 1963, Yallop 1969, Chadwick 1971)
an d Wampaya (Avery 1990).
 Chapter I

Gudanji has also been written as Kooringeel I (Stationmaster 1895), Koodangie (Mathews
1900), Godangee (Basedow 1907), Goodanji (Hale 1960), Gudandji (Cape11 1963, Aguas
1968, Chadwick 1971, Blake 1990), Kutandji (O'Grady, Voegelin and Voegelin 1966),
Kotandji (Tindale 1974) and Kutanji (Avery 1990).
Alternative spellings for Ngarnga/Ngarnji found in the literature are Gnanji (Spencer and
Gillen 1904, Basedow 1907), Angee (and Anga) (Basedow 1907), Ngandji (Tindale 1974)
and Ngarndji (Chadwick 1971, Capell 1979, Blake 1990).
Binbinka is found in the literature most commonly as Binbinga (e.g. Spencer and Gillen
1904, Basedow 1907, Capell 1963, Tindale 1974, Chadwick 1978), but also as Bing Binga
(Lindsay 1887) and Binbingha (Mathews 1900, 1908).

1.1.4 PREVIOUS INVESTIGATIONS

Ken Hale's unpublished field notes on Wambaya (Wambaia) (63 pages, including a brief
sketch grammar)12 and Gudanji (Goodanji) (28 pages) gathered in 1959 and 1960
respectively constitute the first significant work done on these languages. More recently
almost all of the major work on the West Barkly languages has been done by Neil Chadwick.
As well as some articles (e.g. Chadwick 1971, 1979, 1984) this work includes a published
grammar of Jingili (Chadwick 1975) and his PhD dissertation `The West Barkly languages,
complex morphology' (1978). This thesis is a detailed morphological analysis of the core
aspects of the grammars of all the West Barkly languages and probably represents the only
detailed work that will ever be done on at least Ngarnga and Binbinka, for which there are
almost no full speakers left.
Aside from Hale's and Chadwick's work, there is a recently completed PhD dissertation
on Jingili by Rob Pensalfini (1997); an Australian National University honours thesis by
Stuart Campbell (no date) which provides a grammatical sketch and short word list based on
Hale's field notes and recordings; and a brief grammatical sketch of Gudanji by E.F. Aguas
(1968). The rest of the available information consists of a few small word lists (e.g. Hercus
1983, Dymock 1985); a few anthropological a rticles (mainly concerning the subsection
system, see below) written at the turn of the century (e.g. Mathews 1900, 1908); and some
brief references in other more general texts and articles (e.g. Lindsay 1887, Spencer and
Gillen 1904, Basedow 1907, Capell 1963, Yallop 1969, and Tindale 1974). There is also a
report by John Avery (1990) about the Wambaya/Anthony Lagoon land claim which provides
useful anthropological, social and historical information about the Wambaya, Gudanji and
Ngarnga communities.

1.2 ITS SPEAKERS

1.2.1 HISTORY
The West Barkly communities have suffered greatly since European settlement, losing
virtually all their traditional land to white pastoralists well over a century ago. Survival by
II This looks suspiciously like Gurindji, but he claims that the country belonging to these people lies to
the east of Powell Creek in the Northern Territory.
I2 Actually, although called Wambaya, the forms of the auxiliary, the negative particles and many of the
lexical items contained in these field notes suggest that the dialect Hale recorded is one closer to Gudanji
than Wambaya.
 The language and its speakers

hunting and food-gathering was replaced by subsistence primarily on station rations, given in
return for work. All the older people that I have worked with, and many of the younger
people, have spent a significant amount of time employed on cattle stations; the men as
stockmen and the women as housemaids and the like.
Little has been written that gives much information about the history of these communities.
The references to them found in the literature are brief and usually mention only their
location.13 A typical mention is found in Basedow (1907:3):
The Binbinga, a peaceful tribe, occupies the McArthur River district for 40 miles
south of Borroloola.
The Godangee (probably a branch of the Gnanji), adjoins the Binbinga on the
east.
The Yumpia (Umbaia) lives in country extending south of the Binbinga, to the
tablelands. Both this tribe and the former are noted for cattle-killing.
The Angee and Anga (no doubt branches of the Nganji [sic]) are small, hostile
tribes, living south and west of the Allaua, at the head of the Wickham River.
Thus, most of the information for the following discussion has come from the Wambaya
and Gudanji people that I have worked with, and cannot be supported by information from
other sources.
Most of the Wambaya and Gudanji people14 moved off the stations on their land during
the 1960s and 1970s. The reason for this, as explained to me by the people themselves,, is
that they were forceably moved off the stations by Welfare, who felt that the stations could
not provide enough food and health care to support the communities. However, this may not
have been the only reason as the movement off the stations appears to coincide with the
granting of award (equal) wages and citizenship in 1967, which resulted in the forcible
removal of Aboriginal residents from stations to towns in many regions of northern
Australia.15 The majority of these people moved into the towns of Elliott, Tennant Creek and
Borroloola.l 6
This shift into country belonging to other people, and the subsequent split-up of their
communities, had disastrous effects for the Wambaya and Gudanji people, significantly
contributing to the loss of their language and much of their ceremonial life. While living on
`foreign' land they could not practise much of their ceremony and had to use languages such
as Kriol to communicate with the other communities, thereby reducing the use of their own
languages. John Avery's (1990:5) impression of the circumstances of these communities
during the mid 1970s is that they "stood at the end of every queue, whether it was for town.
employment, housing or other such benefits, an d they were dependent on other Aboriginal
people for their participation in ceremonial life". My impression is that, at least with respect to
the latter point, the current situation is only slightly better than it was at the time of this
observation.

13 Spencer and Gillen (1904) and Mathews (1900, 1908) also contain some brief discussion of some aspects
of ceremonial and social organisation (such as the subsection systems) of the Wambaya and Binhinka
communities: see below.
14 I do not know anything of the history of the Ngarnga and Binbinka communities so cannot include them
in this discussion.
15. I thank Bill McGregor for drawing my attention to this fact.
16 Elliott is Jingili-Mutpurra country, Tennant Creek is Warumungu country and Borroloola is Yanyuwa
country.
8 Chapter 1

1.2.2 PRESENT SITUATION

The majority of Wambaya and Gudanji people still live in South Camp, Elliott; Wuppa
Camp, Tennant Creek; and Mara Camp, Borroloola. The only communities on their
traditional land are a small community of Wambaya who have moved back out to Corella
Creek and an even smaller community of elderly Wambaya/Gudanji living at Coolminyini
Outstation just out of Borroloola. There are also a few Wambaya/Gudanji people who live at
Murunmurula on the South Nicholson River, although this is actually Waanyi country.
The lifestyle of the Wambaya and Gudanji people today (at least, those who live in town)
is typical for Aboriginal town communities. Social Security payments and town food supplies
have completely replaced hunting and food-gathering as the means of subsistence, and there
are alcohol-related problems. Although the kinship and subsection systems are still known
and understood by even the youngest members of the community, the marriage laws are often
not adhered to by the younger generations, much to the disgust of the older members of the
community.
As for the Ngarnga and Binbinka communities, it seems that they have all but disappeared.
I met only one old man who claimed to be Ngarnga (and one old woman, who has since
died) and no-one who called themselves Binbinka. There are reports that there are some
Binbinka people (who can still speak the language) living on Nutwood Downs Station, but
this has yet to be confirmed.
The Eastern Group languages are in a critical state. A recent survey of language speakers
undertaken by Robert Hoogenraad (pers.comm.) lists 32 people who claim to be full
speakers of Wambaya, 10 who claim to be full speakers of Gudanji, only one for Ngarnga
and none for Binbinka. Of the 32 people on Hoogenraad's list who claim to speak Wambaya
fully, at least 10 received roars of laughter when this list was double-checked with some of
the older speakers.l" My estimates are that there are probably only between 8 and 10 really
competent speakers of Wambaya left, and only about 6 or 8 competent speakers of Gudanji. I
believe that Hoogenraad's figures for Ngarnga and Binbinka are correct although, as
mentioned above, there are claims still needing confirmation that there are some Binbinka
speakers living on Nutwood Downs Station.
All of the Wambaya and Gudanji people that I have worked with speak a dialect which is a
mixture of Wambaya and Gudanji. The balance of this mix differs greatly — some speakers
speak predominantly Wambaya with some Gudanji whereas others speak mostly Gudanji
with a bit of Wambaya — but the two dialects are almost always mixed together. In fact most
of the older people claim that the two communities and dialects have always been mixed up
and that it is not possible, nor appropriate, to try and separate them.18 Some evidence that

17 One of the difficulties here which may have helped cause this discrepancy is that people will often differ
in their conception of what it means to `speak' a language (especially with reference to languages which
are no longer widely spoken). Thus, someone who is really only a `half' speaker of a language may
claim to speak it fully if they are surrounded by people who hardly speak it at all. Another factor that
may have boosted these figures is that some of Hoogenraad's information came from people other than
the purported speaker. If these people are not proficient in the language themselves, they may not be able
to accurately judge the level of competency that somebody else may have in the language, or they may
describe someone as a speaker of a language by virtue of their belonging to the tribe that speaks/owns
that language.
18 This issue caused a great deal of argument at a Wambaya language meeting and literacy course held in
Tennant Creek (April 1993) as a couple of (less than fluent) speakers kept insisting that it was possible,
and indeed important, that the two dialects be clearly separated. This was to the great frustration of the
older people who claimed that it was impossible and inappropriate to do so.
 The language and its speakers

there has been a greater degree of mixing of the two dialects in recent years, however, comes
from a 1987 file note from Papulu Apparr-kari, the language centre in Tennant Creek. In this
note, one old (now deceased) Wambaya man is reported as claiming that there are only two ,
fluent Wambaya speakers left (of which he was one) as all the other speakers have mixed the
language up with Gudanji.
All of the competent speakers of Wambaya and Gudanji are over about 55 years old, and
most of them would be over 60. There are a couple of people under 55 (perhaps in their 40s)
who have a good command of Wambaya, although in speaking it they tend to substitute a
number of grammatical elements from Kriol. Most of the people that I have met over the age
of about 40 have a reasonably good to excellent passive knowledge of Wambaya or Gudanji
but rarely speak it. None of the younger generations can speak the language at all, apart from
the subsection terms, kinship terms and some selected lexical items. Only a few people that I
met under about 30 could even understand sentences spoken to them in Wambaya or
Gudanji. There is, however, some interest among some of the younger people in learning to
read an d write Wambaya, with the intention of possibly teaching some to the children in
school.' 9
The usual language of communication for all of these people, including the older ones, is a
variety of Kriol or English ranging from quite a basilectal variety of Kriol among the older
speakers to something closer to Aboriginal English among the younger ones. For most of the
people this is their first (and only) language.

1.2.3 SOCIAL ORGANISATION

1.2.3.1 THE SUBSECTION SYSTEM
Wambaya society is divided into a system of eight subsections, or `skins', according to
which marriage and all other relationships are determined. Brothers and sisters belong to the
same subsection, which is determined matrilineally. This system is demonstrated in Table 1.3
below. There are two sets of terms for most subsections; the less common term for each
subsection is given in parentheses. The difference between these two sets of terms is
discussed below. The subsections have different, although closely related, names for their
male and female members; in Table 1.3 female terms are given in bold. An equals sign
indicates a first-choice marriage partner, the outside arrows trace matrilineal descent, and the
broken lines in the centre show patrilineal descent. An alternative representation of this
system is given in Figure 1.1.

19 The difficulty with this is that the majority of Wambaya children attend school in towns that are on other
people's land and where they are, therefore, in a minority. This makes it difficult to argue for the
development of a Wambaya language program when the majority of children at the school have a
different heritage.
10 Chapter 1

TABLE 1.3: WAMBAYA SUBSECTIONS

/ Jangalama (Jangalagu) t = Nurlanyma(Nurlanjagurna)

1
Nangalama (Nangalagurna)1 = _ Jurlanyma (Jurlanjagu)
t
1
Balyarrinji-- - %= Niyamarrama (Niyamarragurna)
Balyarrinya I= Jiyamarrama (Jiyamamagu)
- ~1
t-
-- 1
Jurrulama (Jurrulagu) 4 Niyinama (Niyinagurna) 11) /
Nurrulama (Nurrulagurna) '' , , Jiyinama (Jiyinagu)
,

Bangarinji —
angarinya
- .-
=
= t1 Yagamarrîrna
;Yagamarri
2
Thus, the first-choice marriage partner of someone of the Jangalama subsection would be
someone from the Nurlanyma subsection. Their children would belong to the Yagamarrirna
(daughters) and Yagamarri (sons) subsections, and so on.
Other terms for some of these subsections are commonly in use within the Wambaya
community, but are reportedly not Wambaya terms. These are Jugurdayi and Bulanyi for
Jurlanyma; 20 Ngabida for Nurlanyma and Nungarima2 t for Bangarinya.

20 These are the Warumungu baby-talk term (Heath and Simpson 1982:4) and the Yukulta term (Sharp,
cited in McConvell 1985:28) respectively.
21 This is possibly from the Yukulta term nawangarima (Sharp, cited in McConvell 1985:28).
 The language and its speakers 11

Jangalama Nangalama
Jangalagu Nangalagurna
0
X
o p
Nurlanyma Jurtanyma
Nurlanjagurna Jurlanjagu

Bangarinya Niyamarrama 0 > Balyarrinji

D Yagamarri
Niyamarragurna

Jiyamarrama
Bangarinji Q Yagamarrirna Jiyamarragu
Q Balyarrinya

SYMBOLS
Jiyinama Niyinama D male O female
Jiyinaau Niyinagurna X rusr.choice marriage

0 mot PIs

X daughter/son

adKr - Pairs
sort/daughter
Pairs
Nurrulama Jur
rrrulama
Nurrulagurna Jurrulagu

FIGURE 1.1: WAMBAYA SUBSECTIONS (FROM ROBERT HOOGENRAAD)

The terms in Table 1.3 fall into two types: those which mark gender with a prefix (n V- for
female and jV- for male) and have final -ma, and those that mark it with a suffix (e.g.
ban garinji/bangarinya, balyarrinji/balyarrinya and yagamarri/yagamarrirna). It is only the
terms of the first type that have the alternative forms, which substitute either -gu (male) or
-gurna (female) for -ma . In these alternative forms gender is marked both by prefix and by
suffix.
The Wambaya subsection terms do not fit neatly with the different sets of terms discussed
by McConvell (1985) and appear to be a mix of his Proto-Southwestern and Proto-
Northeastern sets of terms 2 2 As Wambaya is geographically between both groups, that they
may have borrowed some terms from each is perhaps not surprising. The gender prefixes jV-
(male) and nV- (female) present in five pairs of forms are clearly related to the gender
prefixes in McConvell's (p.29) Proto Southwestern forms: *ja- and *na-. Of the five pairs of
terms that have these prefixes, four have roots which also appear to be related to the
corresponding Proto Southwestern forms reconstructed by McConvell: jiyinama/niyinama
(*-panangkn). jurrulcrrna/nurrulama (* purrurla), jangalama/nangalama (*-ngala) and
jîtiamarrama/niyamarrama (*kamarra). However, one prefixed pair, jurlanynur/nurlanynra, is

22 Note that the following discussion is purely impressionistic and should be taken as speculative.
12 Chapter 1

a little puzzling as it contains the Southwestern prefixes, but has a root which is similar to a
form belonging to McConvell's Proto-Northeastern set of subsection terms, *purlany.
The reconstructed forms to which bangarinji/bangarinya and balyarrinjilbalyarrinya are
related are common to both the Proto Southwestern and Proto Northeastern sets; however,
the absence of gender prefixes in the Wambaya reflexes suggest that they may have come
from the north-east, rather than the south-west. Yagamarri/yagamarrirna is not clearly related
to the pragmatically equivalent Proto Southwestern or Proto Northeastern forms but may be
derived from the same root as jiyanrarrama/niyarrutrrama, which is *l amarra in both sets of
prototerms. Note that these two subsections would belong to the one section in a section
system (such as the Kariera system). One possibility is that Wambaya has borrowed
jîyamarrama/niyamarrama from its southern neighbours and yagantarri/yagamarrirna from its
northern neighbours.23 Interestingly, the pairs of terms that are suggested here as corning
from the north-east, as opposed to the south-west, do not correspond with the structure of
either a section system or a moiety system. This would suggest that the borrowing of
subsection terms from either the north-east or the south-west into Wambaya has not been on a
completely systematic basis.
Table 1.3 only shows first-choice marriage partners. A man's first-choice marriage partner
is someone who belongs to the same subsection as his mother's mother's brother's
daughter's daughter (i.e. his second cross-cousin). However, this is not his only possible
marriage partner; there are second- and third-choice partners also. A man's second-choice
marriage partner is someone in the same subsection as his mother's mother and his third-
choice is someone in the same subsection as his father's sister's daughter (i.e. his first cross-
cousin).24
For example, Bangarinji's first choice is Yagamarrirna (as his mother is Nurrulana whose
mother is Balyarrinya whose brother is Balyarrinji whose daughter is Nurlanyma whose
daughter is Yagamarrîrna). His second choice is Balyarrinya (as his mother is Nun-ulama
whose mother is Balyarrinya). His third choice is Niyamarrarna (as his father is Jiyinanta
whose sister is Niyinama whose daughter is Niyarnarrama).
As noted above, five of the subsections have alternative forms which differ only in the
final syllable(s): the first set of forms have final -ma for both male and female terms, as
opposed to the second set which have final -gu (male) or -gurna (female). Speakers claim that
there is no difference between these two sets and that they are simply alternative Wambaya
forms. However, it is the first set that is most frequently used and I suspect that the second
set (those in parentheses in Table 1.3) belong to another of the Eastern Group languages/
dialects. This is supported by the fact that Spencer and Gillen (1904) give terms similar to
these as the subsection terms for `Gnanji' (Ngarnga). The 'Binbingha' (Binbinka) subsection
terms given in Mathews (1908) also appear to be the same forms. These sets of terms are
given in Tables 1.4 and 1.5 below, with the corresponding term from Table 1.3 given in
italics.

23 Note that the corresponding Yukulta term has the same form: yaka narri (McConvell (1985:29) citing
Sharp).
24 I am not completely sure about the order of these two choices; they may go the other way around.
 The language and its speakers 13

TABLE 1.4: `GNAN JI' SUBSECTION TERMS (SPENCER AND GILLEN 1904:101)

Thungallaku Jangalagu Nurlanjukurna Nurlanjagurna

Nungallakurna Nangalaguma Tjulantjuka Jurlanjagu
Paliarinji Balyarrinji Niamaku Niyamarragurna
Paliarina Balyarrînya Tjamuraku Jiyamarragu
Uralaku Jurrulagu Nuanakurna Niyinagurna
Nuralakurna Nurrulagurna Uanaku Jiyinagu
Pungarinji Bangarinji Yakomarina Yagamarrima
Pungarinia Bangarinya Yakomari Yagamarri

TABLE 1.5: `BINBLNIGHA' SUBSECTION TERMS (MALE TERMS ONLY) (MATHEWS 1908:100)

Jungalagoo Jangalagu
Bullaranjee Balyarrinji
Jooralagoo Jurrulagu
Bangaranjee Bangarinji
Jooanjagoo Jurlanjagu
Jameragoo Jiyan arragu
Jinagoo Jiyinagu
Yukamurra Yagamarri
Spencer and Gillen also give subsection terms for Wambaya, as does Mathews (1905).
What is interesting about these terms is that modern -ma-final terms (such as Niyinama)
correspond in both cases to -m-final terms. Modem Wambaya has a phonotactic constraint
that all words must have a final vowel; perhaps the terms given by Spencer and Gillen and
Mathews reflect a stage of Wambaya when this constraint did not exist. Table 1.6 lists the
Spencer and Gillen terms, the Mathews terms and the corresponding modem terms from
Table 1.3 (in italics).
TABLE 1.6: WAMBAYA SUBSECTION TERMS

Spencer and Gillen (1904:100) Mathews (1905:105) From Table 1.3

Tjulum Choolum Jurlanyma
Nulum. Noolum Nurlanyma
Paliarinji Palyarin Balyarrinjî
Paliarina Palyareenya Balyarrinya
Tjinum Cheenum Jîyinama
Ninum Neenum Niyinama
Pungarinji Bungarin Bangarinji
Pungarinia Bungareenya Bangarinya
Thungallum Chingulum fartgalama
Nungallum Ningulum Nangalama
Tjamerum Jamerum Jîyanunrama
Niamarragun Neomarum Nîyamarrcuna
Tjurulum Chooralum Jurrulama
Nurulum Nooraluma Ntnrulanta
Yakomari Yacomary Yagan-utrri
Yakomarin Yacomareenya Yagainarrima
14 Chapter 1

Another interesting feature in Spencer and Gillen's list is that they have divided the
subsections into two moieties. This division is shown by the space halfway down the list in
Table 1.6. Spencer and Gillen name the first moiety Illitji and the second Liaritji . I have
never heard either of these terms, nor been told anything of moieties within the Wambaya
subsection. Avery (1990:41) discusses the existence of moieties and semimoieties in many
surrounding communities but says that they do not appear to exist in the Wambaya, Gudanji
and Ngarnga subsection systems. Perhaps the knowledge of these moieties has been lost
since the time of Spencer and Gillen's research.

1.2.3.2 KINSHIP TERMINOLOGY

The Wambaya kinship terms are given in Figures 1.2 (male ego) and 1.3 (female ego). As
is common in Aboriginal Australia, this is a classificatory kinship system: these kinship terms
are used for anyone in the appropriate category, regardless of whether they are actual
consanguineal or affinial relatives. Another characteristic of this system, also common in
Australia, is that same-sex siblings are treated alike. For example, a woman calls her sister's
children by the same terms that she uses for her own; likewise a man with his brother's
children. Similarly, parallel cousins (i.e. the children of same-sex siblings) are treated as
siblings. Where there are two terms for a category in the charts below, the first refers to the
younger sibling and the second to the elder sibling. One's parents are referred to with the
same term as for their younger sibling. Thus:
F
irda
barnangîla
means that îrda is the term for both father and father's younger brother and barnangila is the
term for father's elder brother.
I have not given any of the synonyms for these kinship terms. Synonyms and near
synonyms can be found in the word list in Appendix D.
Note that the cyclical nature of this system means that kin types can be defined in a number
of different ways: for example, one's `mother' (M) could also be one's `brother's son's wife'
(BSw); and one's `mother's mother' (MM) could also be one's `cousin's wife' (FZSw). To
avoid cluttering, I have not listed every possibility in the charts but leave it to the reader to
trace these alternative relationships themselves, if desired, using Table 1.3 above.
It is important to note that only a limited amount of work has been done in the area of
Wambaya kinship and that, as indicated by the queries in the following charts, more research
is needed.
 The language and its speakers 15

l b b l b b
FF FFZ FMB FM MF MFZ MMB MM
jaminjila jaminjilinya
ganggu ganggunya gugu gugunya
n abuji ngayi'inya

FZ VVFZ WM
irda irdia lambarra lambarrama ugu gujinya mimayi mimayirna
bamangila baman.ilinya gambara gambaranya

Ego Z WB W MBS MBD MMBSS MMBSD

gagulinya gari
garinya bamga barnganya gugu? gugunya?
babanya I

o
D ZS ZD DH SW MBDS MBDD
jajila jajilinya gulu gulinya lambarra lambarrama mimayi mimayirna

SS SD ZSS ZSD DS CD
ganggumiji gangguminya jaminjaminji jaminjaminya
ngajimiji ngajiminya gugumiji guguminya

FIGURE 1.2: KINSHIP TERMS — MALE EGO

16 Chapter 1

1
FF
b
FFZ FMB
b l
FM MF
b
MFZ MMB MM
jaminjila jaminjilinya
ganggu ganggunya gugu gugunya
n.abuji ngay mnya

F FZ I-F I-FZ MB M HMB HM

irda irdinya lambarra lambarrama jugu gujinya mimayi mimayima
bamangila barnan.ilinya gambara gambaranya

B Ego H HZ MBS MBD MMBSS MMBSD

gagulu gad garinya bamga bamganya gugu? gugunya?
baba

0 A
BS BD S D MBSS MBSD DH SW
jajila jajilinya guiu gujinya ? ? mimayi jayulinya

BSS BSD SS SD BDS BDD DS ED

ngajimiji ngajiminya gugumiji guguminya
ganggumiji gangguminya jaminjaminji jaminjaminya

FIGURE 1.3: KINSHIP TERMS — FEMALE EGO

Special gender suffixes are found with many kinship nouns — see §4.2.2. Dyadic kinship
terms can be formed with the suffix -gulanji/-gulanga, discussed in §4.5.1.3. Kinship terms
can also be inflected with the suffix -liji, which appears to be a reflexive-possessive suffix
indicating that the `possessor' of the kin is the subject (or the topic) of the clause. This suffix
is discussed in §4.5.1.2.
 CHAPTER 2

PHONETICS AND PHONOLOGY

2.1 PHONEMES AND THEIR REALISATIONS

The phonemes for Wambaya are given in Table 2.1 below. The orthographic symbol for
each phoneme is given in parentheses following the IPA symbol. Note that, as voicing is not
distinctive in Wambaya, the decision to use the voiced IPA stop symbols in Table 2.1 is
arbitrary, although it reflects the Wambaya community's choice of orthography. For the rest
of this chapter I will use the orthographic symbol to represent the phoneme (e.g. In not /.V).
Long vowels are given below in parentheses to indicate their rarity. There are only a handful
of words with long vowels in the corpus; these are discussed in §2.1.4.
TABLE 2.1: WAMBAYA PHONEMES

Consonants:
Bilab. Apico-alv. Apico-postalv. Lamino Velar
(retroflex) -palatal
Stop b (b) d (d) d(rd) j (j) 9 (g)
Nasal m (m) n (n) r1. (m) P (ny) rI (ng)
Lateral 1 (l) 1, (rl) A (ly)
Tap/Trill r/rt (rr)
Semivowel w (w) 4, (r) j (y)
Vowels: i (i). (i: (ii)) u (u)
a (a) (a: (aa))
As shown in Table 2.1, the Wambaya phoneme inventory contains five places of
articulation for stops including two apical series and one laminal series. There is a nasal
corresponding to each stop articulation and a corresponding lateral at each non-peripheral
place of articulation. There is an alveolar tap/trill and three semivowels: labio-velar /w/,
retroflex /r/, and lamino-palatal /y/. There is a three-way vowel contrast with a very limited
length distinction; long vowels are found in only a handful of words — see §2.1.4.
Although the orthographic symbols for each of the individual phonemes are given above,
in order to easily read the examples given throughout this work there are some orthographic
conventions that should be understood.2
(i) The homorganic nasal-stop cluster IncV is written rnd.
(ii) The homorganic nasal—stop cluster /Itj/ is written nj. As far as I can tell, the sequence
/nj/ does not occur (but see footnote 31 for a possible exception).

These are two allophones of the one phoneme. I have included the symbols for both allophones, even
though this is essentially a phonemic chart.
2 Th is orthography was devised through consultation with members of the Wambaya community at the
literacy workshop (taught by Gavan Breen) in Tennant Creek, April 1993 and supersedes an earlier
version in which k was used instead of g and nj was written nyj.
17
18 Chapter 2

(iii) The sequence /ng/ is written nk to distinguish it from the phoneme /q/ which is written
ng. The homorganic nasal—stop sequence /IN/ is written ngg.
(iv) The orthographic sequence mg represents the phonetic sequence /r1 /. It never
represents the phonetic sequence /.fig/ as this is not a possible sequence in the language.
(v) [i] and /ji/ are in free variation word initially. This initial element is consistently written

(vi) [u] and /wu/ are likewise in free variation word initially. This initial element is
consistently written wu.
Chadwick (1978:9-11) discusses the existence of a dorso-palatal stop (his term is
`palatovelar') which he says is found in all of the West Barkly languages apart from
Wambaya. In Jingili and Ngarnga he attributes it phonemic status, in Binbinka and Gudanji
he claims it is the result of the two-stop sequences /jg/ and /gj/. He mentions the existence of
a dorso-palatal nasal only as a member of a homorganic nasal—stop cluster. This stop is
absent in Wambaya, which usually has just a lamino-palatal stop corresponding to the dorso-
palatal stop in other dialects. Some cognate pairs are given below. The Ngarnga examples are
from Chadwick (1971) and the Gudanji one is from Chadwick (1978:11). I have altered
Chadwick's orthography slightly so that the dorso-palatal stop is consistently written gj and
the tap/trill is written rr.
Ngarnga/Gudanji Wambaya Gloss
alagjî (Ng) alajî boy
gurigja (Ng) gurija fat (n)
ngigjinama (Ng) ngijinînima morning (Ng), tomorrow (W)
burriyigji (G) burriiji bird sp.

2.1.1 CONSONANTS
Voicing is not phonemically distinctive - each stop has two realisations, one voiced and
one voiceless (unaspirated). The voiced variants are predictably found intervocalically and
before or after another consonant (i.e. between two voiced sounds). In word-initial position
the voiced and voiceless variants are in free variation, although the voiced realisation is
probably the most common, especially in fast speech where it is almost always preceded by a
vowel. The only exception to this is the velar stop /g/, which is usually voiceless and
sometimes slightly aspirated in word-initial position.
Apico-alveolar sounds are made by placing the tongue tip on the alveolar ridge. The apico-
postalveolar sounds are made with the tongue tip placed just behind the alveolar ridge,
possibly with some curling back of the tongue (hence the term 'retroflex').3 The contrast
between the two series of apical consonants is most easily perceptible following a stressed

3 In Nordlinger (1993a) I described these sounds as involving the underside of the tongue tip, based simply
on impressionistic evidence. However recent phonetic research (e.g. Butcher, forthcoming) has shown
that very often in Australian languages such sounds are not sublaminal. Thus in lieu of more detailed
research into Wambaya phonetics, I have revised my position, allowing for the possibility that such
sounds are not made with the underneath of the tongue. However, in keeping with common Australianist
practice, I will still refer to them as retroflexes.
 Phonetics and phonology 19

low vowel. Retroflexion is less pronounced following high vowels, and unstressed vowels.
A similar pattern of perceptibility of contrast is reported by Chadwick (1978:15). 4
The distinction between the apico-alveolar and retroflex series is collapsed in word-initial
position. The neutralisation of the apical contrast in this environment is very common in
Australian languages (e.g. Dixon 1980:167) and the apical variant which occurs in this
position is usually described as being retroflex (e.g. Dixon 1980:167, Austin 1981a for
Diyari, Evans 1985, 1995a for Kayardild, among others). While it is often hard to tell what
the realisation of this initial apical is in Wambaya when the word is uttered in isolation, in
continuous speech it is usually heard as a retroflex. This is further supported by evidence
from reduplication in which initial apicals are realised as postalveolar when prefixed with the
reduplicated sequence: daguma reduplicates as dagu-raguma, and labarnga reduplicates as
laba-rlabarnga, for example (see §2.3.6). However, I have adopted the standard convention
of representing apicals in initial position with the apico-alveolar series of symbols: /d/, In/ and
/1/.5
The lamino-palatal stop /j/ has a fricative allophone [3] which occurs in free variation with
the stop allophone in intervocalic position, between two unstressed syllables. This fricative
allophone is heard only in fast speech. For example:
Phonemic form Gloss Phonetic form
/bungmaji/ old man ['bur)maiji]
['bur)mai3i] (fast speech)
Chadwick (1978:15) also recorded bilabial and velar fricative allophones in free variation
with the respective stop allophones. I have not recorded such allophones, but given the
existence of a lamino-palatal fricative allophone, their existence is not unlikely. It is possible
that such allophonic variation is idiolectal.
The two velar consonants /g/ and /ng/ both have fronted, palatalised allophones [gi] and
[ngi] before a front vowel, especially in word-initial position.

4 Another interesting aspect of the apical contrast is that speakers are less likely to correct me with regani
to these sounds than they are with regard to other contrasts in the language. Thus, unless the distinction
is crucial in distinguishing one word from another, I have found that speakers will tend to accept my
pronunciation of a word regardless of whether I have a retroflex or an apico-alveolar consonant. The
reason for this could simply be the increased tolerance of imperfection that there is for beginners in the
language, or it could reflect a more interesting fact about the phonology of the language and the
relationship between these two series of consonants. Unfortunately there is little more that can be said
given my limited data and research in this area. Bill McGregor (pers.comm.) notes that in literacy writers
of many languages also appear to be more tolerant of non-representation, or misrepresentation of
retroflexion that of other contrasts, particularly when it is marked by means of a diacritic.
5 Butcher's (to appear) instrumental analysis of the pronunciation of initial apicals by speakers of a
number of different Australian languages yields some interesting results. While his study supports the
generally held acoustic impression that the two apical series are neutralised in initial position, he found
that the apical sound which does occur is neither the apico-alveolar nor the retroflex version. Rather, he
found that the phonetic realisation of the initial apicals is of a 'Mittelding' type — having an articulation
somewhere between the unneutralised articulation of the two series (p.13). Thus, he found that initial
apicals tended to be non-retroflex but have an articulation further back than the alveolar ridge, "often on
the borderline between alveolar and postalveolar zones" (p.13). It is quite possible that this is also the
case in Wambaya. However, without a detailed instrumental analysis it is impossible to tell.
20 Chapter 2

Phonemic form Gloss Phonetic form

/ginmanji/ this way rgltnmain3t]
/ngirra/ steal rr,Jtra]
The distinction between the two apical nasals /n/ and Irn/ is neutralised before the retroflex
stop /rd/. In this environment it is always the retroflex nasal which is found. The distinction
between In/ and the lamino-palatal nasal /ny/ is similarly neutralised before the lamino-palatal
stop; in this position it is usually /ny/ that occurs. In contrast, the distinction between /n/ and
/ng/ is maintained before /g/. The one exception to this involves the dative suffix -nka which
can be heard as either [nga] or fugal .6
The alveolar tap/trill /rr/ is usually a tap, but is a trill preconsonantally:
Phonemic Gloss Phonetic
/mirra/ sit, be ['mtra]
/marrgulu/ egg rmargulu]
The retroflex approximant Id, rather than being grouped with the alveolar tap/trill under the
feature `rhotic', as is a common analysis for many Australian languages (e.g. see Dixon
1980:144-145), is considered to form a natural class with the semivowels /y/ and /w/ (as
reflected in Table 2.1). This analysis was prompted by a similar analysis given by McGregor
(1988b) for Gooniyandi and other languages in the north-west of Australia and is supported
by the following phonetic and phonotactic evidence which shows In to pattern like /y/ and /w/
and unlike /rr/.
(i) /r/, like the other semivowels, can be the result of lenition of stops in reduplication or
preceding or following /g/. Thus, /b/ can be realised as /w/; /j/ as /y/; and /rd/ (written d
initially) as /r/. Some examples are:
wugbardi > wugwardi cook
junmi > junmi-yunmi cut
daguma > dagu-ragu-ma hit
bardgu > bargu fall
See §2.3.1 for a discussion of lenition and §2.3.6 for a discussion of reduplication.
(ii) /r/, like /y/ and /w/, can be elided between two identical vowels, creating a long vowel:
manka-waji > mankaajî deaf
iriyiliji > iriiliji father
baraj-bulu > baaj-bulu old person-DU
See §2.1.4 for a discussion of long vowels.
(iii) /r/, like /y/ and /w/ but unlike /rr/, can never be the initial element in a consonant cluster.
See §2.2.3 for a discussion of consonant clusters.
McGregor argues that in Gooniyandi the alveolar tap /rr/ forms a natural class with the
laterals, defined by the feature [liquid] (although distinguished by the feature [lateral])
(1988b:166, 169-171). There is some evidence to suggest that this may also be a possible
analysis for Wambaya:

6 Hale (1959:i) gives -nka as the Wambaya dative suffix, and -ngga as the Gudanji version. In my corpus.
the two appear as variants of each other, without any obvious dialectal difference.
 Phonetics and phonology 21

(i) /rr/, /rl/ and /1/ behave as a class, being the only sounds that can precede /w/ in a
consonant cluster (the other lateral /ly/ does not occur in consonant clusters).
(ii) /rl/ and /rr/ are similar in that they both appear to condition lenition from /b/ to /w/ in the
verbal unmarked suffix -bî and the infinitive suffix -barda. See §6.1 for a discussion of
verbal inflection.
garran-bi stand BUT ngîrr-wî growl
ngaj-barda see-INF BUT ngarl-warda talk-INF
Note that there are no verb roots that end with either of the other laterals: /1/ or Ay/.
However, these two arguments alone are not adequately convincing to support postulating
a natural class containing the laterals and Irr/. Thus, I assume that /rr/ is in a class of its own,
defined as a non-nasal, non-lateral sonorant.7

2.1.2 VOWELS
There is quite a wide range of allophonic variation among the three vowels in Wambaya.8
The major vowel allophones tend to be slightly central and become more so in unstressed
syllables. Vowels are fronted before palatal consonants and are often lowered or produced
with a more back articulation when next to the labio-velar approximant /w/. The various
allophones for each vowel phoneme and their environments are listed below:
/a/ has the allophone [œ] I [j, p]_[j] e.g. /jayili/ `down': rj ejtli]
[ai] /_[J, p, X, j] e.g. /danya/ `clothes': Cdaina]
[>al / [w]_[m] e.g. /wamba/ `snappy gum': ['w>amba]9
/_[w] e.g. /barrawu/ `house': ['bar>awù]
[a] elsewhere e.g. /baba/ `elder brother': ['baba]

7 Gavan Breen (pers.comm.) claims that /rr/ is in fact closely related to Id/ (McGregor I988b also provides
evidence for a (historical) relationship between /d/ and /rr/ in other languages of northern Australia).
Breen points out that /rr/ and /d/ contrast only in Wambaya when they occur intervocalically after a
primary stressed vowel (and perhaps also as the initial member of a consonant cluster), but elsewhere
seem to be in complementary distribution. Thus, /d/ is found word-initially and as the second member of
a consonant cluster, while /rr/ occurs intervocalically after a non-primary stressed vowel. Although there
are a few exceptions to this distribution, most of them can be attributed to factors such as dissimilation
and morphological structure. However, as distributional evidence is not enough to he indicative of a
natural class (Juliette Blevins, pers.comm.), this does not affect my treatment of /rr/ discussed above.
8 The long vowels /aa/ and /ii/ are very unusual and are exemplified below and then discussed in more
detail in §2.1.4.
In the language name, the phonetic realisation of the first /a/ is closer to [a I than [>a l:
/wambaya/ 'Wambaya' ['womba'jal
22 Chapter 2

Ii/ has the allophone [i] / _ [j], # e.g. /niyinama/ `female skin name': [ni jtnama]
e.g. /ngajbi/ `see': rr)aijbi]
[>i] I_ [w] e.g. /maliwa/ `big' (Iv): ['mal>iwa]
[t] elsewhere e.g. /ngijini/ `yesterday' : rtjttt.ni]10
/u/ has the allophone [u'] / [j, j, p, X] e.g./lujuluju/ 'coolamon': r'luiju'luiju]
e.g. /guyala/ `nothing': [1kuijala]
[û] / [w] _ e.g. /mawula/ `play': r'm>awûla]
[u] elsewhere eg /jugu/ `MB' : rjugu]
Vowels can also be slightly rhoticised before a retroflex consonant. This is especially true
of the low central vowel /a/.
In a small number of words a long vowel [a:] is found, and a couple of words have the
long vowel [i:]. Such long vowels always carry primary stress. There are no examples of
minimal pairs in which these long vowels contrast with the corresponding short vowels.
These vowels are written aa and iî respectively. Some examples are:
jaabi Cja:bi] wart
bruraala [ba'ra:la] bird sp.
Nganaara [ija'na:ra] Brunette Downs Station
ngirnîî [genii] south
burriiji [bu'ri:3i] bird sp.
The small number of examples of these vowels, and the absence of minimal pairs in which
they contrast with the corresponding short vowels, suggests that they are not an original part
of the Wambaya phonemic system. These vowels may have derived from an original
sequence of vowel—semivowel—vowel, from which the semivowel was dropped (in fact this
is known to be the case for ngirnii; see below). These vowels are discussed further in §2.1.4.

2.1.3 PHONEMIC OPPOSITIONS

Below are some minimal pairs (or near-minimal pairs) which show the phonemic contrasts
for some of the more similar pairs of phonemes. These examples are given in the practical
orthography.
Vowels
i/u/a ngi 1 SG.A/S(PR)
ngu 1 SG.A/S.FUT
nga 1SG.A/S.PST
Apicals
d/rd Buda stone
gurda be sick

10 The allophones [i] and [t] are in free variation before the lamino-palatal consonants /j/ and /ny/:
/ilijbi/ `alone' > ['tltibi] or ['tlijbi]
 Phonetics and phonology 23

n/rn ganmami get close

gagga jaw
Url bulinja algae
burlinja to smoke
r/rr mîra . hip
mîrra sit, be
d/rr nguda 1 SG.A/S.NACT.PST
ngurra IPL.INCACC/OBL
rd/rr gulugbarda sleep.INF
gurrgbarra stare
Urr bilimbîla flat (W)
birrimbîrra plant sp.
ri/n ngurruwani I DU.EXC.NOM/ERG
ngurruwani I PL.INC.NOM/ERG
r'Ur warlidaji magpie goose
warima hold on to
Ur alîma OK, alright, goodbye
warima hold on to
Other Nasals
fling najbî bum.
ngajbi see
n/ny . bunmajarda show-off
bunyma arse
ng/ny ngu SG.A/S.FUT
nyu 2SG.A/S.FUT
Other Laterals
Vly îliga sore
ilyirrga leaf
rl/ly jarlu arm
jalyu bed

2.1.4 LONG VOWELS AND VOWEL—SEMIVOWEL—VOWEL SEQUENCES

Apart from in a few exceptional words such as Nganaara `Brunette Downs Station', long
vowels in Wambaya can generally be shown, at some stage of development, to be a reduction
of a vowel-semivowel-vowel sequence (where the two vowels are identical). Wambaya-
internal evidence for this can be the morphological structure (as in (a) and (b)), or the fact that
the two possibilities exist as alternatives (as in (c) and (d)).
24 Chapter 2

(a) [manga,aiji] < /manka+waji/ ear + PRIV (I)

(b) ['c araggu,ulu] < /darranggu+wulu/ tree + DU
(c) [t'. ultJi], [t'p jtlt i] < /iriyiliji/ father
(d) [baaij,bulu], r'balai3,bulul < /baraj+bulu/ old person + DU
Other evidence comes from the fact that many words having a long vowel in Wambaya
contain a semivowel in Gudanji. Some examples (in the practical orthography) are:1 1
Wambaya Gudanji Gloss
ga'rnaa 'garnawa long (IV)
ngi'rnii 'ngirniwi south
ga'laa 'galawa bone
ga'rdaala 'garda,wala gidgee tree
Stress patterns in Wambaya, however, distinguish two types of long vowels: phonetic and
phonemic. Phonemic long vowels are those which occur within morphemes and have no
alternative pronunciation in Wambaya. The examples such as garnaa and ngirnii above are
phonemic long vowels. Phonemic long vowels always receive primary stress irrespective of
their position in the word, as shown in the examples immediately above. The fact that these
long vowels can be seen to have derived originally from vowel-semivowel-vowel sequences
does not alter their synchronic status in Wambaya.12 Long vowels as in (a) to (d) above
however are phonetic long vowels, deriving from elision of a semivowel in a particular
context (see §2.3.2) and do not receive primary stress (unless, as in (d), they are in the first
syllable, which regularly receives primary stress anyway). For a discussion of the different
treatment of these two types of long vowels by Wambaya stress rules see §2.2.4.
Other vowel-semivowel-vowel sequences can sometimes be heard as diphthongs (when
the second part of the sequence does not bear stress):
/ayigurru/ `afternoon' > fatguru]
/barrawu/ `house' > ['bar>aû]
/mimayi/ `son-in-law' > ['mtmat]
However, it is usually possible to demonstrate that these sequences are disyllabic and
phonemically contain a semivowel. With /barrawu/ and /mimayi/ this becomes clear once
morphological processes cause the second part of the phonetic diphthong to bear stress:
/mimayirna/ `mother-in-law' > rmtma' ,juia]
/barrawu+ni/ `house + LOC' > rbar>a ,wûni]
With /ayigurru/ this is shown by the fact that the stress patterns for the word behave as if it
were four syllables, rather than three (which would be the case were there an initial
diphthong). In this example it is sufficient to use a phonemic representation:
/ayigurru/ `afternoon' > 'ayi,gurru

t Note that all of these examples involve the semivowel /w/. I have no examples which involve either of
the other semivowels, In or /y/. The loss of /w/ in this environment in Wambaya may relate to the loss
of intial /w/ before /a/. See §2.2.2 for examples of correspondences between /a/-initial words in
Wambaya and /wa/-initial words in Gudanji and Binbinka.
12 Although it may be tempting to analyse these long vowel sequences as containing an underlying medial
glide, this would not allow us to easily capture the generalisation that all these long vowels attract
primary stress irrespective of their position in the word.
 Phonetics and phonology 25

For a discussion of the stress placement rules in Wambaya see §2.2.4. '

2.2 PHONOTACTICS
All Wambaya words must contain a minimum of two syllables, can begin with either a
vowel or a consonant, and must end with a vowel (see below for a discussion of the auxiliary
which is the one exception to this). Although consonants (usually) cannot occur word-finally,
they can occur syllable-finally when they are the first element in a consonant cluster. There
are a few consonant-final nominal roots (involving /j/, /g/ and /ny/) and many of the verbal
stems are consonant-final, ending in either /n/, /rd/, Ir1/, Irr/, /j/, /ny/, /g/ or /ng/.
Biconsonantal clusters are common, but there are no vowel clusters.
The auxiliary can be both consonant-final and monosyllabic. Examples of monosyllabic
auxiliaries include:
(2-1) Nyagajbi ngi.
be.tired ISG.S(PR)
I'm tired.
(2-2) Gajbi ny-a.
eat 2SG.A-PST
You ate it.
However, as a monosyllabic auxiliary must encliticise to the preceding word (see §2.2.4),
it is monosyllabic only from the grammatical point of view and does not constitute an
exception to the rule that all phonological words must be polysyllabic.
That the auxiliary can be consonant-final, however, is an exception to the general
phonotactic constraints in Wambaya. The auxiliary can be consonant-final if it contains one of
the three consonant-final suffixes: -any (direction away, past tense), -amany (direction
towards, past tense), -n (progressive aspect). For example:
(2-3) Yarru g-any manganymi-nka.
go 3SG.S-PST.AWY tucker.IIl-DAT
He went (to get) some tucker.
(2-4) Marlu-nnga ng-amany yarru.
far-ABL I SG.S-PST.TWD go
I came from a long way away.
(2-5) Mirra irrî-n jamba-nî.
sit 3PL.S(NP)-PROG ground.IV-LOC
They're sitting on the ground.
In non-singular imperative constructions, and transitive imperative constructions with a first
person object, the auxiliary can again be consonant-final.
(2-6) Ngarl-wa gurl!
talk-FUT DU.IMP
You two talk!
26 Chapter 2

(2-7) Duga-j-ba girr!

sit.down-TH-FUT PL.IMP
You lot sit down!
(2-8) Manganyma nyi-ng jiya-j-ba!
tucker.III(ACC) 2SG.A- t 0 give-TH-FUT
Give me (some) tucker!
The full set of final consonants allowed in the auxiliary is: /rr/, /rU, /n/, /ny/, /ng/. Final
consonants are not allowed elsewhere in the language and will not be considered in the rest of
this discussion of word and syllable structure.

2.2.1 SYLLABLE STRUCTURE

The following syllable types are found in Wambaya. Types (i) and (ii) can occur only
word-initially and types (iv) and (v) do not occur word-finally. Type (iii) is the most common
syllable type and the only one that is unrestricted in its occurrence.
(i) V e.g. a.ya.nî look for
(ii) VC e.g. ang.ba.rdi build
(iii) Cv e.g. ya.rru go
(iv) CVC e.g. garr.ga.lyi plains lizard
(v) CVCC e.g. lurrg.ba.nyi grab, snatch
Type (v) is highly restricted and is possible only when, as in lurrgbanyi, it is part of the
tri-consonantal cluster /rrgb/. This cluster is further exemplified in §2.2.3.
As well as constraints on the word position of different syllable types (mentioned above),
there are different constraints on the onset of a syllable depending on its position within the
word. Thus, while the syllable onset13 that follows an open syllable (e.g. cv.cv(C)(C)) can
be any consonant, that which follows a closed syllable (e.g. Cvc.cv(c)(c)), or which occurs
word-initially (CV(C)(C).CV...) is restricted as to the type of consonant that can occur. There
are also restrictions on the possible coda of a syllable (e.g. VC. CVC), depending on the
consonant that follows it (i.e. the onset of the following syllable). For this reason, word-
initial consonants (CV(C)(C).CV...) and consonant clusters ((C)VC.CV...) are discussed
separately, in §2.2.2 and §2.2.3 respectively.
However, there are some general things that can be said here about the nature of onsets
and codas.l 4 The frequency of occurrence for groups of segments as either onsets or codas in
Wambaya is largely predicted by the continuum of active articulators proposed by Hamilton
(1992, 1995) as a tool for describing the phonotactic constraints in Australian languages:15
LABIAL DORSAL LAMINAL APICAL

3 I am assuming the internal structure of a syllable to consist of an onset and a rhyme. which in turn is
divided into a nucleus and a coda (as argued for in Blevins 1995, for example).
14 It should be noted here that this discussion is concerned only with onsets that belong to either initial
syllables, or syllables following a closed syllable. It is not concerned with syllable onsets that follow an
open syllable (i.e. those that occur intervocalically), as these are unrestricted.
15 In fact, there is little support for the distinction between labials and dorsals implied by this continuum
(Juliette Blevins, pers.comm.).
 Phonetics and phonology 27

The prediction is that permissible syllable onsets in any given Australian language will
form a continuum of both frequency and possibility beginning from the left side, while
permissible syllable codas form such a continuum beginning on the right side. Thus,
according to this continuum, labials are more preferred as onsets than laminais and apicals,
but are less preferred as codas (which are preferably apicals). Furthermore, if a language
allows laminal onsets then it will allow dorsal and labial onsets; if it allows dorsal codas then
it will allow laminal and apical codas, and so on.
As will be seen in the ensuing discussion of word-initial segments and consonant clusters
in Wambaya, the frequency of occurrence of segments as syllable onsets conforms to this
continuum. Thus, although the constraints differ depending on the position of the syllable in
the word, syllable onsets are most commonly peripherals (labials and dorsals). This
preference is particularly striking for onsets following a closed syllable (i.e. onsets that are
the second element in a consonant cluster; see §2.2.3). Furthermore, the most highly
restricted onsets, those which can occur only intervocalically, are either apical or laminal: /rr/,
/r/, /ly/.
The case of codas in Wambaya is less striking, although it does not contradict the
predictions made by Hamilton. Of the five consonants that can occur finally in the auxiliary
(/rr/, /rl/, /n/, /ny/, /ngf), three are apical, one laminal and one dorsal. Although all types of
sounds are found as the coda of non-final syllables, labials in this position are severely
restricted (occurring only in one homorganic nasal—stop cluster, which clusters are excluded
in Hamilton's discussion) as, to a slightly lesser extent, are dorsals. Apicals, on the other
hand, are the least restricted and clearly the most preferred in this position.
More specific details of onset and coda constraints, and their relationship to both
Hamilton's continuum and the sonority hierarchy, will be discussed in §2.2.2 and §2.2.3
below.

2.2.2 WORD-INITIAL POSITION

Words in Wambaya can begin with any of the three vowels, [a], [i], [u]16 or with a
consonant. Of the seventeen consonants in Wambaya, eleven can occur in word-initial
position: /b/, /m/, /d/, /n/, /1/, /j/, My/, /y/, /g/, /ng/, and /w/. There are no examples of either
the tap/trill /rr/ in initial position or of the palatal lateral fly/. There are also no Wambaya
examples of the retroflex semivowel In in initial position, although the corpus contains two
Gudanji words with initial /r/ (rimîna 'paddle, oar' and rawuwanggu 'type of shell') which
suggests that this may be possible in Wambaya as well (albeit rare).17 The other consonants
not found in initial position are the three retroflex consonants /rd/, tri/ and /rn/. However, as
discussed in §2.1.1 above, it is not the case that retroflex consonants do not occur initially
and apico-alveolar consonants do, but that the distinction is neutralised in this position and
that only one series of apicals is found word initially. That this series is represented by the
apico-alveolar symbols is an orthographic choice and is not necessarily phonetically
motivated.

16 Although these latter two are actually phonetic realisations of /yi/ and /wu/ respectively: see below.
17 Note that it is not at all unusual among Australian languages for /rr/ and fly/ to be absent word-initially,
and for words with initial /r/ to be small in number (see Dixon 1980:168).
28 Chapter 2

There is no contrast between [wu] and [u] or [jt] and [t] in word-initial position. A
particular word may be heard with an initial semivowel in one instance, and with an initial
vowel in another. Very often the word will be vowel-initial when it is pronounced in
isolation, yet have an initial semivowel when it occurs in continuous speech (i.e. following a
vowel). Some words are typically heard in isolation with only one of the initial possibilities.
For example: ilyirrga 'leaf' is always heard with an initial vowel, whereas irda `father' is
usually heard with an initial semivowel. Similarly wujubi `tell a lie' usually has an initial
semivowel while wugbardî `cook' does not. However, in all of these cases the distinction is
not significant and either possibility is acceptable. Thus, I assume that Iii/ and /u/ are not
found word-initially, and that initial [t] and [u] are simply phonetic realisations of the
underlying sequences /yi/ and /wu/ respectively. Note that the orthorgraphic system is
inconsistent in this respect: /wu/-initial words are written with wu as in wurluwani
`3DU.NOM/ERG' while /yi/-initial words are written only with i as in irriyanî '3PL.NOM /ERG'.
The occurrence of each initial segment in a sample of just over 1200 words is given as a
percentage in Table 2.2 below.
TABLE 2.2: OCCURRENCE OF WORD-INITIAL SEGMENTS

Labials Apicals
/b/ 13.75% \ /d/ 5.75%
/m/ 13.05% /n/ 2.8%
/w/ 7.0% /1/ 3.25%
total 33.8% total 11.8%
Peripherals18 Non-Peripherals
total 65.1% total 32.8%
Dorsals Laminais
/g/ 21.0% [j! 11.7%
/ng/ 10.3% /ny/ 1.7%
total 31.1% / /y/ 7.6%/
total 21.0%
Non-Consonantal
/a/ 2.1% total 2.1%
A striking feature of this table is the overwhelming predominance of peripherals in word
initial position. In this sample of words, almost two thirds have an initial peripheral stop or
nasal segment compared with just under a third that have an initial apical or laminal
consonant. Aside from the peripherals, the only other segment which occurs in initial position
in over ten per cent of the sample is the laminal stop /j/. The apicals are relatively infrequent,
/d/ having the highest occurrence rate at just under 6 per cent.
These figures correspond nicely with the predictions borne out by the active articulator
continuum proposed by Hamilton (1992, 1995) and mentioned in §2.2.1 above. It is repeated
here for convenience.

18 It is common in Australian linguistics to use the term `peripheral' to refer to labials and dorsals and
`non-peripheral' to refer to laminais and apicals. Thus, the term `peripheral' corresponds with the more
generally familiar term 'non-coronal'. (Note that `non-coronal' usually includes (dorso-)palatals as well.
However, as palatals in Australian languages are usually laminal, they involve raising the blade of the
tongue from its neutral position and are therefore coronal.)
 Phonetics and phonology 29

LABIAL DORSAL LAMINAL APICAL

The claim is that the permissable onsets of a language will form a continuum beginning
from the left side: labial and dorsal consonants are the most preferred syllable onsets,
followed by laminal consonants and apical consonants, which are the least preferred. The
strong preference for word-initial peripherals in Wambaya thus corresponds with the
predictions of this continuum.
While words with initial high vowels are analysed as having an underlying initial
semivowel (as discussed above), it is still possible in Wambaya for a vowel phoneme to
occur in word-initial position: the phoneme /a/. It is possible that all of the /a/-initial words in
Wambaya result from the dropping of an original initial semivowel, /w/. In some cases the
two forms still exist in free variation. For example, the word meaning `to find' can be heard
pronounced either waliyulu or alîyulu. In other cases, evidence of this initial /w/ comes from
its presence in a cognate form from another dialect. Thus, alima meaning `well, OK,
goodbye' is walima in Gudanji. Some other examples of Wambaya words with initial /a/
corresponding to words with initial /w/ in other McArthur dialects include:19
Gudanji/Binbinka Wambaya Gloss
walaji (G. B) alaji boy
wanki (B) anki alive (I)
wayani (G) ayani look for
wangawanga (G) angaanga skin
wayigurrajbi (G) ayigurrajbi all day
walalangmi (G) alalangmi hunt

2.2.3 CONSONANT CLUSTERS

This section covers the consonan t clusters possible in Wambaya. It begins with a
discussion of clusters that are found within a morpheme, and then, in §2.2.3.2, covers
clusters that occur across morpheme boundaries.

2.2.3.1 INTRAMORPHEMIC CLUSTERS

Word-medial clusters of two consonants a re common in Wambaya. The biconsonantal
clusters that are found in the corpus are shown in Table 2.3. The initial consonant of the
cluster is shown along the vert ical axis, and the second consonant is given along the
horizontal axis. The consonan ts are given in the same order as Hamilton's continuum: labials,
dorsals, laminais and apicals (alveolars and then retroflexes). Within each group the
consonants are given in the order: stop, nasal, liquid, semivowel. Question marks indicate
what may be accidental gaps in the table.

19 Binbinka information is from Chadwick (1978:329), Gudanji information is from Chadwick (1978:329)
and from my own field notes.
30 Chapter 2

TABLE 2.3: WAMBAYA CONSONANT CLUSTERS

b m g ng w j ny ly y d n 1 rr rd rn rl r
b
m mb
g gb
ng ngb ngm ngg
w
J jb ?
ny nyb nym nyg ? nj
ly
y
d db ?
n nb nm nk nng nd
1 lb 1g Iw
rr rrb mn rrg rmg nw
rd nib nig ?
rn mb rnm mg rnng rnj md
rl ? ? rlw
r
b m g ng w j ny ly y d n 1 rr rd rn rl r

There is one biconsonantal cluster that exists in the corpus, but is not included in the above
table. This cluster is found in only one word and is highly unusual, not only in its
combination of consonants, but also in the fact that the cluster occurs initially in the syllable:
jrayijala `gooramurra' The phonotactic aberrance of this word suggests that it may have been
borrowed. This hypothesis is supported by the existence of the synonym marndardbarla,
which conforms with Wambaya's phonotactic constraints and may be the native Wambaya
word.
Examples of each consonant cluster follow. I have indicated those of which there are only
a few examples in the corpus.
mb barlumbarra lagoon
ngg langga north
nj injani where
nd andajarrî hide
rnd bajijurndu bring up, raise
gb wugbardî cook
ngb angbardi build
ngm bungmaji old man
jb jindîrrijbirrinya willy wagtail
nyb bunybarrimi open (trans.)
nym gunymana straw-necked ibis
nyg (rare) wanyga armpit
db (rare) barlugudba cup
nb banbarla bald
nm anmurru cuddle, nurse
 Phonetics and phonology 31

nk antra life
nng -nnga ABL (case suffix)
lb (rare) gulbalawuji magpie
lg (rare) wirrilgarra cockatiel
1w dalwarranji darter
rrb jurlurrburra ashes
rrm darrmanji brolga
rrg mar a ulu egg
rrng (rare) barrnganbi search for boyfriend/girlfriend
mv ngarrwa.nji white man
rdb wardbaji butterfly
rdg bardgu fall
mb (rare) durnbu rubbish
mm birnmanma throat
rng barnga cross-cousin
rnng (rare) warnnganjî fly (n)
mj (rare) wajangarnja swim (v)
rlw bar!wara outside
As Table 2.3 above clearly demonstrates, consonant clusters in Wambaya are constrained
in a fairly systematic way. Except for the homorganic nasal—stop clusters, all of the
consonant clusters in Table 2.3 fall within a certain area of the chart: on the left hand side,
and particularly in the lower left-hand corner. It is exactly this sort of pattern that is predicted
by Hamilton's (1995) continuum (LABIAL DORSAL LAMINAL APICAL). According to this
continuum, labials followed by dorsals are the preferred onsets and apicals (followed by
laminais) are the preferred codas. The lower left hand corner of Table 2.3, where most of the
Wambaya consonant clusters fall, is that part of the table where apical codas (the first element
of the cluster) are coupled with labial and dorsal onsets (the second element of the cluster).
Furthermore, labial codas and apical onsets (both of which are least preferred according to the
continuum) occur only in homorganic nasal—stop clusters (which are excluded from
discussion by Hamilton).
A second claim made by Hamilton, specifically directed at cluster phonotactics, is also
supported by the Wambaya data. According to Hamilton, the first consonant in a consonant
cluster must have a value further to the right on the continuum than the second consonant in.
order for the cluster to be licit.20 Thus, a cluster consisting of a dorsal followed by a labial is
well-formed (e.g. /gb/) while one consisting of a labial followed by a dorsal is not (e.g.
*/bg/)
The consonant clusters in Wambaya conform exactly with this constraint: labials never
occur as the initial consonant in a cluster (as they are the leftmost member of the continuum),
dorsals are followed only by labials, laminais are followed by dorsals and labials, and apicals
are followed by all three (although there is only one instance of an apical followed by a
laminal: /mj/).
Cross-cutting these cluster constraints based on active articulators are constraints based on
sonority values. Consonant clusters in Wambaya are well-formed only if the second

20 Again, this is excluding homorganic nasal—stop clusters.

32 Chapter 2

consonant has a value that is lower than or equal to that of the first on the sonority hierarchy:
OBSTRUENT<NASAL<LIQUID<GLIDE.21 This explains, for example, why it is that nasal—stop
clusters are possible, but stop-nasal clusters are not. There are three exceptions to this
principle, all of which contain a liquid followed by a glide (glides are higher on the sonority
hierarchy than liquids). Thus /rrw/, /lw/, /rlw/ all contravene the above-mentioned principle
of relative sonority for consonant clusters.
The principles governing well-formed consonant clusters in Wambaya can be formulated
as follows ((i)-(iv) are taken from the above discussion, (v)-(vii) are additional constraints
evident in Table 2.3):
(i) All homorganic nasal—stop clusters are well-formed.
(ii) The first member of a consonant cluster (excluding those in (i)) must be higher than the
second member of the cluster on the following hierarchy (from Hamilton 1995):
LABIAL<DORSAL<LAMINAL<APICAL

(iii) Despite the possibilities predicted by (ii), a laminal can occur only as the second
element of a cluster (excluding those in (i)) if it is preceded by a retroflex stop or nasal.
(iv) The first member of a consonant cluster must have a value higher than or equal to the
second member on the following sonority hierarchy (from Clements 1990):
OB STRUENT<NASAL<LIQUID<GLIDE
(v) As an exception to (iv), clusters containing a liquid followed by the glide /w/ are well-
formed.
(vi) A lateral can be the initial member in a consonant cluster only if it is followed by a
peripheral stop or the glide /w/.
(vii) Neither /ly/, /y/ nor In can occur in a consonant cluster.
These seven principles account for the well-formedness of all of the clusters contained in
Table 2.3 as well as the ill-formedness of those corresponding to empty cells. The only
exceptions to this are the cells containing question marks which possibly reflect accidental
gaps in the corpus.
This discussion of consonant clusters has so far centred only on clusters containing two
consonants. However, there is one tri-consonantal cluster (/rrgb/) found in Wambaya. This
cluster is found only in a small number of Wambaya words (in a sample of over 1200 words
only 5 contain this tri-consonantal cluster intramorphemically). Examples of this cluster are:
bunjurrgbarra bend down (towards)
burrgbanju blow (on)
lurrgbanyî grab, abduct
milîrrgbarna blue tongue lizard
gurrgbarra stare

21 As given in Clements (1990). Note that the Wambaya pattern conforms with the Syllable Contact Law
(Murray and Vennemann 1983) stated in Clements (1990:287) as follows:
In any sequence Ca $ Cb there is a preference for Ca to exceed Cb in sonority.
 Phonetics and phonology 33

2.2.3.2 INTERMORPHEMIC CLUSTERS

There are significantly fewer consonant clusters that are found across morpheme
boundaries in Wambaya than are found within morphemes, and there are none that are found
only intermorphemically. There are some very simple reasons for this. Firstly, the
phonotactic constraint that all words must end in a vowel means that a lot of stems are vowel-
final.
gijilulu . money gijilulu-ngunya money-PROP (II)
jantba ground jamba-nmanji ground.Iv-ALL
Secondly, although there are some consonant-final nominal and verbal roots which
function as stems for the addition of suffixes, in most examples in the corpus the final
consonant of the stem is either /j/, /g/, /ny/, /n/, /rd/, /ng/ or Id/ and the initial consonant of the
suffix is /b/ (or /w/ after liquids); all of the clusters are also found morpheme-internally:
bungmaj- old man bungmaj-bulu old man-DU
gulug- sleep gulug-baji sleep-PRIV (I)
jany- dog jany-bulu dog-DU
garran- stand garran-barda stand-INF
agard- wash agard-barli wash-AGNT (I)
mirrang- sit mirrang-ba sit-FUT
ngarl- talk ngarl-waji talk-PRN (I)
And finally, Wambaya employs a number of devices to reduce or alter illicit consonant
clusters (i.e. those that do not conform to the well-formedness principles listed in §2.2.3.1)
that arise across morpheme boundaries; see §2.3.5.22

2.2.4 STRESS PLACEMENT

The stress placement rules for Wambaya are similar to those for Warlpiri as reported in
Nash (1986). Stress placement in Wambaya is sensitive to morphological structure; each
polysyllabic morpheme constitutes a new domain for the placement of stress. Generally stress
falls on the first syllable of the stress domain and on each following alternate syllable, except
that the final syllable usually does not carry any stress. Stress placement is also sensitive to
syllable weight as heavy syllables (i.e. those containing a phonemic long vowel) are always
stressed whether they are in the first or second syllable of the stress domain (the only two
positional possibilities for long vowels). Therefore, with the exception of a handful of words
with a phonemic long vowel in their second syllable, primary stress falls on the first syllable
of the word.23
Usually there is a one-to-one correspondence between a stress domain and a morpheme.
This is not the case for monosyllabic suffixes, however, which cannot constitute a stress
domain on their own. Monosyllabic suffixes either combine with a following monosyllabic
suffix to form a disyllabic stress domain or, if there is no following monosyllabic suffix, join
the stress domain of the root. (This is discussed in more detail below.) Monosyllabic roots,

22 Note that the limited number of intermorphemic clusters is attributable to factors other than specific
constraints on these clusters; it is possible that more research, and a larger corpus, would reveal other
intermorphemic clusters.
23 In this respect I disagree with Chadwick (e.g. 1978:17) who claims that primary stress in all of the West
Barkly languages falls on the penultimate syllable of the word.
34 Chapter 2

however, constitute a stress domain of their own. The auxiliary, although made up of more
than one morpheme (see Chapter 5), is only a stress domain of its own if it is polysyllabic.
When it is monosyllabic it must attach to the word to its left for the purposes of stress
placement:
'bung.ma.nya ga > 'bung.ma. + ,nya. = ga old woman + II = 3SG.S.PST
The examples in Table 2.4 demonstrate the interaction between stress placement and
morphological structure.
TABLE 2.4: EXAMPLES OF STRESS PLACEMENT

'bu.lyu.ngu little.IV > 'bu.lyu.,ngu + ma little + u

'garn.gu. + ji many + I > 'garn.gu.+,nyi + ni many + I+LOC
'ngu.rra.,ram.ba night-time > 'ngu.rra.,ram.ba + ni night-time +LOC
'jam.ba ground.IV > 'jam.ba + n.,man.ji ground.IV +ALL

'da.gu.maj-24 hit > 'da.gu.maj. + ,ba.rli hit + AGNT.I

'bung.ma. + ji old man +I > 'bung.ma+ nyi + m.,bi.li old man + I + COMIT
'ga.gu.wi • fish.I > 'ga.gu.wi. + ,ni. + ni fish + I + LOC
'j any.- dog (ROOT) > 'jany. + ,bu.lu dog + DU
From a formal perspective, the stress placement rules in Wambaya can be described with
reference to foot structure and principles of metrical phonology.25 I will assume Nespor and
Vogel's (1986) definition of `the foot' (a higher level grouping of syllables below the
phonological word), which considers the foot to exist independently of stress placement, and
the construction of feet to precede rules of stress placement.
The rules for constructing feet in Wambaya are given below, followed by some
explanation and exemplification of their use. These rules account for all the characteristics of
Wambaya stress placement mentioned above. As will be clear in the following foot-building
rules, feet in Wambaya are left-headed and are sensitive to morphological structure.26
Wambaya rules of foot-formation:
(i)a. Moving from left to right, assign obligatory branching, left-headed binary feet to each
morpheme. If a heavy syllable (i.e. one containing a phonemic long vowel) is
morpheme-final, making a binary foot impossible, assign a strong degenerate foot.

24 This stem is segmentable into the verb root dagunia. and the thematic consonant j; see §6.1.
25 The following discussion is based on the discussions of foot and metrical phonology contained in Durand
(1990), Goldsmith (1990) and Nespor and Vogel (1986). It has also benefited from some helpful
comments from John Hajek and Juliette Blevins. Although I have presented a cyclic, derivational account
of stress placement, it would also be possible to reformulate this account within a constraint-based
framework such as Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993).
26 Poser (1989) gives an account of the stress patterns in Diyari and Warlpiri without reference to specific
morphological structure. In his analysis, stress assignment occurs cyclically and begins by moving from
left to right. However, in order to account for the behaviour of successive degenerate feet which join
together to make one foot, Poser postulates a rule termed Merger which links degenerate feet into binary
feet, this time moving from right to left. Poser's account would also work for Wambaya, but the one
given here is preferred as it avoids the need to be multidirectional. Furthermore, as the constraint against
stress referring to specific morphological structure does not hold universally — e.g. Mayali (Evans
1995b), Gooniyandi (McGregor 1990) — I do not think that there is a problem with morphologically
sensitive stress placement rules.
 Phonetics and phonology 35

b. If there are no heavy syllables, scan again from left to right and assign left-headed
binary feet to each morpheme, beginning with the first syllable. If the morpheme is
monosyllabic, making a binary foot impossible, assign a strong degenerate foot. Note
that at this point there may be syllables as yet unassigned to feet.
(ii)a. Again moving from left to right, group two successive degenerate feet into one left
headed binary foot.
b. Group a degenerate foot with a preceding unattached syllable forming a left-headed.
binary foot.27
(iii) Non-branching feet that do not carry primary word stress (i.e. those that are not initial
and/or do not contain a long vowel) are deleted.
(iv) Stray syllable adjunction: all unattached syllables are attached directly to the prosodic
word.
Rule (i)a accounts for the fact that a long vowel is stressed even when it is not in the initial
syllable. Some examples follow; see example A below for a sample derivation:
la. Nga.'naa.rra Brunette Downs Station
b. ga.'laa bone
c. ga.'rdaa.la gidgee tree
According to Rule (i)a foot formation will not begin with the first syllable of these words,
but with the first heavy syllable (i.e. the second syllable). The first syllable will at this stage
remain unassigned, as in example A below.
Rule (i)b applies to morphemes that do not have heavy syllables (note that long vowels are
very rare in Wambaya, so this type of morpheme is the most common). According to Rule
(i)b, if (i)a cannot apply (because there are no heavy syllables), foot formation begins with
the initial syllable of the morpheme. As feet must be binary, the final syllable of a morpheme
having an odd number of syllables will remain unassigned. See examples B and C below for
sample derivations.
Rules (ii)a and (ii)b account for the behaviour of monosyllabic suffixes which, by virtue
of the second part of Rule (i)b, all now belong to degenerate feet. It is important that (ii)a
precede (ii)b as monosyllabic suffixes are grouped only with a preceding unattached syllable
if there is not another monosyllabic suffix to their right with which they can group. The
specification in (ii)b that the resulting foot be left-headed, combined with the fact that all feet
are quantity sensitive in Wambaya, ensures that (ii)b will not apply to the second syllable of a
word such as ga.'laa, which forms a degenerate foot due to (i)a. Sample derivations
concerning Rules (ii)a and (ii)b are D and E below.
Rule (iii) is necessary to account for the fact that if a monosyllabic suffix (which belongs
to a degenerate foot due to (i)b) is not part of a binary foot after the application of Rules (i)
and (ii), it is unattached from foot structure at this stage and is later attached by Rule (iv). An
example of the application of Rule (iii) is in example F below.
Rule (iv) attaches all remaining unattached syllables directly to the prosodic word.
Examples of the application of this rule are in examples A, B, D, and F below. The feet that

27 Note that, since all feet are quantity sensitive, if the degenerate foot contains a long vowel and is the
second syllable of a monomorphemic word (e.g. garnaa), (ii)b will not apply.
36 Chapter 2

have been built by rules (i) to (iii) are also grouped into a word-level metrical structure
according to the following rule:
(v) Group feet into a left-branching word tree.
Following are some sample derivations illustrating the application of these foot-building
rules. Syllables attached directly to the word level by Rule (iv) are shown with a broken line.
A. ga.laa `bone' (v) na.yi.da
(i) ga.laa s w
s V f
E\
E
Word
(ii)-(iii) N/A
C. jany.+bu.lu `dog+DU'
(iv) ga.laa (i) jany.+bu.lu
s s s w
`I V
E IE E

Word (ii)-(iv) N/A

(y) ga.laa (v) jany.+bu.lu

` s s w
11
E i v

Word Word

B. na.yi.da 'woman' D. ju.gu.li.+ni.+ni

(i) na.yi.da `boomerang+I+LOC'
s w (i) ju.gu.li.+ni.+ni
VE sW s s
V I I
E E E
(ii)-(iii) N/A
(ii)a. ju.gu.li.+ni.+ni
(iv) na.yi.da s w sw
s w
V
(ii)b.-(iii) N/A
Word
 Phonetics and phonology 37

(iv) ju.gu.li.+ni.+ni (v) bu.ga.yi.+rna

sw1sw s w s w
vI v v V

Word Word

(v) ju.gu.li.+ni.+ni F. ga.lyu.rri.ngi.+ni+n.man.ji

s wI s w `water+I +ALL'
v v (i) ga.lyu.rri.ngi.+ni.+n.man.ji
s W sW ssW
ôd V V IV

E. bu.ga.yî.+rna `big+II' (ii) N/A

(i) bu.ga.yi.+rna
s w (iii) ga.lyu.rri.ngi.+ni+n.man.ji
V
E vvv
E E E
(ii)a. N/A
(iv) ga.lyu.rri.ngi.+ni+n.man.ji
(ii)b. bu.ga.yi.+rna s W s W S w
s w sw VE E
V V
E

Word
(iii)-(iv) N/A
(v) ga.lyu.rri.ngi.+ni+n.man.ji
swsw I s w
V V V
ES E

Word

Note that the stress placement mles, as given above, are sensitive only to phonemic long
vowels. In §2.1.4 a distinction was made between these long vowels and phonetic long
vowels which are derived through regular language-internal processes of elision. An example
of a phonetic long vowel is that which is derived from the elision of the semivowel /w/ when
the dual suffix is added to the nominal darranggu:
darranggu + wulu tree + DU > /darranggu + ulu/ ['drri t,gu ,u1u]
Note that the assignment of stress must precede the morphophonemic process of elision as
these phonetic long vowels do not have primary stress (as a phonemic long vowel would),
and are treated as a sequence of two vowels, with the second carrying stress as it is the initial
syllable of a polysyllabic morpheme.
38 Chapter 2

The rules of stress placement in Wambaya are still not yet fully understood and further
research may lead to a different analysis of stress placement than presented here. While the
rules for foot and word construction given here account for the large majority of the corpus,
there are some unpredictable forms that these rules do not account for. A couple of these
exceptions follow (along with the expected pattern according to the above rules):
'wug.ba.,rdij.+ba.,rli. + ma (expected:'wug.ba.rdij.+,ba.rli.+rna) cook+AGNT+ll
'na.nga.na.,nga.li (expected:'na. nga.,na.nga.li) sneak away
There is clearly need for more research in this area.

2.3 MORPHOPHONEMICS
2.3.1 LENITION
The initial /b/ of a suffix will always lenite to /w/ when it is added to a vowel-final stem, or
to a stem ending in /rll or /rr/. Compare:
ngaj-barlî see-AGNT (I) BUT yugu-warli cry-AGNT (I)
gulug-ba sleep-FUT BUT ngarl-wa talk-FUT
jany-baji dog-PRIV (I) BUT darranggu-waji stick-PRIV (I)
bungmaj-bulu old.man-DU BUT lagija-wulu coolaman-DU
and-bi call.out-NF BUT ngirr-wi growl-NF28
In fast or casual speech this lenition can also occur within morphemes, particularly if the
bilabial stop follows /g/, or if it is in a reduplicated syllable:
-agba HYP -agwa
wugbardi cook — wugwardî
bardibardî poor bugger — bardiwardi
There are also a couple of examples in which /j/ lenites to /y/. This occurs in reduplications
(see §2.3.6 for a discussion of reduplication):
junmi cut > junmi-yunmi RDP-cut
and with the causitive suffix -jirrimi after a vowel-final stem:
gannga+jirrimi return+CAUS > gannga-yirrimi
See §6.2.1.1 for a discussion of this suffix.
The retroflex stop /rd/ (written d word-initially) lenites to In in reduplication:
daguma hit > dagu-raguma RDP-hit
This lenition is optional before /g/ intramorphemically:
bardgu fall ~ bargu

28 It seems likely that this lenition would also occur after other liquids, given that it occurs after /rl/ and
Irr/; however, there are no relevant examples in the corpus.
 Phonetics and phonology 39

2.3.2 ELISION
When two identical vowels a re separated by a semivowel, the semivowel may be elided,
resulting in a phonetic long vowel (this process is discussed in more detail in §2.1.4 above).
This can occur both within and across morpheme boundaries.
darranggu-wulu tree-DU > /darranggu-ulu/ rdarat)gu ,ulu]
ngara-waji drink-PRIV (I) > /ngara-aji/ Nap ,aiji]
baraj-bulu old.person-DU > /baaj-bulu/ ['baaii,bulu]

2.3.3 EPENTHESIS
Epenthesis is one the strategies used when the concatenation of two different morphemes
results in an illicit consonan t cluster (see §2.3.5 for a full discussion). Thus, as /ni cannot
occur as the second member in a conson an t cluster (see §2.2.3 for a discussion of
permissible consonant clusters), an epenthetic vowel /ii is inserted between a consonant-final
stem and any suffix beginning with /n/. The examples in the corpus all involve verbs and the
suffixes -nka 'DAT', -nî `LOC' and -nnga `ABL' (see §6.1 for a discussion of verbal
morphology).
mawula-j- + -nka > mawula-j-i-nka play-TH-EP-DAT
gulug- + -nka > gulug-i-nka sleep-EP-DAT
ngirra-j- + -nî > ngirra j-i-ni steal-TH-EP-LOC
ngarl- + -ni > ngarl-i-ni talk-EP-LOC
alalangmî j- + nnga > alalangmi-j-i-nnga hunt-TH-EP-ABL
In examples in this work I will generally not segment this epenthetic vowel, but will group
it with the preceding morpheme (e.g. mawula-jî-nka, gulugî-nka).
There is one example in the corpus in which lui is the epenthetic vowel. This example
involves the addition of the allative suffix -nmanji to a placename Junggurragurr `Tennant
Creek'. This placename has been borrowed from Warumungu and does not fit Wambaya
phonotactic constraints (by ending in a consonant), hence the need for an epenthetic vowel.
Junggurragurr+ -nmanji > Junggurragurr-u-nmanji Tennant.Creek-EP-ALL

2.3.4 ASSIMILATION
2.3.4.1 /w/ > /y/
An intervocalic /w/ will assimilate to /y/ if it follows the high front vowel Iii. This process
affects the dual suffix -bulu/wulu and the privative suffix -baji/waji.
/juguli-wulu/ > /juguliyulu/ rjuguli-, julu] boomerang-DU
fuguli-waji/ > /juguliyaji/ r juguli-, jaijil boomerang-PRiv (I)
This means that a morpheme which has an initial /b/ underlyingly can be realised with a /y/
(I will use orthography here for clarity):
juguli + bulu > jugulî-wulu > juguli-yulu
Thus, an initial /b/ lenites to /w/ intervocalically (see §2.3.1), and then the /w/ assimilates
to the 'frontness' and height of the preceding /i/, becoming /y/.
40 Chapter 2

2.3.4.2 OF STOPS BEFORE Im/

When a root having a final stop is followed by a suffix beginning with the bilabial /m/, the
stop assimilates to a nasal. The examples of this involve the Class III gender suffix -ma and
the factitive suffix -mi:
garnguj- many + -ma Class III > garngunyma many.III
burnarîg- wild.orange + -ma Class III > burnarîngma wild.orange.11l
gurij- good + -mi FAC > gurinymi good.FAC

2.3.4.3 VOWEL HARMONY

Unlike Jingili, Wambaya does not have many instances of vowel harmony. While the
process of vowel harmony in Jingili affects many nouns and most verbs (Chadwick
1975:10), systematic vowel harmony in Wambaya is only really found within the auxiliary,
although there are a couple of marginal instances restricted to specific morphemes.
The ergative/locative suffix, usually -ni, has an allomorph -nu when the stem has final /u/.
The use of this allomorph is not obligatory; the two allomorphs are in free variation in this
environment. Some examples are:
(2-9) Mîrra ngurru manjungu-nu/manjungu-ni.
sit 1PL.INC.S(NP) shade.IV-LOC
We'll sit in the shade.
(2-10) Daguma rig-a darranggu-nu/darranggu-ni.
hit 1SG.A-PST stick.IV-LOC
I hit him/her/it with a stick.
The other morpheme which is affected by processes of vowel harmony is the suffix -barli
`AGNT'. The final vowel of this suffix can optionally be assimilated to /a/ with the addition of
the feminine suffix -rna .
Daguma j-barlirna/daguma j-barlarna hit-TH-AGNT.II

A discussion of this suffix is provided in §4.5.2.1.

The vowel harmony in the auxiliary is triggered usually by the high vowels /u/ and /i/ and
affects any preceding high vowels. (There are no examples with preceding /a/ that would
allow us to determine whether it would also be affected by vowel harmony.)
There are two types of vowel harmony in the Wambaya auxiliary: regressive and
progressive. Regressive vowel harmony involves the singular and the first person dual
inclusive subject bound pronouns (this set of pronouns will be termed `minimal'; see
§5.1.2). The underlying forms of these bound pronouns are as follows:29
ngi ISG.S/A
nyi 2SG.S/A
gi 3SG.S
ginî 3SG.M.A
ngîyi 3SG.NM.A
mirndi 1DU.INC.S/A

29 See Chapter 5 for a full discussion of the auxiliary, the bound pronouns and related affixes.
 Phonetics and phonology 41

The past tense suffix -a replaces the final vowel of the stem, but does not affect the
preceding Iii of the disyllabic stems:
gin-a 3SG.M.A-PST
ngîy-a 3SG.NM.A-PST
mirnd-a I DU.INC.S/A-PST
Nor does it affect the vowel(s) of the subject bound pronoun when it is added to an
auxiliary containing an object bound pronoun (in this case the suffix marks non-future tense):
ngi-ny-a I SGA-20-NF
nyi-ng-a 2SG.A-IO-NF
gini-ng-a 3SG.M.A-10-NF
ngiyi-ny-a 3SG.NM.A-20-NF
However, when the future tense suffix -u is added any preceding vowels within the
auxiliary assimilate to the back vowel:
ngu-ny-u ISG.A-20-FUT
nyu-ng-u 2SG.A-10-FUT
gunu-ngg-u 3SG.M.A-RR-FUT
nguyu-ny-u 3SG.NM.A-20-FUT
murnd-u . 1DU:INC.S/A-FUT
Any suffix with initial /u/ will also trigger this vowel harmony:
ngu-ny-uda 1SG.A-20-NACT.PST
murnd-uba I DU.INC.S/A-NP.AWY
The habitual non-past suffix -ala provides the only example of /a/ triggering vowel
harmony:
nga-ngg-ala I SG.A-RR-HAB.NP
gana-ng-ala 3SG.M.A-10-HAB.NP
ngay-ala 3SG.NM.A-HAB.NP
In the above examples a lu/ in a tense/aspect/mood/directional suffix triggers regressive
vowel harmony affecting the subject (and object) bound pronouns that precede it. However,
the situation concerning the non-minimal subject bound pronouns (i.e. all other non-singular
subject bound pronouns, see §5.1.2) is exactly the opposite. In the case of these bound
pronouns, it is the high vowel of the subject bound pronoun that triggers progressive vowel
harmony, affecting any high vowels in the following tense/aspect/mood/directional suffixes.
Each of the non-minimal forms is disyllabic and has the same vowel in each syllable. The
underlying forms of the non-minimal subject bound pronouns are as follows:
ngurlu I DU.EXC.S/A
ngurru 1 PL.INC.S/A
ngirri 1PL.EXC.S/A
gurlu 2DU.S/A
girri 2PL.S/A
wurlu 3DU.S/A
îrri 3PL.S/A
42 Chapter 2

Consider the following examples, in which suffixes that were triggering regressive vowel
harmony in the discussion of the minimal subject pronouns above are themselves affected by
progressive vowel harmony triggered by the vowel(s) in the non-minimal subject bound
pronoun.
ngurlu-ny-u IDU.EXC.A-20-FUT
BUT ngirri-ny-i 1PL.EXC.A-20-FUT
gurl-uba 2DU.S/A-NP.AWY
BUT îrr-iba 3PL.S/A-NP.AWY
wurlu-ngg-u 3DU.A-RR-FUT
BUT girri-ngg-i 2PL.A-RR-FUT
The habitual non-past suffix also does not trigger vowel harmony with these subjects,
although it is not affected by vowel harmony itself:
îrr-ala 3PL.S/A-HAB.NP
girri-ng-ala 2PL.A-1 O-HAB.NP

2.3.5 REDUCTION OF NON-PERMISSIBLE CLUSTERS

There are three different strategies employed in Wambaya to deal with the situation in
which a morphological process creates a non-permissible consonant cluster. (i) epenthesis,
(ii) assimilation of the first consonant to the other, (iii) deletion of the final consonant of the
stem. Of these, the first two were discussed in §2.3.3 and §2.3.4.2 respectively. In this
section I discuss the cases in which the stem-final consonant is deleted.
The deletion of the stem-final consonant is the usual strategy whenever the addition of a
suffix to a consonant-final stem results in an illicit consonant cluster.30 This is the case if the
two consonants are different:
alag- child + -ji Class I > alaji boy.I
alag- child + -nga Class II > alanga . gir1.II
bungmaj- old.person + -nyi- Class I > bungmanyi- old.man.I
murrgun- three + -ma Class II > murrgurna three.II
or if the two consonants are identical:
bungmaj- old.person + -ji Class I > bungmaji old.man.I
-gun y- PL + -nya Class II > -gunya PL.II
There are two examples in which a consonant-initial suffix is added to a stem with a final
consonant cluster, thereby creating a triconsonantal cluster. In both of these examples it
remains the final consonant of the stem — the middle consonant of the cluster — which is
deleted:
wawunyg- sugarbag + -ji Class I > wawunji sugarbag.i
ginganj- drown + -bi Non-future > ginganbi drown3

30 There are two exceptions to this: (i) when the suffix is one of -ni `LOC', -nka 'DAT' or -nnga `ABL' and
the stem is a verb an epenthetic vowel /i/ is inserted (see §2.3.3); and (ii) when the suffix begins with
/m/ a preceding stem-final stop assimilates to the corresponding nasal (see §2.3.4.2).
 Phonetics and phonology 43

2.3.6 REDUPLICATION
Reduplication in Wambaya is found mainly with verbs, with which it is used to indicate
iterative or durative aspect, or the intensity of the state described by the verb (see §6.1.7). It
is also used with a few nouns, usually marking plurality (see §4.5.3). With neither of these
word classes, however, does reduplication seem to be a regular and productive process,
being relatively uncommon and found only with a limited number of forms. Although
Wambaya is a suffixing language, reduplication generally occurs to the left; that is, the
reduplicated element is attached as a prefix. There are two main patterns of reduplication in
Wambaya, found with both verbs and nouns. At this stage of the investigation, it is not clear
what determines which reduplication pattern a particular form will follow: there are no
obvious phonological or morphological properties which characterise the two classes of
roots. Clearly, more research is required.
The most common reduplication pattern copies (to the left) the first two syllables of the
word (or the whole word if disyllabic). In the following examples, syllable boundaries are
indicated by a period.32
ngaj.bi see > ngaj.bi-ngaj.bi look around
la ja:rri light fire > la ja-la ja.rri light fire (DUR)
ngun.ju.lu carry > ngun.ju-ngun.ju.lu carry (DUR)
nya.gaj.bi be tired > nya.ga-nya.gaj.bi be very tired33
lung.gany.mi make cheeky > lung.gu34-lung.gany.mi make very cheeky
la.barn.ga branch (of tree) > la.ba-rla.barn.ga branch (of tree)
If the first and second syllables of the word are identical, then only one syllable is copied:
nya.nya.yu move around > nya-nya.nya.yu move around repeatedly
di.di.ja carry > dî-dî.dî.ja carry (DUR)
If the word has an initial stop, this will often lenite to a glide in reduplicated forms. Thus,
/rd/ (written d initially) lenites to Id, r/ lenites to /y/ and /b/ lenites to /w/. There are no
examples of lenition of the velar stop /g/.
da.gu.ma hit > da.gu.-ra.gu.ma keep hitting
du.rra be frightened (of) > du.rra.-ru.rra be very frightened
jun.mi cut > jun.mi.-yun.mi keep cutting
bard.gu fall > bard.gu.-ward.gu keep falling
The second main reduplication pattern in Wambaya is slightly more interesting as the
reduplicated part at first appears to be infixed, and does not constitute a single prosodic unit,

31 It is interesting that it is the alveolar nasal, rather than the palatal nasal, which appears in this form.
This suggests that it is the alveolar nasal that is present before the palatal stop in the root (usually only
the palatal nasal occurs in this position).
32 The glosses for the reduplicated forms given here are those that the form had in the context in which it
was given. It is possible that a form may also have other meanings in other contexts. For example,
lajalajarri may be able to have both a durative meaning such as 'spend some time lighting a fire' and an
iterative meaning such as 'light many fires'.
33 Note that in this example, as in the two following, it appears that the final consonant of the second
syllable has not been copied in the reduplicand. However, since in all cases this would result in an illicit
consonant cluster, meaning that this consonant would be deleted (see §2.3.5), it is not possible to tell
whether it has simply been copied and then deleted, or not copied at all.
34 Note that this vowel seems to have assimilated to those on either side of it.
44 Chapter 2

consisting of the rhyme of the first syllable and the onset of the second. This type of
reduplication process has been noted in other Australian languages, such as Warumungu
(Simpson 1992), Mangarayi (Merlan 1982) and Jingili (Chadwick 1975). Some examples of
this type of reduplication are:
banymi pass by > banymanymî keep passing by
angbardi build > angbangbardi build repeatedly
bundurrijbî get full > bundundurrijbi get very full
bungmaji old man > bungtnungmajî old men
Following accounts by McCarthy and Prince (1986:47) for Mangarayi we can account for
this reduplication process in the following way.
(i) The initial consonant of the base word is considered extramelodic (i.e. it is detached
from the base but is still available for copying).
(ii) Attach the template of one syllable as a prefix to the base.
(iii) Given a copy of the base, satisfy the syllable to the fullest.
(iv) According to the universal Onset Rule, copy the initial consonant of the second syllable
of the base as the onset of the second syllable of the reduplicated form.
Thus, if we apply this account to the Wambaya examples, the derivation of a form such as
banymanymi is as follows:
6 a

(b)any mi

A
(b)any mi

banymî (b)any mî
iv. a + 6 a

banymi (b)any mi
In a form such as angbardi there is no initial consonant to be extramelodic, but the rest of
the derivation remains the same:
i. a a a

ang ba rdi
 Phonetics and phonology 45

ii. a+ a a

g La rî

,‘ u
angbardi wig ba rdi
iv. a+ a

angbardi ang ba rdi

In one Wambaya form, the template appears to be two syllables, rather than one syllable:
garriji `be cold' > gamjarriji
i. a a a

\N N
(g)a m fl
ii. a a + a a a

N. N

if (g)a m jt

gamji (g)a ni ji
iv. a a + a a a

1\4-'1 N N
gamft (g)a m Jt
Although these two reduplication patterns account for most of the reduplicated forms in
Wambaya, there are a few other forms which are reduplicated in slightly different ways. In a
couple of examples the reduplicated form is derived by copying the last two syllables of the
word to the right:
ya.rru.bu.rdu walk around > ya.rru.bu.rdu-bu.rdu keep walking around
garr.ga.lyi plains lizard > garr.ga.lyî-ga.lyî plains lizard
Some other reduplicated forms (of nouns) appear to be unpredictable:
alaji boy > alajaji boys
iligirra river > ililirri rivers
 CHAPTER 3

PARTS OF SPEECH AND OTHER PRELIMINARIES

3.1 PARTS OF SPEECH

There are seven parts of speech (or `word classes') in Wambaya, determined by the
inflectional and distributional characteristics of each word. These classes are mutually
exclusive:1 each root belongs to only one word class, although with the use of derivational
suffixes, it is possible for a root to move its membership from one word class to another.
These derivational suffixes are discussed in §4.5.2 (verb to nominal) and §6.2.2 (nominal to
verb). The seven parts of speech in Wambaya are:
(1) NOMINALS
(i) nouns
(ii) adjectives
(iii) free pronouns
(iv) demonstratives
(v) locational nominals
(vi) temporal nominals
(vii) indefinite/interrogatives
(2) VERBS
(3) AUXILIARY
(4) ADVERBS
(5) PARTICLES
(6) CLITICS
(7) INTERJECTIONS
Of these seven word classes, the two largest and most important are the open classes of
verbs and nominals. These two classes have quite distinct morphological and syntactic
characteristics. Nominals generally inflect for gender, number and case and usually function
as the arguments of the clause.2 Verbs on the other hand are inflected for tense, co-occur with
the auxiliary and typically function as the predicate of the clause. Both classes also have
different derivational possibilities. Although word-class membership is determined primarily
on grammatical and functional grounds such as these, it is also possible to characterise the
difference between these two word classes on semantic grounds: verbs typically describe
states, actions and events, and nominals usually denote entities, objects and attributes.3
In the following discussion I divide the word classes into `inflecting' (nominals, verbs and
the auxiliary) and `non-inflecting' (adverbs, particles, clitics and interjections).

1 See below for two exceptions to this.

2 But see §7.1 for a discussion of clauses in which nominals function as predicates.
3 As word-class membership is not determined on semantic grounds, it is possible that either of these
classes will contain members whose semantic characteristics do not comply with these generalisations.
46
 Parts of speech and other preliminaries 47

3.1.1 INFLECTING WORD CLASSES

3.1.1.1 NOMINALS

(i) and (ii) Nouns and Adjectives

For the most part, adjectives and nouns in Wambaya can be considered the same. In this
respect, Wambaya is typical of Australian languages, in which there is generally little formal
distinction between nouns and adjectives (Dixon 1980:272). Both nouns and adjectives are
inflected for case, number and gender, can function as the head of a noun phrase or as a
modifier qualifying the head; and can function as the predicate of a verbless clause (see §7.1).
However, there are differences between nouns and adjectives that support the treatment of
them as two different subclasses even though they are both contained within the larger
superordinate class of nominals. These differences are semantic, morphological and
syntactic.
Semantically, nouns typically denote objects and entities while adjectives typically denote
attributes. Furthermore, while nouns inherently belong to only one gender (or at most two, in
the case of some animate and plant nouns), an adjective has no inherent gender, but
potentially can be marked for any of the four genders in agreement with the noun that it
modifies (or in the case of an adjective functioning as the head of the phrase, in agreement
with the referent). For example:
bugayî alaji big boy (I)
bugayirna bayigina big bag (II)
buguwama jigama big yam (III)
buguwa darranggu big stick (IV)
Morphologically, most of the inflectional suffixes are identical for both nouns and
adjectives. However there is at least one difference, again concerning gender: while Class IV
(the neuter gender) is generally not marked on nouns, it is marked on some adjectives by
either -a, -ga or -ja:4
Nouns:
balamurru spear (1V)
wunba wind (IV)
barrawu house (1v)
Adjectives:
gurijb-a good-Iv
murrgun-ga three-IV
bagi-ga bad-Iv
garngu-ja many-IV
Note that this is simply a difference in the form of the marking, not in the number of
gender possibilities for nouns and adjectives, which is exactly the same.
The difference between the semantics of nouns and adjectives also leads to different
derivational possibilities. For example, the derivational suffix -mî, which can be attached to a
nominal X to derive a factitive verb with the meaning `cause to be X, make X' is found only

4 However with most adjectives, as with nouns, Class iv is not overtly marked (see §4.2.2).
48 Chapter 3

with adjectives, not with nouns. Thus, gurijbî `good' can become guriny-mi `make good,
make better', but a noun such as juwa `man' cannot become *juwamî `make into a man' .5
Syntactically, while it is possible for nouns to function as modifiers of the head noun, as
in bungmaji barnanggi `old man barnanggi'6 and lagurra jurutna `deep/sunken stomach'
(literally `hole stomach'), this is relatively unusual and it is significantly more common for
adjectives to have this function.
Thus, while there are many reasons for considering nouns and adjectives to be members
of the same superordinate word class of nominals, there is adequate justification for
considering them to be different subclasses of nominals, thereby allowing for them to behave
and be treated slightly differently with respect to certain features of the grammar.
There is a slight structural difference for two adjectives, bagij(b)i `bad, no good (I)' and
gurijbi `good (I)', depending on whether they have a `subjective' (or experiential) meaning or
an `objective' (or evaluative) meaning. When the adjective occurs as the predicate in a
verbless construction (as in examples (3-1) and (3-3)) the meaning must be objective. If the
meaning is to be subjective, then the adjective must occur in a verbal construction, usually
with either the verb manku `hear, feel' (3-2) or the verb mirra `sit' (3-4).7
(3-1) Bagijbi inî janji.
bad.I(NOM) this.I.SG.NOM dog.l(NOM)
This dog (male) is no good (i.e. it is nasty).
(3-2) Manku ngi-ngg-a bagijbi.
feel 1 SG.A-RR-NF bad.I(NOM)
I (male) feel no good.
(3-3) Gurijbirna nana alanga.
good.II(NOM) this.II.SG.NOM gir1.II(NOM)
This girl is good.
(3-4) Gurijbirna ngi-n mirra.
good:II(NOM) 1SG.S(PR)-PROG sit
I (female) feel good.
However, it is possible for a verbal construction, with mirra, to have an objective reading
if, for example, the verbal construction is needed for the specification of non-present tense
(see §7.1.7): .
(3-5) Gurijbi g-ajî mîrra.
good.I(NOM) 3SG.S-HAB.PST sit
He used to be a good boy.
The verbless construction (as in examples (3-1) and (3-3) above) can only ever have an
objective meaning.

5 In dreamtime stories where this sort of a construction is common (e.g. `make oneself into a bird'), the
verb yardi `put' is used reflexively, with the resultant state expressed as a subject complement. Thus:
J1anvila wurlu-ngg-a yardi bungmaj-bulu.
eaglehawk.II(ACC) 3DU.A-RR-NF put old.person-DU(ACC)
The two old women turned themselves into eaglehawks.
6 This is a type of bird — see Text 2 in Appendix A.
7 Wierzbicka (1988:116-117) discusses such constructions in Japanese. However, in Japanese these
experiential sentences are only possible in the first person.
 Parts of speech and other preliminaries 49

For a more detailed discussion of verbless clauses and the use of mina as a copula-like
verb see §7.1.
These adjectives are doubly interesting as they each have a homophonous verb form which
has the same meaning as the subjective meaning of the adjective. That these are verbs and not
adjectives is shown in the following examples in which the form co-occurs with an auxiliary
and takes no gender agreement with the subject NP.8
(3-6) Bagijbi gi juruma.
feel.bad 3SG.S(PR) stomach.I1I(NOM)
He feels no good in the stomach.
(3-7) Gurzjbi g-u marala ngaji-ni.
feel.good 3SG.S-FUT heart.IV(NOM) see-LOC
She will be happy to see (her). (lit. Her heart will feel good seeing (her).)
(iii) Free Pronouns
Free pronouns form a small, closed class. They are referred to as 'free' to differentiate
them from the 'bound' pronouns that form part of the auxiliary (discussed below). Free
pronouns distinguish person (first, second and third), number (singular, dual and plural) and.
make an inclusive/exclusive distinction in the first person non-singular. There are no third
person singular subject or object pronouns; demonstratives are used instead.
Free pronouns have a different system of case marking from nouns and adjectives. While
nouns and adjectives have an ergative/absolutive system of case marking, free pronouns have
a nominative/accusative declension with nominative and ergative case forms being
homophonous- Free pronouns also have an oblique form which is used in the dative case and
as the base for the addition of other case suffixes such as the comitative. In the case of non-
singular pronouns, this oblique form is homophonous with the accusative case form.

a It is interesting to consider the possible relationship between the verbs and their corresponding adjectives.
The final jbi of the adjective gurijbi (and also bagijbi) is identical to a final sequence that in Wambaya is
quite distinctively verbal. There are many verbs that have this form: ngajbi 'see', gajbi 'eat', nyagajbi 'be
tired', and it is also found in verbs derived from adjectives with the inchoative suffix jbi: yarduga
'strong' (Iv) becomes varduga jbi 'become strong' (see §6.2.2.1). This suggests that the adjective gurijbi
may be derived from the verb gurijbi, thereby accounting for its verb-like form. This theory is supported
by the other gender forms of the adjective which are all based on this (verbal) form. The usual case
among adjectives is for the Class iv form to he identical to the root, and therefore to serve as the base for
the derivation of the other gender forms (see §4.2.2). However with gurijbi it is the Class I form (which
is identical to the verbal form) from which the other forms are derived. This is shown most clearly by the
Class II form gurijbi-rna in which the Class Ii gender suffix is simply added on to the full Class I form.
The situation with bagijbi is different in at least two respects. Firstly, there is some variation among
speakers as to whether the Class I form of the adjective is correctly pronounced bagijbi or bagiji. For
some speakers either form is possible, for others only the latter is possible as the Class I form of the
adjective. And secondly, the other gender forms are not derived from the Class I (and verbal) form, as is
the case with gurijbi, but are clearly all derived (quite regularly) from a common root bagig - :
Class I bagiji/(bagijbi)
Class 11 bagi-nga
Class III baging-ma
Class Iv bagi-ga
The verbal form bagijbi is clearly also derived from this root.
The next question is why, if the Class I form of the adjective is actually bagiji, it is often pronounced
bagijbi, which is the verbal form? It seems quite probable that this could have happened on analogy with
gurijbi, particularly as it is quite common in fast speech for both gurijbi and bagijbi to he pronounced
guriji and bagiji respectively (even for the verbal form).
50 Chapter 3

Singular pronouns have homophonous nominative, accusative and ergative case forms and
then a different oblique form. Free pronouns are discussed in §4.8.
(iv) Demonstratives
Demonstratives in Wambaya make a two-way spatial distinction which is roughly
comparable to the distinction in English between `this' and `that'. Demonstratives must also
agree with their referent in case, gender and number. Like nouns and adjectives,
demonstratives can occur alone as the head of a NP, or function as a modifier. Demonstratives
are discussed in §4.6.
(v) Locational nominals
These nominals are inherently locative and include the compass directionals (langga
`north', ngîrnii `south', gagarra `east', bayungu `west'), other general directionals (gayangga
`up', jangi `down'), locational demonstratives (gili `here', gîlîyaga `there') and other
locationals such as murrgu `inside'. Although these locational nominals can be inflected with
the allative and ablative cases, they are distinguished from other nominals by not taking the
locative case; they occur uninflected in a locative NP:
(3-8) Mirra gî-n murrgu.
sit 3SG.S(PR)-PROG inside
She's sitting inside.
(vi) Temporal nominals
Temporal nominals provide temporal information for the clause and thus tend to have co-
occurrence restrictions with the tense of the clause. Temporal nominals are found in the
corpus with only the locative and dative nominal case suffixes; for example ngurraramba-nî
`in the night' (night-LOC) and ngijininîma-nka `until tomorrow' (tomorrow-DAT).
(vii) Indefinite/interrogatives
Cross-cutting this division of nominals is the subclass of indefinite/interrogatives. These
nominals can be used both as interrogatives (e.g. `who') and as indefinites (e.g. `someone').
There are indefinite/interrogative pronouns (e.g. gayini `who, someone/what, something'),
quantifiers (e.g. yangulany- `how many, some amount'), locationals (e.g. injani `where,
somewhere'), and temporals (e.g. yangulu `when, sometime'). Indefinite/interrogatives tend
to occur initially in the clause. These nominals are discussed in §4.7.

3.1.1.2 VERBS
Most of the information that is traditionally associated with verbs, such as tense, aspect
and mood, is found in the auxiliary in Wambaya. Verbs themselves have comparatively few
inflectional possibilities. In main clauses verbs make a `future'/`non-future' (or unmarked)
distinction with the future form also used in imperative constructions. The inflectional
possibilities for verbs are discussed in §6.1. In non-finite subordinate clauses verbs are
inflected with either the infinitive suffix -barda; or one of three nominal suffixes — the
ergative/locative -nî, the ablative -nnga or the dative -nka — which indicate, respectively,
whether the action described in the subordinate clause occurs concurrently, occurred
previously, or will follow that of the main clause. The use of these suffixes with verbs is
discussed in detail in §6.1 and §8.1. There is also a reduplication process which provides
some aspectual information (see §6.1.7). There are many derivational possibilities for verbs.
Verbs can be made into transitive verbs; causative verbs; and various types of nouns, both
 Parts of speech and other preliminaries 51

agentive and instrumental. The verb-to-verb derivational processes are discussed in §6.2.1,
and the verb-to-nominal processes in §4.5.2.
Verbs in main clauses must always be accompanied by an auxiliary, which registers the
main arguments of the clause and often provides the only tense and aspect information. This
is in contrast with nominal predicates, which obligatorily occur without the auxiliary. There is
a tendency for verbs to occur in initial position in the clause: a survey of texts showed that
61% of verbal clauses were verb-initial.
There is a group of verbs which, although clearly verbs in their own right, have another
function as adverbs, modifying the main verb in the clause. This is one case in which the
mutual exclusivity of word-class membership appears to be violated. The most common
examples of this type of construction involve the verbs gurinymi `make good' and ganjîmi
`finish', which can be used as modifiers meaning `well, properly' and `all' respectively. In
these constructions it is only the main verb that takes the tense inflection; the modifying verb
remains unmarked for tense. Some examples of these verbs functioning as adverbs, and also
as verbs, are:
(3-9) a. Gunny-mi ng-u gulug-ba.
good-FAC 1SG.S-FUT sleep-FUT
I will sleep well.
b. Gunny-ma ng-u.
good-FAC.FUT 1SG.A-FUT
I will fix it.
(3-10) a. Gaj-ba gun-u ganjimi.
eat-FUT 3SG.M.A-FUT finish
He will eat it all.
b. Ganjima gun-u.
finish.FUT 3SG.M.A-FUT
He'll finish it.
Examples of this type of construction with other modifying verbs include:
(3-11) Barngala ngi-n mîrra.
have.legs.crossed 1SG.S(PR)-PROG sit
I'm sitting with my legs crossed.
(3-12) Jirrbali gî-n nanîyaga gulugbî.
lie.on.stomach 3SG.S(PR)-PROG that.II.SG.NOM sleep
She's sleeping on her stomach.
The following examples demonstrate that these modifiers are verbs as well, since they are
capable of taking the future tense inflection and appearing alone without another verb:
(3-13) Barngali-j-ba giliyaga!
have.crossed.legs-TH-FUT there
Sit down with your legs crossed over there!
(3-14) Jirrbali-j-ba!
lie.on. stomach-TH-FUT
Lie on your stomach!
52 Chapter 3

There is only one form that has doubtful status as a verb. This form, darridarri `be in a
line', is only ever found in the modifying function. It was not possible to get an example of
darrîdarri occurring alone.
(3-15) Darridarri irri-n mîrra.
be.in.a.line 3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit
They're sitting in a line.
(3-16) Darrîdarri gîrr garran-ba!
be.in.a.line PL.IMP stand-FUT
Stand in a line!
However, rather than place darridarri in a word class of its own, I will consider it part of
the verb word class by analogy with other modifying verbs such as those in examples (3-11)
and (3-12) above.
For a more detailed discussion of clauses containing two verbs see §7.4.1.

3.1.1.3 AUXILIARY
The auxiliary is a fundamental constituent of Wambaya grammar. Its presence is
obligatory in every main verbal clause9 and most finite subordinate clauses. The auxiliary
contains most of the important grammatical information for the clause. It contains bound
pronouns which represent the core arguments of the clause and affixes which indicate tense,
aspect and mood. Although limited tense information is marked on the verb, that contained in
the auxiliary is usually more detailed and informative. Furthermore, there is some information
(such as habitual aspect and hypothetical mood) which is only ever marked on the auxiliary,
never on the verb. The auxiliary can also contain directional suffixes which indicate whether
the action described by the verb occurs in a direction away from or towards the speaker. The
auxiliary almost always occurs in second position in the clause. A detailed discussion of the
auxiliary and its component parts is found in Chapter 5.
Phonologically, the auxiliary has some unusual characteristics. It is the only grammatical
word in Wambaya which can be monosyllabic, and the only word which can have a final
consonant. For the purposes of stress, a polysyllabic auxiliary constitutes a separate stress
domain, while a monosyllabic auxiliary cliticises to the preceding word and does not bear
stress (see §2.2.4).

3.1.2 NON-INFLECTING WORD CLASSES

3.1.2.1 ADVERBS
Adverbs in Wambaya typically function to modify the clause. They do not appear to have
any positional restrictions. There are demonstrative adverbs such as yununggu `like this/that';
manner adverbs such as gajigajirra `fast' and walalangarri `a lot, really hard (intensifier)'; and
time adverbs such as bibi `for a little while', marndiji `soon' and ayigurrajbi `all day'. As
discussed in §3.1.1.2, some verbs can also function as adverbs, modifying the action
described by the main verb in the clause (see examples (3-9)—(3-16) above).

The auxiliary does not occur in verbless clauses (see §7.1).

 Parts of speech and other preliminaries 53

3.1.2.2 PARTICLES
There are only a few particles in Wambaya. Particles have grammatical functions, such as
marking yes/no interrogative clauses, marking negation in declarative and imperative clauses,
and linking two finite clauses into a single complex clause. They are formally distinguished
from adverbs as they have strict positional restrictions: particles almost always occur in initial
position. Particles are discussed in §7.7.2.

3.1.2.3 arms
Clitics can be distinguished from other non-inflecting word classes as they are bound
forms; they can not stand alone as words.10 There are three clitics in the corpus: =miji, =nima
and =minyi. Miji (glossed INFER') expresses epistemic mood; it indicates that the speaker
considers the proposition to be probable or possible, but does not know for sure whether or
not it is actual. It is an unrestricted clitic and is always encliticised to the initial word of the
clause. Nîma (glossed `NST') can usually be translated by English words such as `just',
`only' and `still', although in some examples it seems to have an emphatic function. It is a
restricted clitic which usually occurs with nominals, although it can also occur with verbs and
other word classes. The other clitic, =minyi (glossed `AGAIN'), is used only with verbs. It is
encliticised to the verb over which it has scope. These three clitics are discussed and
exemplified in §7.7.1.

3.1.2.4 INTERJECTIONS
There are only a small number of interjections in Wambaya. Interjections can constitute a
complete utterance on their own and are therefore distinguished from word classes such as
adverbs and particles. Examples of interjections in Wambaya include gunku `I/we don't
know', guyala `no, nothing' and alima `OK, goodbye'.

Note that guyala functions both as an interjection meaning `no, nothing' and as a particle
negating a clause, as in guyala nguda yarru `I didn't go'. This is the only other exception to
the mutually exclusivity of word class membership. Interestingly Evans (1995a:87) gives
warirra `nothing' as the only Kayardild word that may belong to more than one word class,
serving both as a nominal and an interjection.' 1

3.2 GRAMMATICAL RELATIONS

3.2.1 CORE FUNCTIONS, ADJUNCTS AND COMPLEMENTS

Grammatical relations (or grammatical functions), such as subject, object, indirect object,
complement and adjunct, are important in describing many syntactic and morphological

10 Note that the auxiliary is essentially a bundle of clitics. However, its special status in Wambaya
grammar warrants its treatment as a distinct part of speech.
1 l Bill McGregor (pers.comm.) points out that the possible use of guyala as an interjection does not
necessarily justify the claim that it belongs to more than one word class since it is not uncommon in
languages for words of other classes to be used as complete utterances of their own, as in the use of
`Man!' in English, for example. However, the two uses of guyala have different characteristics — as a
particle, for example, guyala must co-occur with counter-factual mood marking in the auxiliary (see
§7.6.I.1)— and thus are considered members of different word classes here.
54 Chapter 3

processes in Wambaya. While these functions all have close associations with semantic roles,
the semantic roles are not necessarily invariant; a particular grammatical function may have
one semantic role with one verb, and a different semantic role with another. The role of
grammatical functions, therefore, is to provide the link between the surface morphological
and/or syntactic structure and the semantic level at which lexical predicates select arguments
with specific semantic roles (Bresnan 1982:288).
Distinctions can be made within the grammatical functions according to two main
parameters: whether or not the function is subcategorisable by a verb, and whether the
function is semantically restricted, or semantically unrestricted.12 The criterion of sub-
categorisability separates adjuncts from other types of grammatical relations. Adjuncts are
never subcategorised for and can potentially occur with any verb. Adjuncts are semantically
transparent in that an adjunct's meaning is consistent and predictable and is not affected by
the verb with which it may occur.
Among the subcategorisable functions, namely subject, object, indirect object and
complements, a distinction can be made according to whether or not the function is
semantically restricted (i.e. is only ever linked to an argument having a particular semantic
role) or semantically unrestricted (i.e. can be linked to any type of argument) (Bresnan
1982:293-294). Thus we can distinguish core functions (subject, object, indirect object) from
complements on this basis.13 Core functions are always subcategorisable and are
semantically unrestricted in that their meaning (i.e. their semantic role) is dependent upon the
verb of which they are an argument. Thus, the subject of one verb may have the semantic role
of agent, but that of another may be a perceiver or an undergoer. Similarly semantic roles
such as patient, perceived entity and location may all be paired with the grammatical function
of object subcategorised for by different verbs. Complements on the other hand, although
subcategorisable,14 are more closely linked with specific semantic roles and have a consistent
and predictable way of contributing to the meaning of the sentence (Andrews 1985:92).
Complements, therefore, form the middle ground so to speak, between semantically
transparent and non-subcategorisable adjuncts on the one end and semantically non-
transparent and subcategorisable core functions on the other.
Some examples and a brief discussion of the types of complements and adjuncts found in
Wambaya follow. As the core functions are always subcategorised for, and are directly
related to, the verb of which they are an argument, they are discussed in §7.2, which deals
with the syntax of simple verbal clauses, and verb argument structures.
Complements have invariant meanings which are related to, and easily characterised in
terms of, their case marking. Yet, unlike adjuncts, they can combine with only certain verbs,
and would therefore be part of a full dictionary entry for their governing verb. A verb such as

12 This terminology and the system of classification of grammatical relations is taken from Bresnan
(1982:287).
13 Note that I use the term `indirect object' to refer to a type of object that is marked with an oblique case
(usually dative). This is in contrast to what I simply refer to as `objects', which are marked with
accusative case. Bresnan (1982) does not make such a distinction; in Bresnan's classification, these are
both a type of object.
14 Note that there is a slight difference here in the use of the word `subcategorisable'. The sub-
categorisability of complements is different from that of core functions in that core functions are
generally obligatory (i.e. a transitive verb has an obligatory subject and object) while complements are
more often optional (i.e. a verb of motion can have an optional ablative or allative complement
indicating the source or the direction of the motion).
 Parts of speech and other preliminaries 55

junmi `cut' can take a complement indicating the instrument used (example (3-17)); and
motion verbs such as bardgu `fall' and yarru `go' can take a complement in the allative case
(3-18) or the ablati ve case (3-19) denoting the direction or source of the movement.
(3-17) Junmi wurlu-ngg-a jabarrini-ni.
cut 3DUA-RR-NF knife.I-LOC
They cut each other with a knife.
(3-18) Bardgu g-a jamba-nmanji.
fall 3SG.S-PST ground.IV-ALL
He fell to the ground.
(3-19) Yarru ng-amany marlu-nnga.
go 1 SG.S-PST.TWD far-ABL
I came from a long way.
Some verbs subcategorise for . `subject complements' — secondary predicates sub-
categorised for by the verb and agreeing in case, number and gender with the subject. An
example of this is the verb manku in its sense 'to feel', which subcategorises for a reflexive
object and a subject complement denoting the state of affairs of the subject:
(3-20) Manku ngî-ngg-a baginga.
feel I SGA-RR-NF bad.II(NOM)
I feel no good.
Similarly, perception verbs can subcategorise for what could be considered an `object.
complement' — a secondary predicate which modifies the object, denoting the state in which
the object is perceived:15
(3-21) Ngajbi ng-a alaji
see ISG.A-PST child.i(ACC) alone.I(ACC)
I saw the boy alone.
Like complements, adjuncts have consistent meanings which remain unaffected by the
nature of the verb with which they occur. However; unlike complements, adjuncts are not
selected by verbs and can potentially co-occur with any type of verb in a clause. Typical
examples of adjuncts include locative phrases (example (3-22)), temporal phrases (3-23),
benefactive dative phrases (3-24) and secondary predicates (3-25).
(3-22) Ngajbî ngi-ny-a munjungu-nu.
see 1SG.A-20-PST shade.IV-LOC
I saw you in the shade.
(3-23) Ngijînînîma îrri-ngg-i daguma-j-ba.
tomorrow 3PL.A-RR-FUT hit-TH-FUT
Tomorrow they will fight (each other).
(3-24) Yanybi ng-a mamugujama alag-uli-ja.
get tSG.A-PST conkerberry.Ill(ACC) child-DU-DAT
I got the conkerberries for the two children.

15 It is actually very difficult to determine whether or not these secondary predicates should be treated as
subcategorised object complements or adjuncts.
56 Chapter 3

(3-25) Mîrra ngi îlijbirna.

sit ISG.S(PR) alone.II(NOM)
I'm sitting alone.
A clause can contain more than one complement (example (3-26)), more than one adjunct
(3-27) or a mixture of complements and adjuncts (3-28).16
(3-26) Junku g-a jalyu-nmanji jamba-nkanyî.
crawl 3SG.S-PST bed.IV-ALL ground.IV-PERL
He crawled along the ground to the bed.
(3-27) Bungmajî g-a yarru manganymi-nka ngurra.
old.man.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST go tucker.f-DAT 1PL.INC.OBL
The old man has gone for tucker for us.
(3-28) Yabu gama gujiga-nmanjî manganymi-nka!
have SG.IMP.AWY mother.II-ALL tucker.IIl-DAT
Take him to (his) mother for some tucker!
Because their meanings can be easily described in terms of their case marking, adjuncts
and complements are discussed in Chapter 4, which deals with nominals and noun phrases.

3.2.2 DEFINING SUBJECT, OBJECT AND INDIRECT OBJECT

Following are the properties by which subjects, objects and indirect objects can be
characterised and identified in Wambaya.
SUBJECT I7

(i) Subject NPs take either the ergative case (A) or the nominative case (S).
(ii) In a main verbal clause or a finite subordinate clause, the subject is represented by a
bound pronoun in the first position in the auxiliary.
(iii) In a non-finite subordinate clause the subject is the pivot and is obligatorily omitted,
being identical to a core argument of the main clause (see §8.1).
(iv) In a simultaneous non-finite subordinate clause in which the verb is inflected with the
nominal suffix -nî, the main-clause subject is that which is co-referential with the
(omitted) subordinate-clause subject.
(v) In a reduced adjoined clause the subject is the pivot and is omitted, being co-
referential with the subject of the preceding clause (see §8.2).18

16 I have not tested the limits of these combinations. For example, what is the limit on the number of non-
core functions that can occur within a clause? And is it possible to have the complete set of dative
functions within the one clause? Consider, for example, 'I talked to the woman (indirect object) about
language (complement) for money (adjunct)'.
17 Note that this discussion does not help to identify or define the properties of a subject in a verbless
clause. There are often difficulties with formally identifying the subject in such clauses (e.g. see Morphy
(1983) on Djapu). Verbless clauses are discussed in §7.I.
18 In a non-reduced adjoined clause, the subject can be identified from the auxiliary by (ii).
 Parts of speech and other preliminaries 57

OBJECT
(i) Object NPs take the accusative case.
(ii) First and second person objects are represented by a bound pronoun in the second
position in the auxiliary. ('Third person objects are not registered in the auxiliary; see
§5.2).
The main-clause object is that which is co-referential with the (omitted) subject of a
simultaneous non-finite subordinate clause in which the verb is inflected with the
infinitive suffix -barda (see §8.1).
Some ditransitive verbs subcategorise for two accusative objects, only one of which is
registered in the auxiliary (see §7.2). I thus make a distinction between direct objects, to
which the above three generalisations apply, and second objects, which are characterised by
(i), but not (ii) and (iii).
INDIRECT OBJECT
The evidence for indirect object is considerably weaker than that for subject and object.
Indirect objects are marked with the dative case and are never represented in the auxiliary and
are thereby distinguished from subjects and objects. Indirect objects can be distinguished
from dative adjuncts and complements in that they are subcategorisable and semantically
unrestricted, and are thereby core functions. In addition, unlike other complements and
adjuncts, some indirect objects can feed reflexive and/or reciprocal constructions, in which
case the indirect object argument is registered on the auxiliary with the reflexive/reciprocal
pronoun (see examples (3-29) and (3-30)). As shown in (3-31) to (3-34), this is not possible
for dative adjuncts.
(3-29) Ngarlwi irri irra.
talk 3PL.S(NP) 3PL.OBL
Theyi're talking to them]/*i.
(3-30) Ngarlwi irri-ngg-a.
talk 3 PL.A-RR-NF
They're talking to each other.
(3-31) Yabu ny-u nganga angarri-nka.
have(FUT) 2SG.A-FUT 2SG.OBL corroboree.IV-DAT
You'll keep it for yourself for a corroboree.
(3-32) *tabu nyu-ngg-u angarri-nka.
have(FUT) 2SG.A-RR-FUT corroboree.IV-DAT
You'll keep it for yourself for a corroboree.
(3-33) Wugbardî ng-u gunju alangî-nka.
cook ISG.A-FUT meat.IV(ACC) child.I-DAT
I will cook meat for the boy.
(3-34) *Wugbardi ngurlu-ngg-u gunju.
cook IDU.EXC.A-RR-FUT meat.IV(ACC)
We will cook meat for each other.
 CHAPTER 4
NOMINALS

4.1 THE STRUCTURE OF THE NOMINAL WORD

The structure of the nominal word is:1
Root + (deriv) + (adnom) + (number) + gender# + ([GEN + gender*j) + (case)
deriv = A derivational suffix (§4.5)
adnom = The proprietive suffix (§4.4.11), privative suffix (§4.4.12) or `origin'
suffix (§4.4.13)
GEN = The genitive suffix (§4.4.10)
The only situation in which this slot is not obligatory is when the dual number
suffix is present.
* This gender slot must agree with the gender of the possessed noun.
There are no examples in the corpus in which case marking follows the genitive suffix,
although such constructions are accepted by speakers as grammatical. There are also no
examples in which a derivational suffix is followed by an adnominal suffix, although it is
conceivably possible in a word such as ?yugu-warli-ngunya `cry-AGNT.I-PROP.II(NOM)'
meaning `(woman) having a crying (child)'.
Although there is not an example in which all of these slots are filled, the following few
examples attest to the above ordering and degree of complexity.
ROOT + ADNOM + NUMBER + GENDER + CASE:
(4-1) gijilulu-nguj-ball-nî-ni
money-PROP-PL-I-LOC
the men with money (ergative/locative)
ROOT + DERIV + NUMBER + GENDER + CASE:
(4-2) ngara-barli-marnda-nga-ni
drink-AGNT-PL-II-LOC
the women drunks (ergative/locative)
ROOT + GENDER + GEN + GENDER:
(4-3) bungma-nyi-niganka (maga)
old.man I GEN.IV (camp.w(NOM))
the old man's (camp) (nominative)
Some of the adnominal and number suffixes are inconsistent as to the form of the nominal
that they take as their stem. While most suffixes are attached to the root of the nominal, there
are some examples in which such suffixes take the citation form of the nominal, including the
gender suffix, as their stem. For example the number suffix -rdarra `GROUP' (see §4.3.3.4)
always follows gender marking, unlike the other plural suffixes which must precede gender
marking (see examples (4-1) and (4-2) above):

This template does not represent the structure of demonstratives or pronouns. These nominal subtypes
are discussed in §4.6 and §4.8 respectively.
58
 Nominals 59

(4-4) garngu-nva-rdarra
many-II-GROUP(NOM)
a big group (of women) (nominative)
Other suffixes, such as the proprietive suffix, attach to the root of some nominals
(example (4-5)) and to the citation form of others (4-6). One possibility is that the root
functions as the stem when the gender of the 'base' nominal is unimportant, but that the
suffix follows the citation form when the gender of the underived noun is relevant. For
example, there may be alternative forms of (4-5) such as ala-jî-ngunya `child-I-PROP.II(NOM)''
meaning 'female with boy child' and ala-nga-ngunya `child-II-PROP.II(NOM)' meaning `female
with girl child'. However, this question will need to be followed up in the field.
(4-5) alag-unya
child-PROP.II(NOM)
female with child
(4-6) mangany-ma-ngunya2
tucker-III-PROP.II(NOM)
female with tucker
These examples suggest that the above nominal template should include a provision in the
root slot for another optional gender marker, with the restriction that it is only filled in some
nominals that contain either the proprietive or privative suffix, or when the -rdarra number
suffix is present. The revised nominal word template would then be as follows:
[Root (+gender)] + (deriv) + (adnom) + (number) + gender + ([Gen + gender]) + (case)
with the same conditions and abbreviations as given above.

4.2 GENDER
Nouns in Wambaya are divided into four grammatical genders3 (or noun classes), marked
by suffix. All nominal modifiers must agree with the gender of the noun that they modify
although, unlike nouns, they have no inherent gender of their own. This section discusses the
different genders in general, and also deals with the gender marking that occurs with most
nominals. The marking of gender on some nominals such as demonstratives and pronouns,
to the extent that they differ from the marking of gender discussed here, is dealt with in the
sections that discuss these modifiers (§4.6 and §4.8 respectively).
The four genders are divided into two animate and two inanimate genders, which are then
further divided as follows:

This is an example of gender stacking. In this, nominal gender is marked twice: the inner gender suffix
has scope over the 'base' nominal (mangany- 'tucker') and the outer gender suffix has scope over the
whole derived nominal. Another example of gender stacking in Wambaya is in the possessive
demonstrative forms (see §4.6.1). Gender stacking has also been discussed for Bantu (e.g. Mel'tuk (no
date)).
3 The use of this term, for what have more traditionally been referred to as noun classes, follows Corbett
(1991).
60 Chapter 4

A. Animate
I. Masculine II. Feminine
B. Inanimate
III. Vegetable/Non-flesh food Iv. Residue/Neuter
In the following discussion, these will be glossed and referred to as Classes I, II, III and W
respectively.
The principles of gender assignment are primarily semantic, as the above labelling
indicates. However, as with most noun-classifying systems, a certain amount of gender
assignment seems arbitrary; perhaps being explained by cultural and/or mythological
considerations. The assignment of gender is considered in more detail in §4.2.1.
The gender system in Wambaya makes a distinction between `absolutive' and `non-
absolutive' gender suffixes. The `absolutive' suffix appears in the nominative and accusative
cases and in the citation form of the noun, and the `non-absolutive' suffix appears in all other
cases, that is before a non-zero case suffix. The most common gender suffixes are given in
Table 4.1 (see Table 4.3 for a full list). A more detailed discussion of gender marking is
found in §4.2.2.
TABLE 4.1: COMMON GENDER SUFFIXES IN WAMBAYA

ABS NABS
ji -nyî
Class I -ngi
-0 -ni
-ma -nga
Class II -nga -nga
-nya -nya
Class III -ma - mi
Class Iv -0 -0
-a -i

4.2.1 GENDER ASSIGNMENT

(a) Animate classes
The membership of Classes I and II is semantically based according to the following
criteria:
(i) All nouns with animate referents belong to one of these two classes. There are no
animate nouns that belong to either of Classes III or Iv.
(ii) All nouns referring to male humans belong to Class I and all nouns referring to female
humans belong to Class II.
(iii) Where a gender distinction is made for non-human animate nouns, the noun with the
male referent will belong to Class I and the one with the female referent will belong to
Class II.
 Nominals 61

Many human nouns have two forms: one belonging to each animate class. As (iii)
suggests, this is true for some non-human animate nouns also. Some examples are:
Class I Class II
bungmaji old man bungmanya old woman
alajî boy alkmga girl
marndaji white man marndanga white woman
abajabaji crazy person (male) abajabajirnta crazy person (female)
marunki male countryman marunkîrna female countryman
ngarrînybi male friend ngarrinybirna female friend
janjî male dog female dog
janya
galalaninji male dog galalarrinya female dog
Most non-human animate nouns, however, have a `fixed' gender; they are classified
consistently as either Class I or Class n regardless of sex. Whether there are cultural and/or
mythological explanations for the classification of such animals or whether the choice is
semantically arbitrary is unknown. Some examples are:
Class I Class II
garrgalyi plains lizard gulangunya blue-tongue lizard
mîmarri snake (generic) bubuyirna children's python
mamanggî snail majigina crab
gululyi maggot mugunjana louse
barnanggi bird sp. wirrilgarra cockatiel
It is worth noting that the terms for `wild honey' or `sugarbag' are included in the animate
classes, and a distinction is made according to `gender'.5 These terms do not seem to refer to
the bees themselves; warnnganji `fly' (I) is used instead.
wawunji boy sugarbag (I)
wawunya girl sugarbag (II)
While all animate nouns have either Class I or Class II gender, not all nouns of either Class
I or Class II gender are animate. There is a `leak' (Corbett 1991:13) from the semantic residue
or neuter gender (Class Iv) into Classes I and II. Most of these inanimate nouns refer to
natural events or celestial bodies:

In the case of the non-human nouns, although both gender forms are possible, the Class II form is more
marked, and it is the Class I form which is used with general reference, or if the gender is unknown or
unimportant
5 I asked why it is that one type is considered male and the other female and was told only that the male
type is found high up in a tree and the female type is found on the ground. Although this explains how
the two types differ, it does not provide any insight into the gender classification.
62 Chapter 4

Class I Class II
galyurringi water galyurrungurna rain
warnami water gambada sun
wardangarri moon yandugururna lightening
jinkijî star
ngurujî cloud
Others are nouns such as juguli `boomerang' (I), ginguli `hook' (I), bayigina `bag' (ri) and
mudinya `needle, injection' (II).
There are a few body-pa rt terms that belong to Class I. These are ngarninji `body',
marlanganji `shoulder', garlimbaji `rib-bone', wurdalyi `ankle', and ilîrri `blood'. All other
body-part terms belong to the inanimate classes.
There is one example in the corpus of two synonyms having different genders: the two
words for `meat' — yangaji and gunju — belong to Classes I and Iv respectively. This is
shown by the following examples:7
(4-7) Yangaji inî bagijbi.
meat.I(NOM) this.I.SG.NOM bad.I(NOM)
This meat is no good.
(4-8) Bagiga yana gunju.
bad.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM meat.IV(NOM)
This meat is no good.
(b) Inanimate classes
All of the inanimate nouns apart from the small number discussed above belong to either
Class m or Class Iv. There are no animate nouns which are members of either of these
classes. The assignment of nouns to these two genders is primarily semantically based, to an
even greater extent than for the animate classes. Class III is made up largely of nouns
referring to non-flesh food such as fruits and bread.8 Some examples are:
manganyma tucker, bread
burnarîngma wild orange
jigama wild yam
ngamandurruma wild banana
Certain body-part nouns also have Class III gender (the others are members of either Class
I or Class Iv). The majority of Class III body-part nouns seem to have in common the fact that
their shape is of a rounded nature:

6 It is a common feature of all of the West Barkly languages that the word for 'rain' is the feminine form
of the word for 'water'. Compare:
Class I Class n
J ibilga water ibilgirni rain (Chadwick 1975:123)
Ng nguwi water nguwirna rain (Chadwick 1971:39)
GB nguwi water nguwirna rain (Chadwick 1978:382, 387)
7 Yangaji is the most commonly used synonym; gunju is heard much less frequently. Gunju may have
been borrowed from Nungali (in which it means 'body' (Bolt et al. 1971a:143)). It is possible that gunju
has been assigned to Class iv on the basis of its form (Class I nouns are almost always /i/ final, while
Class iv nouns are generally either /a/ or /u/ final; see §4.2.2).
8 Note however that the terms referring to 'wild honey' belong to the animate classes (see above) and
marrgulu 'egg' has Class tv gender. Otherwise all nouns referring to non-flesh foods belong to Class In.
 Nominals 63

bunyma arse
jarndama chin, beard
mabuluma navel
gaknna nose
luranyma testicles
juruma stomach
gandaniyama kneecap
For others this characteristic is not so obvious:
banjanganima tail
banduma back
birnmanma throat
However, some nouns referring to body parts with a rounded shape do not belong to
Class III, such as ngabulu `breast' (IV).
Class III also contains the nouns gagama and ngangma, both meaning `faeces, shit'.
Class IV is the semantic residue class; it contains all of the nouns whose gender is not
assigned on the basis of a positive semantic criterion (Corbett 1991:13). Therefore, Class iv
contains all the inanimate nouns that have not already been mentioned in the discussion of the
membership of other genders. For example, all terms referring to and related to non-edible
plants, rocks, features of the landscape, fire, most tools, language, European objects and so
on belong to Class iv. Some examples are:
darranggu tree
ilyirrga leaf
murlurru turpentine tree
namîrra stone
maga country, camp
ngangaba fire
balamurru spear
ngarfana language
danva clothes
narunguja car, vehicle
There are two examples in the corpus of plants with two forms: one for the fruit
(belonging to Class III) and one for the tree (belonging to Class IV):
burnaringma wild orange (fruit) (HI) burnariga wild orange (tree) (IV)
marnugujama conkerberry (fruit) (III) marnuguja conkerberry (tree) (IV)
For all other fruit trees I was given the same term that is used to refer to the fruit (and
which therefore belongs to Class III).
Table 4.2 gives a brief description of the types of nouns that belong to each gender:
64 Chapter 4

TABLE 4.2: GENDER ASSIGNMENT

Class I Class II Class III Class IV
male humans female humans most non-flesh food trees, plants
male animals female animals some body parts most body parts
kangaroos (mostly round) language
most reptiles few reptiles faeces rocks
some birds some birds landscape
most other few other fire
creatures creatures most tools
honey honey European objects
moon sun
star rain REMAINDER
water lightning
cloud bag
boomerang needle
hook
few body parts
The reptiles that are known to belong to Class I are: bagarrinji `goanna sp.', burrgunji
`frog', burrulyi `tadpole', gaburri left-hand lizard', garrgalyi `plains lizard', gunbi/
mankunyî `blanket lizard', jurrgubarrî/mangîrrijî `plains goanna', mardumbarra `saltwater
crocodile', mayinanji `goanna', mimarri `snake (generic)', nguluwayi `king brown snake'
and warriji `freshwater crocodile'. Those that are known to belong to Class II are: bubuyirna
`python', gangbirna `gecko', gulangunya/milirrgbarna `blue-tongue lizard', jalabanya
`(slippery?) lizard' and judangunya `water snake'.
The birds that are known to belong to Class I are: barnanggî `hobby(?)', burriiji `bird sp.',
dalwarranji `diver duck', darrmanji 'brolga', danidani `dollar bird', didilayi `kite', dirdibulyi
`peewee', galunjî `black kite', garnînyanji `bush turkey', garrgarrgayî `chicken-hawk',
garrinji `jabiru', gurrguji 'Boobook owl', iburraji `magpie', janbalyi `bird sp.', jîrrbilijirrbilî
`cuckoo', ngadijîrri `budgerigar', nganyanggalî `brown goshawk', nyinimîrrî `finch',
wagalamarri `crow', walanybirrî `pelican', warlidaji `magpie goose' and wirringarri `barn
owl'. Those that are known to belong to Class II are: barraala `white cockatoo', burrunjuna
`quail', danmurrana `kingfisher', ganbagaguna `heron', garnanganjana `emu', gîlyinkilyida
`galah', gulugugurna `diamond dove', gulugulinya `tawny frogmouth', gunawurruna
`partridge pigeon', îlarrama 'eaglehawk', indîlyawurna `curlew', jibîlyawuna `duck',
jindirrijbirrinya 'willy wagtail', jugujuguna `fantail', larrana `spinifex pigeon', lirrada `black
cockatoo', marrababina `peaceful dove', wirrilgarra `cockatiel' and yagurragurrana `native
hen'
Other creatures that are known to belong to Class I are: dajbîdajbî `grasshopper', gaguwi
`fish', ganybulanyi `cat', garruji `big black spider', gudingi `rat', gululyi `maggot',
jagugayi/nguyîminji `freshwater mussel', magami `leech', mamanggî `snail', marawunjî
`spider', wardbaji `butterfly', warnnganji `fly' and wurumbumbî `dragonfly'. Those that are
known to belong to Class II are: burruburrurna `caterpillar', majîgina `crab', mugunjana
`louse', and nyilangunya/wayamila `echidna'.
Many of these gender classifications are common for Australian languages: `sun' is often
feminine and `moon' often masculine; `echidna' is commonly feminine as is `emu', and
`faeces, shit' commonly belongs to the vegetable class. For discussions of noun classification
in other Australian languages see Dixon (1972, 1982), Harvey (no date) and Evans (1995c).
 Nominals 65

4.2.2 GENDER MARKLNG

This section covers the marking of gender on nouns and their modifiers in Wambaya. See
Appendix B for a comparative discussion of gender marking in the languages of the Mirndi
group.
Class III is the only gender which has a single suffix that is consistently present on all
members of the gender. For other genders there are a number of different suffixes, both
phonologically and lexically determined, so that it is not always possible to tell from the form
of the noun what its gender suffix is. Table 4.3 lists all the gender suffixes found on nouns
and their modifiers. The conditioning environments of phonologically conditioned
allomorphs are given in the table. Suffixes in smaller font are less common and are found
with only a small number of forms.9
TABLE 4.3: GENDER MARKING IN WAMBAYA

ABS NABS
Class I -ji \C_ -nyi-
-ngi- \g, ng_
-di-
\V_ (•) -na-#
(*) rdi-#-
-ni-
-i* \a, u_
-vi*
Class u -nya \j, ny -nya- \j, fly_
-nga \g, ng_ -nga- elsewhere
-ma elsewhere
-rra•
-0•
-rda# -ga-#
Class III -ma -mi-
Class IV -0 -0-
-a \i_ (*) -i-
ja* \j, ny—(*) Ii-*
-go* after other Cs -gi-*
-wa* ?

# Found with kinship nouns only.

* Found with nominal modifiers and nominal suffixes only.
• Found with nouns only.
The non-absolutive suffix usually replaces the absolutive suffix on a nominal.10 Thus,
comparison of the two forms of a noun is the simplest way of isolating and identifying the
gender suffixes.

In Hale (1959), the gender suffi xes for Wambaya are given as: -0 — -(y)i `mase',. -ma 'fern', -ma
'vegetable' and -(w)a `neuter'.
10 The one exception to this is the Class I non-absolutive suffix -ni- when it occurs with Class. I modifiers.
In just this case the non-absolutive suffix is added to the absolutive form of the noun rather than
replacing the absolutive suffix:
gunv-i other-LABS > gunyi-ni- other-LNABS-
66 Chapter 4

Absolutive form Non-absolutive form

yangaji meat (I) yangadi-
gaguwî-0 fish (I) gaguwini-
îndilyawurna curlew (II) indilyawunga-
gulangunya blue-tongue lizard (II) gulangunya-
manganyma food, tucker (III) manganymi-
maga camp (N) magi-
As shown in Table 4.3, there are a number of different allomorphs for all genders except
Class In. As Classes I and II have the largest number of allomorphs, I will discuss them first,
and will then discuss the gender marking on Class Iv nouns.
The most common Class II absolutive allomorphs and the common non-absolutive
allomorphs for both Classes I and II are all phonologically conditioned: the initial nasal of the
suffix assimilates to the place of articulation of the preceding consonant (i.e. the final
consonant of the root). Thus:11
Class II absolutive: UR = -rna
-ma > -nya \ j, ny
> -nga \ g, ng
> -ma elsewhere
Class I non-absolutive: UR = -ni-
-ni- > -nyi- \ j, ny
> -ngi- \ g, ng
> -ni- elsewhere
Class II non-absolutive: UR = -nga-
-nga- > -nya- \ j, ny
> -nga- elsewhere
This allomorphic variation is shown in the following examples in which the underlying
allomorphs are given between percentage signs.l 2
ROOT 13 LABS I.NABS II.ABS II.NABS
-ji, -Q %-ni-% %-rna% %-nga-%
bungmaj- old person bungmaji bungmanyi- bungmanya bungmanya-
marndag- white person mamdaji marndangî- marndanga marndanga-
abajabaji- crazy person abajabajî-0 abajabajini- abajabajirna abajabajînga-
-guny- PL -gunji gunyi- -gunya -gunya
-barli- AGNT -barli-0 barlini- -barlima -barlinga-
This pattern of allomorphic alternation holds for most of the nominals and nominal
suffixes for which there is sufficient data in the corpus. However there are some nouns

1 I Note that, interestingly, it is the Class t non-absolutive suffix -ni- which is used with foreign (i.e.
English) words:
Yaniyawulu narunguja-wulu garage-ni-ni.
that.IV.DU.NOM car.iV-DU(NOM) garage-I.NABs-Loc
Those two cars are in the garage.
12 For a discussion of the morphophonemic processes by which the final consonant of the root is dropped
or nasalised before the gender suffix see §2.3.
13 Nominal roots can often be indentified from the dual form of the nominal since the dual suffix is usually
attached to the form minus the gender suffix: bungmaj-bulu, marndag-bulu, for example (see 4.3.2).
 Nominals 67

which have, for example, the Class II suffix -nya in their citation form, but for which it is
unknown whether the root ends in a palatal consonant (i.e. the root is not present in the
current corpus). An example of such a noun is gulangunya `blue-tongue lizard' (II). These
nouns do not contradict this analysis and so, for the present purposes, I assume them to be
consistent with it_ There are some Class H nouns that have the -nya absolutive suffix, but for
which it would seem (on the basis of the Class I counterpart) that the root does not have a
final palatal consonant, M of these examples are kinship nouns and, as there are other
examples of kinship nouns behaving differently with respect to gender marking (see below),
these are not considered to invalidate the rules of distribution of allomorphs outlined above.
Some examples of these nouns are:
Class I Class II
gugu-O MMB gugunya MM
barnga-O male cross-cousin barnganya female cross-cousin
ganggu-O FF ganggunya FFZ

The Class I absolutive allomorphs are mostly phonologically conditioned also. Class I
nouns are inflected with jii after consonant-final roots and -( after vowel-final roots (see
bungmaji and abajabajî above). Class I modifiers and suffixes have -0 after roots ending in /i/
and usually have -i with other vowel-final roots, although there are a couple of adjectives that
are inflected with -yi. As with nouns, consonant-final adjectival roots are followed by the
gender suffix ji. Examples are:
Root Class I form Gloss
-barb > barlî-© AGNT
gurijbi- > gurijbi-O good
gunya- > gunyi other
munduru- > munduri short, little
gain- > gamayi long
buga- > bugs yi big
garnguj- > gamgu ji many
bagig- > bagi-ji bad
Synchronically the three suffixes that appear with vowel final roots — -0, -1, -yi are
clearly distinct- However, there is evidence suggesting that the original system had a simple
opposition between ji after consonants and -yi after vowels (note that lenition of /j/ to /y/
between vowels is common in Wambaya — see §2.3.1), meaning that all three of the above
suffix derive from the original allomorph -yi. This evidence includes the following:
(i) Almost all of the nouns and all of the modifiers and suffixes which take the absolutive
suffix -0 end in Ti!. This suggests that there has been a coalescence of the original
gender suffix -yi with the root such that the final vowel of the root and the initial
semivowel of the suffix were elided, resulting in the fV-final modern-day forms that
now have no overt absolutive gender suffix. Examples include:
burrulyi tadpole
dirdibulyi peewee
marunki male countryman
ngarrinybi male friend
galyurringî water
wardangarrî moon
68 Chapter 4

gaguwî fish
juguli boomerang
gayînî who/what
-barli AGNT
gurijbî good
The same could also be true of the modifiers and suffixes with other final vowels that now
take the gender suffix Ii/: the final vowel of the root an d the semivowel of the suffix elided in
the Class I form, leaving /i/ as the gender suffix.
(ii) There are a few places in which the original form -yi has been preserved. The two
adjectives garna- and buga- contain the suffix -yî in their Class I forms (see above), and
POK preserves it in the Class I noun mardumbarra `saltwater crocodile', pronouncing it
mardumbarrayi. There are also a couple of nouns, such as wagalatnarri `crow', which
are given in Hale (1959:17) as having a final suffix -yi: wagalamarriyi.
There are a few Class I and Class II gender suffixes which are found only with kinship
nouns. These are the Class I non-absolutive suffixes -rdi and -na, the Class II absolutive
suffix -rda , and the Class II non-absolutive suffix -ga.
The two Class I non-absolutive suffixes -na and -rdi14 are found with masculine kinship
nouns that take the -0 absolutive suffix. The former of these, along with the Class II non-
absolutive suffix -ga to be discussed below, conditions the irregular ergative/locative suffix
-yi (see §4.4.3). As far as I can tell, there is no phonological conditioning of these two
allomorphs. The kinship nouns with which they are found in the corpus include the
following:
Absolutive form Non-absolutive form Gloss
jugu-0 juguna- MB
baba-0 babana- elder brother
îrda-0 îrdina- father
gagulu-0 gaguluna- younger brother
barnga-0 barngardi- male cross-cousin
gari-0 garirdi- husband
ganggu-0 ganggurdi- FF

Many Class II kinship nouns take the non-absolutive suffix -ga, which conditions the
irregular ergative/locative suffix -yi (see §4.4.3). Following is a list of the nouns taking this
suffix found in the present corpus.
Absolutive form Non-absolutive form Gloss
gugunya guguga- MM
gujinya gujiga- mother
babanya babaga- elder sister
jajilinya jajiliga- D (m ego), BD (f ego)
gulinya guliga- D (f ego), ZD (m ego)
ngayijinya ngayijiga- FM
irdinya îrdîga- FZ

14 This suffix has also been heard with an apico-alveolar consonant: -di. Along with the -rda absolutive
suffix found on some Class II kinship nouns (see below), it is presumably related to the widespread
kinship affix *-rti discussed by Nash (1992).
 Nominals 69

The regular Class n absolutive suffix for kinship nouns is -nya (see above). However, a
few nouns have alternative forms in which the absolutive suffix is -rda:
gugunya gugurda MM
ngayijinya ngayijirda FM
gambaranya gambararda MZ
jamînjilînya jamînjilirda MFZ
The remaining few Class I and II gender suffixes are found on only one or two forms. The
Class I non-absolutive suffix -dî is found only with the noun yangaji `meat'. The Class II
absolutive suffixes -rra and -0 are found with nouns such as gujinganjarra `mother' and
nayida `woman', respectively. Nouns taking these absolutive suffixes take the non-absolutive
suffix -nga.
The discussion so far has concentrated on Class I and Class II gender suffixes. The Class
III gender suffixes are straightforward as they are consistent on all members of the class, but
there is some variation in the gender suffixes for Class IV. For the large part, Class IV
nominals are not overtly marked in either the absolutive or the non-absolutive:
Absolutive form Non-absolutive form Gloss
darranggu-O darranggu-0- tree
lagija-O lagija-0- coolaman
gujarra-O gujarra-0- two
-baja-0 -baja-0 PRIV
There are a small number of Class ry nominals, however, which appear to have an overt
gender suffix -a, as shown by the fact that it is replaced in the non-absolutive form with the
suffix -i:
Absolutive form Non-absolutive form Gloss
mag-a mag-i- camp
iligirr-a iligirr-i- river
However, there is no synchronic evidence for the existence of mag- or iligirr- as a root.
For example, the dual suffix attaches to the absolutive form of the noun:
maga-wulu camp-DU
iligirra-wulu ri ver-DU
The absolutive suffix -a is also present in the Class N noun burnariga `wild orange tree',
as shown by comparison with the Class in counterpart burnaringma `wild orange (fruit)', and
it is the Class N suffix used with /i/-final modifiers/suffixes:
Root Class ry form Gloss
-barb- -barl-a AGNT
gayinî gayin-a who/what
gurijbi- gurzjb-a good
The other Class N absolutive gender suffixes: -ga, -ja and -wa, are found only on
modifiers and nominal suffixes. The palatal-initial allomorph -ja occurs with palatal-final
roots and the velar-initial allomorph -ga appears with roots ending with any other consonant:
-guny- PL -ganja PL.IV.ABS
garnguj- many . garngc ja many.N.ABS
70 Chapter 4

murrgun- three murrgunka three.IV.ABs

bagig- bad bagiga bad.IV.ABS
In the non-absolutive case these suffixes become ji- and -gi- respectively.
The Class Iv absolutive suffix -wa is found with only two adjectives: garnaxa 15
long.IV.ABS' and buguwa `big.IV.ABS'. These two adjectives are unusual in many respects:
they both take an irregular Class I absolutive suffix -yi (discussed above), the Class II form of
each of them is formed by adding the Class II suffix to the Class I form rather than to the root,
and the Class III form of each of them is formed by adding the Class III suffix to the Class IV
form, rather than to the root.
Root Gloss Class I Class H Class III Class IV
garna- long garnayî garnayirna garnawama garna(w)a
buga-16 big bugayî bugayirna buguwama buguwa
For the purposes of clarity and simplicity, I will not segment the roots and gender suffi xes
in the examples in this description. Furthermore, I will not include the glosses `ABS' and
`NABS', since this information is clear from the form of the case marking (i.e. the non-
absolutive gender suffix appears only before a non-zero case suffix). Thus, the nominative
and ergative/locative forms of the noun bungmajî will be glossed as follows:
bungmaji old.man.I(NOM)
bungmanyî-ni old.man.I-LOC

4.2.3 ODD AGREEMENT

The usual case is for a Class I noun to require Class I agreement on a modifier, a Class II
noun to require Class II agreement, and so on. However, there are times when the gender of a
modifier does not agree with the gender of the noun that it modifies. Examples of this `odd
agreement' can be classified into two different types: `natural semantic agreement' and
`unmarked gender agreement'.
(i) Natural semantic agreement
This is the less common of the two types of odd agreement. As the name implies, in this
type of agreement the gender of the modifier agrees with the natural semantic `gender' of the
noun (Class Iv), rather than the grammatical gender to which the noun belongs (Class I or
Class II). This agreement, although often found in people's casual speech, is rejected by
speakers as ungrammatical when repeated back to them.
Two examples of this type of agreement involve the nouns wawunji `honey, sugarbag' (I)
and bayigina `bag' (II). These are inanimate nouns which belong to animate noun classes. In
the following examples a Class iv modifier occurs with these nouns, thus agreeing with the
inanimate semantics of the noun, rather than the animate grammatical gender.
(4-9) Aliyulu ng-a bulyungu wawunji.
find 1SG.A-PST little.IV(ACC) sugarbag.I(ACC)
I found a little sugarbag.

15 In Wambaya this form is actually garnaa, although it is garnawa in Gudanji. The elision of a semivowel
between two identical vowels is common in Wambaya (see §2.3.2) and there are many examples in
which a word containing a long vowel in Wambaya has a medial semivowel in Gudanji (see §2.1.4).
16 Note that the final vowel of this root becomes backed before the /w/ in the Class Hi and Class iv forms.
 Nominats 71

(4-10) Yany-ba yaniyaga bayigina guguga-nka!

get-FUT thativ.SGACC bag.II(ACC) MM.II DAT
Get that bag for granny!
When repeated, both of these examples were given with modifiers that agree with the
grammatical gender of the noun:
(4-11) Aliyulu ng-a bulyingi wawunji.
fmd 1SGA-PST little.I(ACC) sugarbag.I(ACC)
I found a little sugarbag.
(4-12) Yany-ba naniyaga bayigina guguga-nka!
get-FUT that.II.SG.ACC bag.II(ACC) MM.II-DAT
Get that bag for granny!
ii) Unmarked Gender Agreement
It appears that Class Iv is the unmarked inanimate gender and that Class I is the unmarked
animate gender. The evidence for this is that Class III nouns often occur with Class IV
modifiers, and that Class. I is always used to refer to mixed animate groups, or in situations
where the sex of the referent is unknown. Thus, these two genders appear to be considered
more `unmarked' or `basic' than the others and therefore have a wider distribution of
concord. Unlike the natural semantic agreement discussed above, these examples are
grammatically acceptable (i.e. speakers will accept them when they are repeated back to
them). In fact, in the case of the animate classes, the use of Class I agreement in mixed or
unknown situations is obligatory. In the case of the inanimate classes, either Class III or Class
IV agreement can occur inga given example, although Class m agreement is often said to be
more correct.17
Class IV modifiers can be used to modify both Class III and Class IV nouns. Some
examples are:
(4-13) Jîva j-ba yana manganyma naniyaga.
give-TH-FUT this.IV.SG.ACC tucker.m(ACC) that.II.SG.ACC
Give this tucker to that woman.
(4-14) Yanivaga burnaringma ng-a nawu.
that.iv.SG.ACC wild.orange.III(ACC) I SG.A-PST step.on
I stood on that (wild) orange.
It is even possible for one modifier to have Class III agreement and another Class IV:
(4-15) Ngarrga manganyma mamiyaga.
1SG.POSS.IV(NOM) tucke1.M(NOM) that.III.SG.NOM
That's my tucker.
These Class III nouns however, can also be modified completely by Class III modifiers:
(4-16) Ngarrima manganyma mamiyaga.
I SG.POSS.III(NOM) tucker.III(NOM) that.III.SG.NOM
That's my tucker.

17 Evans (1991) discusses a similar type of agreement in Mayali. Interestingly however; in Mayali the
unmarked inanimate gender is the vegetable class (Class tit) instead of the neuter class (Class 1v) as in
Wambaya (p.110).
72 Chapter 4

(4-17) Buguwama mamiyaga burnaringma.

big.III(NOM) that.IILSG.NOM wild.orange.m(NOM)
That's a big orange.
Class I is unmarked for the animate classes and is therefore used when the NP denotes a
mixed group of males and females:
(4-18) Garnguji juwarramba nayirrundurna.
many.I(NOM) men.I(NOM) women.II(NOM)
Lots of men and women.
and when the gender of the referent is unknown:
(4-19) Gunyini-nka gi bundurrî jbi.
other.I-DAT 3SG.S(PR) full-INCH
She's pregnant with another (child).
Note, however, that despite its unmarked status, Class I agreement can never occur when
the NP refers to females only.

4.3 NUMBER
Wambaya formally distinguishes three numbers: singular, dual and plural. The singular
form also marks `general' number (Corbett 1992:7) in that it can be non-specific for number,
used to refer to both dual and plural referents. For simplicity, however, I will consistently
refer to it as the `singular' form, as it is the one that co-occurs with the numeral garndawuga-
'one' in specifically singular contexts. Examples of the use of the singular form with dual and
plural referents are given in §4.3.1 below.
The number of a nominal can be indicated either with the use of a number-marking suffix
(dual and plural only), or with a separate numeral modifier; or sometimes both. I will discuss
each number in turn, first the suffix and then the free-form numeral.

4.3.1 SINGULAR
Singular number is morphologically unmarked. A singular nominal occurs in its citation
form, with any necessary case suffixes simply added.
(4-20) Janji gama yabu!
dog.I(ACC) SG.IMP.AWY take(FUT)
Take that dog away!
As mentioned above, this singular form is used also for general number and is thus used
in contexts that are unmarked for number (examples (4-21) and (4-22)); with plural referents
(4-23); and (less frequently) with dual referents (4-24).
(4-21) Gajbi ng-a jigama.
eat I SG.A-PST yam.III(ACC)
I ate a/some bush yam(s).
(4-22) Juwa-ni gan-ala ngarabi jaburru.
man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST drink first
Men always drink first.
 Nominals 73

(4-23) Narunguji-ni irri-ng-a-n ngurra banymanymi.

car.IV-LOC 3PL.A-IO-NF-PROG 1PL.INC.ACC pass.by.RDP
Cars were passing us (all night).
(4-24) Aliyulu ng-a yagama janga ngarrga.
find ISG.A-PST that IV.SG.ACC foot.IV(ACC) ISG.POSS.IV(ACC)
I found my (two) shoes.
There are even examples in which a singular noun co-occurs with number marked
modifiers, as in the following example from Hale (1959:42):18
(4-25) Wayanî ngî-ma ninagiyawulija janyî-nka gubaji-wuli-ja.
look.for ISG.S-PST that.I.DU.DAT dog.I-DAT small-DU-DAT
I've been looking for those two small dogs.
If it is necessary to specify that a nominal is singular, the free form numeral garndawuga-
'one' can be used. The use of this numeral ensures that the general reading is not possible:
(4-26) Garndawuga ngiy-a wankurarri marrgulu.
one.IV(ACC) 3SG.NM.A-PST lay egg.IV(ACC)
She laid one egg.

4.3.2 DUAL
4.3.21 THE DUAL SUFFIX
Dual marking (either in the form of the dual suffix, or the numeral gujarra- `two') is
usually obligatory in NPs with dual referents (although in a few rare examples, it is not
present on all members of the NP; see example (4-25)). The dual suffix has two main
allomorphs: -bulu with consonant-final roots and -wulu with vowel-final roots. According to
the morphophonemic processes of elision and assimilation described in §2.3.2 and §2.3.4.1
respectively, -wulu becomes -yulu after a final /i/ and -ulu (optionally) after a final /u/. The
dual suffix usually attaches to the root of both Class I and II nouns — that is, the form
excluding the gender suffix — as in examples (4-27), (4-28), thus providing a good test for
the identification of the root of these nouns.19 However, with Class m and IV nouns, it
attaches to the citation form, following any gender suffix ((4-29), (4-30)). It attaches to the
root of nominal modifiers and suffixes. Gender is not marked with the dual suffix; this is true
for both nouns and for their modifiers. If the speaker wants to specify the gender of a dual-
inflected noun it is necessary to use modifiers which inherently express gender, such as
demonstratives (4-27). Some examples of the dual suffix are:.
(4-27) Naniyawulu bun wurlu-n yarru.
thatILDU.NOM old.person-DU(NOM) 3DU.S(NP)-PROG go
Those two old women are coming.
(4-28) Ngajbi ng-a îlarra-wulu.
see I SG.A-PST eaglehawk-DU(ACC)
I saw two eaglehawks.

18 This example. as with all of Hale's examples given in this work, has been transliterated into the
orthography used here. Note the presence of the Gudanji past tense marker -nia on the auxiliary.
19 There are a few examples in which it seems to follow the gender suffix, as in niayinanji-yulu 'goanna-
DU'.
74 Chapter 4

(4-29) Yany-ba ng-u darranggu-wulu.

get-FUT 1SG.A-FUT stick-DU(ACC)
I'll get two sticks.
(4-30) Jigama-yulu ny-a alîyulu.
yam.III-DU(ACC) 2SG.A-PST find
You found two yams.
There is one very common and irregular dual form in the corpus: alag-ulu `child-DU'.20
This form is irregular in that the dual allomorph is -ulu rather than -bulu, which would be the
expected form with a consonant-final root. The irregular use of this allomorph is probably
due to a simplification of the consonant cluster /gb/ which would be generated with the use of
the regular allomorph for consonant final stems (-bulu) (although note that this is a licit
consonant cluster in Wambaya — see §2.2.3). Chadwick (1978:175) states that the two
allomorphs -bulu and -ulu are in free variation after /g/. I have never heard alag-bulu, which
suggests that this form may have dropped out of usage since Chadwick did his fieldwork.
The only other /g/-final stem in my corpus takes the regular allomorph: mamdag-bulu `two
white people'.
The dual suffix conditions unique ergative/locative and dative case suffixes: -ji and -ja
respectively. These suffixes attach to the non-absolutive form of the suffix: -buli-/-wuli- and
so on. Two examples are:
(4-31) Jany-buli-jî wurlu-ng-a nyurrunyurru.
dog-DU-LOC 3DU.A-IO-NF chase
Two dogs chased me.
(4-32) Yanybi ng-a marnugujama bungmaj-bull ja.
get I SG.A-PST conkerberry.Ill(ACC) old.person-DU-DAT
I got all the conkerberries for the two old people.

4.3.2.2 THE NUMERAL GUJARRA-

The numeral gujarra- `two' can either be inflected for dual number (and not gender), or
inflected for gender (and not number); it can be either alone in a NP or co-occur with the noun
it refers to; and the noun that it refers to can be either inflected with the dual-number suffix or
be uninflected for number. Thus, there is a reasonable amount of flexibility as to how the
numeral gujarra- can combine with the dual suffix and with other nominals in a NP.
The use of some form of gujarra- in a dual noun phrase is fairly common. The effect of
using gujarra-, instead of simply a dual-inflected noun on its own, seems to be one of
emphasis on the duality of the NP, although the use of gujarra- in such cases is not nearly as
emphatic and marked as the use of garndawuga- `one' in singular NPs.
There are two `versions' of gujarra-: one which is inflected with the dual suffix (and is
used with nouns of all genders), and one which is inflected for gender (agreeing with the
gender of the noun it modifies) and is not inflected for dual number. The different forms of
gujarra- are given in Table 4.4. As can be seen in this table, gujarra- takes the regular dual
suffix and regular gender suffixes (see §4.2.2).

20 Interestingly, the only irregular dual in Warumungu is also of `child' (Jane Simpson, pers.comm.).
 Nontinals 75

TABLE 4.4: FORMS OF gujarra-

'dual version' `gender version'

Class I gujarrawulu gujarri
Class II . gujarrawulu gujarrama .:
Class III gujarrawulu gujarrama
Class w gujarrawulu gujarra
These two `versions' of gujarra- are in free variation to a certain extent (and are described
as such by Chadwick (1978:197)), although there is a strong tendency for the `dual version'
to be used when the noun also has dual marking, and for the `gender version' to be used
when the noun does not have dual marking. Some examples are:
(4-33) Gujarrawulu alag-ulu ngi yabu.
two(ACC) child-DU(ACC) 1SG.A(PR) have
I have two kids.
(4-34) Gujarrawulu marndag-bulu inuwulîyaga.
two(NOM) white.person-DU(NOM) that.I.DU.NOM
There are two white men.
(4-35) Gujarrarna nyilangunya ng-a yanybi.
two.II(ACC) echidna.II(ACC) 1 SG.A-PST get
I got two echidnas.
(4-36) Gujarri juguli gini-n yabu.
two.I(ACC) boomerang.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG have
He has two boomerangs.
The above four examples exemplify the two most common cases: either both the numeral
and the noun have the dual suffix (examples (4-33), (4-34)), or neither do (4-35), (4-36).
However, the other two logical possibilities are possible (although rare). Thus, the numeral
can have dual marking while the nominal does not:
(4-37) Gujarrawulu jîgama ng-a yanybi.
two(ACC) yam.III(ACC) I SG.A-PST get.
I got two yams.
Again, the nominal can have dual marking while the numeral does not (although note that this
is a slightly different construction in that the nominal has been `fronted'):
(4-38) Juguli yulu, gujarri gini-n yabu.
boomerang-DU(ACC) two.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG have
He has two boomerangs. (or maybe: `Boomerangs, he has two (of them)').
The numeral can also occur alone in the NP, without the noun that it refers to. Either of the
versions can be used in this type of construction:
(4-39) Gujarrawulu ng-a yabu.
two(ACC) tSG,A-PST have
I had two (sticks).
(4-40) Gujarra ng-a aliyulu.
two.IV(ACC) I SG.A-PST find
I found two (eggs).
76 Chapter 4

4.3.2.3 THE USE OF SINGULAR FOR DUAL

Example (4-24) above shows the use of singular nominals in dual NPs. There are another
two similar examples in the corpus in which a dual noun phrase is treated formally as if it
were singular. In both of these examples the dual number of the referent of the NP is quite
clear from the semantics of the whole phrase. These noun phrases are probably best
translated as `pair of X':
(4-41) Dîrdibila înîyaga jugulî!
clap.FUT that.I.SG.ACC boomerang.I(ACC)
Clap the (pair of) boomerangs!
(4-42) Dirdîbila yanîyaga danmuga!
clap.FUT that.IV.SG.ACC clapping.stick.IV(ACC)
Clap the (pair of) clapping sticks!
Thus, it would seem that the singular form can be used in dual NPs when the referents of the
NP form a natural pair as do shoes (example (4-24)), clapping sticks and boomerangs (in the
context of clapping them together).

4.3.3 PLURAL
The marking of plural number is not obligatory; if the plurality of the nominal is not
considered important, the nominal can be left unmarked (i.e. left in the singular/general
form). Example (4-21), repeated from above, provides an example:
Gajbi ng-a jîgama.
eat 1 SG.A-PST yam.III(ACC)
I ate a/some bush yam(s).
However, there are often situations where the speaker does wish to explicitly mark the NP
as having plural number, and in Wambaya this can be done either with the use of a plural
suffix, or with the use of a free-form numeral. I will begin with a discussion of the plural
suffixes, and will then discuss the use of numerals.

4.3.3.1 THE PLURAL SUFFIXES

There are two plural suffixes that are used with nouns, adjectives and suffixes in the
corpus.21 The two forms are completely different and appear to be in complementary
distribution: in my corpus, -marnda- occurs with vowel-final roots and -bala- with
consonant-final roots, although there is no obvious phonological reason why this should be
the case. The forms of the two suffixes are given in Table 4.5, and their distribution in the
present corpus is given in Table 4.6. Note that, unlike the dual suffix, these plural suffixes
indicate gender, using regular gender suffixes (-i Class I, -rna Class H and -0 Class Iv).
However, there appears to be a gap for Class III: there are no Class III forms in my corpus,
nor do Chadwick (1978) or Hale (1959) provide any.22

21 There is also another plural suffix -guny- which is used with demonstratives and indefinite/interrogatives
and is discussed in §4.6.
22 The few Class In plural NPS that Hale (1959) gives contain the `GROUP' suffix -rdarra rather than either of
the plural suffi xes discussed here — see §4.3.3.4.
 Nominais 77

TABLE 4.5: PLURAL SUFFIXES

baia- -marnda-
Class I -bali -marndî
Class II -balama -marndarna
Class i _
Class pi bala -mamda
The non-absolutive forms of these suffixes are formed regularly (see §4.2.2), being -ball-
nî- and marndi-ni- (Class I), -bala-nga- and -marnda-nga- (Class II), and -bala- and
-marnda- (Class Iv).
Some examples of the use of these suffixes are:
(4-43) gagulu-marndi
y.brother-PL.I(NOM)
the brothers
(4-44) Ngaj-barlî-marndarna nanagunya.
see-AGNT-PL.II(NOM) this.II.PL.NOM
Those women are staring (at me).
(4-45) jany-ball
doh PL.I(NOM)
the (male) dogs
(4-46) Murrgun-balarna irri-n mirra ngarli-ni.
three-PLII(NOM) 3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit talk-LOC
The three women are sitting talking.
Table 4.6 shows the distribution of the plural suffixes in my corpus. As the use of these
plural suffixes is relatively uncommon (it is more common to indicate plurality with the use of
the free-form numeral garnguj- `many', with which the noun can occur just in its unmarked
form (see §4.3.3.3)), the list is not extensive. As mentioned above, -marnda- occurs after
vowels and -bala- after consonants.
TABLE 4.6: DISTRIBUTION OF PLURAL SUFFIXES

-marnda- -bala-
gagulu y.brother garnguj- many
marunkî countryman jany- dog
iryiliji father marndag- white person
ilijbî alone gujiny- mother
ngarri- my ngayang- her
-baja- PRIV -nguj- PROP
gurijbî- good murrgun- three
gunya- other bagig- bad*
-barli- AGNT girriyin- woman*
marliyi- big*
gubaji- small*
garnayi- Long*
*From Hale (1959: pp.38, 40, 44)
78 Chapter 4

Irregular plural forms

There are a few irregular plural forms in the corpus:
Gloss Singular Plural
boy alaji alangmiminji
girl alanga alangmîminya
man juwa juwarramba 23
woman nayida nayirrurndurna

4.3.3.2 THE NUMERAL MURRGUN-

Like gujarra- `two', the numeral murrgun- `three' has two `versions': one which is
marked with the plural suffix, and one which is not. The version which is not marked with
the plural suffix has gender marking. Murrgun- takes the -bala- plural suffix and regular
gender suffixes (see §4.2.2), as shown in Table 4.7. Note the absence of a Class III form in
the `plural version' paradigm (see the discussion above).
TABLE 4.7: FORMS OF MURRGUN-

`plural version' `gender version'

Class I murrgunbali murrgunji
Class H murrgunbalarna murrgurka
Class III _ murrgunma
Class IV murrgunbala murrgunka
This numeral is not as common as gujarra- `two', so there are no generalisations that can
be made about the distribution of the two versions, due to the limited size of the corpus.
Examples of its use are:
(4-47) Yabu ngi murrgunji alaji.
have I SG.A(PR) three.I(ACC) boy.I(ACC)
I have three boys.
(4-48) Murrgun-balarna irri-n mina ngarli-nî.
three-PL.II(NOM) 3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit talk-LOC
The three women are sitting talking.

4.3.3.3 THE NUMERAL GARNGUJ-

As mentioned above, the most common way to indicate the plurality of a nominal is to use
the numeral garnguj- `many'. Like gujarra- `two' and murrgun- `three', garnguj- has two
different versions: one which includes a form of the plural suffix -bala-, and one which has
just gender marking (using regular gender suffixes, see §4.2.2). These forms are given in the
following table. Once again, there is no Class III `plural version' form.

23 Given as juwarda in Hale (1959).

 Nominals 79

TABLE 4.8: FORMS OF GARNGUJ-

'plural version' `gender version'

Class I gamgujbali garnguji
Class II gamgujbalarna garngunya
Class III _ gamgunyma
Class N garngujbala gamguja
The most usual case is for the `plural version' to occur with nouns inflected for plural
number, and for the 'gender version' to occur with nouns uninflected for number.
(4-49) Marndag-ball îrr-a yarru garngujbali.
white.person-PL.I(NOM) 3PL.S-PST go many.I(NOM)
A lot of white men went.
(4-50) Garnguji nyi-n yabu alaji.
many.I(ACC) 2SG.A(PR)-PROG have boy.I(ACC)
You have a lot of kids.
(4-51) Aliyulu ng-a garnguja darranggu.
find 1SG.A-PST many.IV(ACC) stick.IV(ACC)
I found a lot of sticks.
However, there are also examples in which a `gender version' form occurs with a noun
that is inflected for plural number.
(4-52) Garngunya nayirrurndurna irr-a yarru.
many.II(NOM) women.II(NOM) 3PL.S-PST go
Many women went.
I do not have any examples in which a noun uninflected for number is found with garnguj-
in a plural marked form
If garnguj- does not co-occur with a noun it often conditions singular, rather than plural,
agreement in the auxiliary and with any modifiers:
(4-53) Garnguji g-a ginganbi.
many.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST drown
Many drowned.
(4-54) Garnguji mi gi-n yarru.
many.I(NOM) this.LSG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG go
Many (of them) are going.

4.3.3.4 -RDARRA `GROUP'

As well as marking plural number, -rdarra expresses a notion of collectiveness and is
usually best translated into English with the phrases `all of' or `a/the group of'. This suffix
has just one allomorph which occurs with nominals of all genders. It is found only with
nouns and adjectives, and is suffixed to the full citation form of the nominal, following the
absolutive gender suffix. Unfortunately, all of the examples that I have of this suffix are in
either the nominative or the accusative case so it is not possible to tell whether case marking
follows or precedes -rdarra. For the purposes of this work I will assume that case marking
follows -rdarra, as it does with all other number suffixes.
80 Chapter 4

(4-55) Gannga ngirr-iba banjani Wambaya-rdarra.

return(FUT) IPL.EXC.S-NP.AWY back wambaya-GROUP(NOM)
All of us Wambaya people are going to go back (home).
(4-56) Yarru îrr-aji alaji-rdarra.
go 3PL.S-HAB.PST boy.I-GROUP(NOM)
All the boys used to go.
Hale's (1959) corpus contains examples in which a modifier is also inflected with -rdarra
in agreement with the noun in modifies (for example, p.39):24

(4-57) Yanagunja darranggu-rdarra maliwa-rdarra.

this.IV.PL.NOM tree.IV-GROUP(NOM) big.IV-GROUP(NOM)
These trees are big.
Alternatively, an agreeing modifier can be inflected with a standard plural suffix (example
(4-58)) or appear in the unmarked number (4-59).
(4-58) Iniyagunjî yangaji-rdarra maliyî-marndî.
that.I.PL.NOM meat.I-GROUP(NOM) big-PL.I(NOM)
Those kangaroos are big ones. (Hale 1959:48)
(4-59) Gurijbîma mamagunyma jîgama-rdarra.
good.III(NOM) this.III.PL.NOM yam.Ill-GROUP(NOM)
These yams are good. (Hale 1959:51)
This suffix can also be used with garnguj- to emphasise the fact that it is a big group:
(4-60) Garnguji-rdarra îrri-n mîrra narunguji-nka.
many.I-GROUP(NOM) 3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit car.IV-DAT
A big group of people are sitting (waiting) for the bus.
(4-61) Yarru îrr-ajî garngunya-rdarra.
go 3PL.S-HAB.PST many.II-GROUP(NOM)
A big group (of women) used to go.
In Jingili rdarra is a free form that can be placed after a noun to mark plurality (Chadwick
1975:16). The fact that it is a free form in Jingili may explain why it follows gender marking
in Wambaya, rather than inflecting for gender itself (as number suffixes usually do).

4.4 NOMINAL CASE MORPHOLOGY

The forms of the Wambaya case suffixes are given in Table 4.9. These suffixes occur with
all types of nominals except for singular demonstratives and free pronouns; these nominal
subtypes inflect slightly differently for case and are discussed in §4.6 and §4.8 respectively.
A detailed discussion of the functions of each case and any allomorphic variation follows the
table.
Wambaya is a 'split-ergative' language: free pronouns have a nominative/accusative
system of case marking and all other nominals have an ergative/absolutive case-marking
system. Although there is no nominal which makes a three-way case-marking distinction,

24 It is worth noting, however, that all these examples are of verbless sentences in which the noun and the
adjective belong to different NPs.
 Nominals 81

following Goddard (1982) the system as a whole can be seen to be tripartite on the basis of
the interaction between the two case-marking systems. Thus, there are three core cases: (i)
that for which the citation form of either a pronoun or an `other' nominal can be substituted
(S), (ii) that for which either the citation form of a pronoun or a marked `other' nominal can
be substituted (A) and (iii) that for which either a marked pronoun or the citation form of an
`other' nominal can be substituted (0). Following Goddard (1982) these cases will be referred
to as nominative, ergative and accusative respectively. As can be seen in the following table,
the ergative case marker in Wambaya also marks instrumental and locative case.
TABLE 4.9: WAMBAYA CASE SUFFIXES

Case (Gloss) Forms Distribution of allomorphs

NOMinative -b All environments
ACCusative -0 All environments
ERGative/LOCative -yi Some kinship nouns
ji The dual number suffix
-ni All other environments
-nu Optional after u-final stems (in free variation with -ni)
DATive -ja — -janka The dual number suffix (in free variation)
-nka — -ngga All other environments (in free variation)
ALLative -nmanji All environments
ABLative -nganî Directional/locational nominals
-nnga All other environments
COMIITative -yili Free pronouns (see §4.8)
-mbili All other environments
PERLative -nkanyi All environments
CAUSAL nmarndi All environments
GENitive* -nigan After i-final stems
-nugan- After u-final stems
-nagan- After a-final stems
PROPrietive* -uj- After g-final stems
-nguj- All other environments
PRIVative* -aja- After a-final stems (in free variation with -waja-)
-yaja- After i-final stems
-waja- After other vowel-final stems
-baja- After consonant-final stems
ORIGin* -inv All environments
*These suffixes inflect for gender. Only the uninflected root is shown here.

4.4.1 NOMINATIVE CASE

The nominative case is always marked with a zero suffix and primarily functions to mark
intransitive subject_ Some examples are:
(4-62) Alaji-© gi-n yugu.
boy.I-NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG cry
The little boy is crying.
82 Chapter 4

(4-63) Bungmanya-0 g-a yandu nganga.

old.woman.II-NOM 3SG.S-PST wait 2SG.OBL
The old woman waited for you.
The nominative case is also used in vocative function:
(4-64) Junmi-j-ba nyu-ng-u, baba-0!
cut-TH-FUT 2SG.A-I0-FUT brother.I-NOM
Cut my (hair), brother!
As with all zero suffixes, the nominative zero case suffix is usually not included in the
example sentences in this work. Its presence, however, is signalled by its interlinear gloss
given in parentheses. Thus, baba `brother.I(NOM)' represents baba-0 `brother.I-NOM'.

4.4.2 ACCUSATIVE CASE

The accusative case marks transitive object. It is always marked with a zero suffix. Some
examples are:
(4-65) Ngajbî ng-a lunggaji-0 gulug-barda.
see 1SG.A-PST policeman.I-ACC sleep-INF
I saw the policeman sleeping.
(4-66) Waliyulu î rr-a marrgulu-0.
find 3PL.A-PST egg.IV-ACC
They found (some) eggs.
As with the nominative case suffix, the accusative case suffix is not usually included in the
example sentences in this work, but is represented in the interlinear glosses in parentheses.
Thus, marrgulu `egg.IV(ACC)' represents marrgulu-0 `egg.IV-ACC'.

4.4.3 ERGATIVE/LOCATIVE/INSTRUMENTAL CASE

There is one case that covers all of the ergative, locative an d instrumental functions. This
case suffix is consistently glossed `LOC' and is referred to in discussion as the `ergative/
locative' case. `LOC' has been chosen to gloss this case suffix as the locative function seems
more semantically basic: extensions of locative to instrumental (e.g. in Pitjantjatjara (Blake
1977:44)) and of instrumental to ergative (e.g. in Kune (Nick Evans, pers. comm.)) are
widely attested, but it seems more unlikely that an ergative suffix would have been extended
to cover locative functions 25 Although there is formally just one case, the ergative, locative
and instrumental functions can be distinguished from each other on functional and syntactic
grounds. This is discussed in more detail below.26

25 Note, however, that this is purely speculative. Further investigation is required in order to substantiate
this claim for Wambaya.
26 The Jaminjungan languages also have one case morpheme which covers all three of ergative, locative and
instrumental functions (Hoddinott and Kofod 1976:397). In Ngaliwuru and Jaminjung the basic form is
the same as in Wambaya: -ni. In Nungali, in which the situation is a little more complicated, the most
common ergative/locative case markers are either the prefix nyi- or the suffix -ni (Hoddinott and Kofod
1976:397).
Wagaya, a language spoken immediately to the south-east of Wambaya, also has one form which is used
for ergative, instrumental and locative cases (Breen 1976:340), although this suffix (-1. -g or -dy) is very
 Nominais 83

The following examples demonstrate the use of the one ergative/locative case marker in all
three case functions:
(4-67) Janmajardi wurlu-ng-a darranggu-wuli-ji.
trip.up 3DU.A-10-NF stick-DU-LÓC
The two sticks tripped me up.
(4-68) Daguma ng-a wurla darranggu-wuli-ji.
hit 1SG:A-PST 3DU.ACC stick-DU-LOC
I hit them with two sticks.
(4-69) Mîrra ngi gayangga-nî darranggu-wuli-ji.
sit ISG.S(PR) top-LOC stick-DU-LOC
I'm sitting on top of two sticks.
a) Form
The ergative/locative suffix has 4 allomorphs with -ni being the basic, general form. Of the
other three allomorphs one is phonologically conditioned (-nu) and two are morphologically
conditioned, occurring in very restricted environments.
The allomorph -nu follows u-final stems. Its occurrence is optional in this environment; it
is equally as acceptable to use the regular form -ni:
(4-70) Ngabulu-nu ngiyi-ng-agba dawu murlu.
milk ry-LOC 3SG.NM.A-IO-HYP bite eye.IV(ACC)
The sap might sting my eyes.
(4-71) Darranggu-ni ngiyi-ng-a îmjabi.
stick.ry-LOC 3SG.NM.A- I O-NF scratch
The stick scratched me.
The ergative/locative suffix -ji is found only after the dual suffix. There does not seem to
be any phonological motivation for the irregular form of this suffix. Examples include (4-67)
to (4-69) above, and the following:
(4-72) Bungmaj-bull jî wurl-aji daguma juwarramba.
old.person-DU-LOC 3DU.A-HAB.PST hit men.I(ACC)
The old women had been killing all the men.
(4-73) Barraala dunkala wurlu-n baba-wuli-ji.
white.cockatoo.11(ACC) chase.away 3DU.A(NP)-PROD sibling-Du-LOC
The two brothers are disturbing the white cockatoos.

different in form from the Wambaya suffix. And in Warumungu (spoken immediately to the south of
Wambaya) the ergative case marks instrumental and locative functions (Heath and Simpson 1982:20).
However, as Jane Simpson points out (pers.comm.), the coalescence in these languages is probably due
to a collapse of forms rather than the development of one case marker out of another: in Warumungu,
complete vowel assimilation causes the collapse of ngka 'LOC' and -ngki, -ngku 'ERG'; and in Wakaya,
the neutralisation of the case distinction was brought about by final vowel loss.
Chadwick (1976:393) suggests that in an earlier stage of the West Barkly languages, nouns may not have
been marked for ergative function and that the modern ergative (/locative) case suffixes may have
developed from a gender marker of a third person element in the noun phrase. The fact that -ni is also a
common Class I non-absolutive gender suffix in Wambaya may lend some support to this theory, as
does the fact that both Jingili (Chadwick 1975:16-17) and Nungali (Bolt, Hoddinott and Kofod 197I b:68-
69) have portmanteau forms that mark both gender and case. While Wamhaya makes a distinction in the
gender suffixes between absolutive case and non-absolutive case, in Wambaya, unlike in Jingili and
Nungali, it is necessary also to affix a separate case suffix to these gender suffixes.
84 Chapter 4

Two non-absolutive gender suffixes found only with certain kinship nouns condition an
irregular ergative/locative allomorph -yi. These are the Class I non-absolutive suffix -na and
the Class II non-absolutive suffix -ga.27 Some examples are:28
(4-74) Guguga-yi ngîy-a wugbardî ngarra.
MM.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST cook ISG.OBL
Grandmother cooked (dinner) for me.
(4-75) Juguna-yi gîn-amany yabu.
MB.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST.TWD bring
Uncle brought him.
In all other environments -nî is the only ergative/locative allomorph that occurs.
b) Function
The ergative/locative case covers a large range of functions: from marking the subject of a
transitive clause to marking the location of an event. The distinction between ergative,
locative and instrumental functions can be made on functional and syntactic grounds. The
ergative function always marks the subject of a transitive or ditransitive verb; the instrumental
function marks an instrument; and the locative function marks the location or position of an
entity or event. Syntactically, a NP in the ergative function is always represented in the
auxiliary with a bound pronoun, while a NP in either the locative or instrumental functions is
never represented in the auxiliary. The locative function can be distinguished from the
instrumental function on the basis of co-occurrence restrictions: a NP in the locative function
can include locational nominals such as jangi `down' (example (4-85)) and can be replaced
with locative demonstratives such as gîliyaga `there', while a NP in the instrumental function
can not.
The ergative function marks the subject of transitive and ditransitive verbs. An example of
each is given below.
(4-76) Gujîga-yi gurlaganga-ni ngiyi-ny-a gurla yagu.
mother.II-LOC 2DU.POSS.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-20-NF 2DU.ACC leave
Your mother has left you two.
(4-77) Bungmanyi-ni gîni-ng-a jiyawu.
old.man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-IO-NF give
The old man gave it to me.
The following examples demonstrate the use of the ergative/locative to mark instrument:
(4-78) Gujarra-ni labîrri-nî nyi jiyawu.
two.IV-LOC hand.IV-LOC 2SG.A(PR) give
You give it with two hands.
(4-79) Dudiyarrî-j-ba ngu-ny-u balamurru-nu.
spear-TH-FUT 1SG.A-20-FUT spear.IV-LOC
I'm going to spear you with a spear.

27 See §4.2.2 for a discussion of non-absolutive gender suffixes and a list of kinship nouns taking irregular
forms.
28 It is common for the sequence -ga-yi `II.NABS-LOC to be reduced to -gi in fast speech.
 Nominals 85

(4-80) Daguma ng-a wurla darranggu-wuli-ji.

hit ISG.A-PST 3DUACC stick-DU-LOC
I hit them (two) with two sticks.
(4-81) Wunjugu ny-u nijbi Wambaya-ni?
how 2SG.A-FUT sing wambaya-LOC
How do you say it in Wambaya? (lit. How do you sing (it) with Wambaya?)
The ergative/locative case suffix is used with a range of locative functions. The main
locative function is to indicate the place or location of an entity or an event. Thus, it expresses
a meaning usually expressed in English with the use of one of the prepositions such as `in',
`at' or `on'. If further specification is needed as to orientation (e.g. `under', `above') a
locational nominal such as jangi `down, below' or gayangga `high, up, above' can be
included (example (4-85)), although this is not obligatory (4-86). Some examples of the
ergative/locative case in this function follow. Note that in this function, the ergative/locative
suffix can be used in both transitive (4-82) and intransitive (4-83) sentences.
(4-82) Gumayangu-ni wurl-aji andajarrî galaa.
cave.IV-LOC 3DU.A-HAB.PST hide bone.IV(ACC)
They'd been hiding (all) the bones in a cave.
(4-83) Gulugbi g-a magi-ni.
sleep 3SG.S-PST camp.IV-LOC
He slept at camp.
(4-84) Mirrang-ba jamba-ni!
sit-FUT ground.IV-LOC
Sit on the ground!
(4-85) Ngajbi ng-a jangi galyurringini-ni.
see 1 SG.A-PST down water.I-LOC
I saw (it) under the water.
(4-86) Mirra ng-uba gili darranggu-nu manjungu-nu.
sit 1SG.S-NP.AWY here tree.IV-LOC shade.IV-LOC
I'll sit under that tree in the shade.
The ergative/locative case is also used with time nominals:
(4-87) Ngurraramba-ni ng-u gulug-ba.
night-LOC ISG.S-FUT sleep-FUT
I will sleep in/during the night.
(4-88) Gannga ng-ulama garnumba-yarra-ni.
return 1SG.S-NP.TWD wet.season-NEXT-LOC
I will come back next wet season.
In the following example the use of the ergative/locative case expresses the duration of
time:
(4-89) Gujarra-ni ngi-n yandu nanga marndanyî-nka.
two.IV-LOC ISG.S(PR)-PROD wait 3SG.M.OBL white.man.l-DAT
I've been waiting for the white man for two (days).
86 Chapter 4

The ergative/locative case can also be used to express a comitative meaning. Note that this
is possible despite the existence of a separate comitative case suffix (see §4.4.8). At this stage
of the investigation, it is not known what the difference in meaning is between the two
constructions.
(4-90) Mirra ng-u ngankagunya-ni.
sit 1SG.S-FUT this.II.PL-LOC
I'll sit with these women.
(4-91) Mirra ny-uba jajîlîga yi nganginga-ni.
sit 2SG.S-NP.AWY D.II-LOC 2SG.POSS.II-LOC
You'll go and sit with your daughter.
In one example, the ergative/locative is used to indicate a locative source:
(4-92) Damangga-ni gin-a yidanyi namirra.
head.IV-LOC 3SG.M-PST get stone.IV(ACC)
He took a stone out of (my) head.
Like the dative and ablative suffixes (see §4.4.4 and §4.4.6 respectively), the ergative/
locative suffix can be used with verbs in non-finite subordinate clauses. This use of the suffix
indicates that the action/state described by the subordinate clause occurs simultaneously with
that referred to by the main clause, and that the subjects of the two clauses are co-referential.
One example is given below; for a more detailed discussion see §6.1.5 and §8.1.
(4-93) Mirra ngirrî-n ngarli-ni.
sit 1PL.EXC.S(NP)-PROG talk-LOC
We're sitting talking.
If a transitive subject NP is fronted it does not have ergative/locative case marking, but
appears in the nominative case. That the NP has been fronted in the following examples is
shown not only by the absence of case marking, but also by the position of the auxiliary,
which is in third, rather than second position in the clause (see §5.4 for a discussion of the
position of the auxiliary in the clause). Unfortunately, due to an absence of relevant
examples, it is not known whether other case-marked NPs also lose their case marking when
fronted, or whether this is simply a property of the ergative/locative case. Further
investigation is required.
(4-94) Inja darranggu wurarrgbi ngiyi-ny-a?
which.1V(NOM) stick.IV(NOM) scrape 3SG.NM.A-20-NF
Which stick scraped you? (lit. Which stick, it scraped you?)
(4-95) Gagulinya ngarrîma murrgunjî ngiyî-n yabu.
sister.II(NOM) ISG.POSS.II(NOM) three.I(ACC) 3SG.NM.A(PR)-PROG have
My younger sister has three (kids). (lit. My younger sister, she has three (kids).)

4.4.4 DATIVE CASE

The dative case is used in a large variety of functions. It marks the indirect object of
intransitive, semitransitive and some ditransitive verbs; the object of derived nominal
predicates; purpose; beneficiary; and oblique NPs marked in English with prepositions such
as `about' and `until' (as in `they're fighting', `I'll leave it until tomorrow'). The dative
suffix can also be used to mark possession, although there is also a separate genitive suffix
 Nominals 87

(see §4.4.10). A derive NP is never represented in the auxiliary. Thus, indirect objects of
semitransitive verbs are not represented:
(4-96) Yandu ngi ngarringa-nka gujiga-nka.
wait ISG.S(PR) ISG.POSS.II-DAT mother.II-DAT
I'm waiting for my mother.
(4-97) Ayanî g-a nganga.
look.for 3SG.S-PST 2SG.OBL
He looked for you.
a) Form
The major allomorph of the dative suffix is -nka. This can also be pronounced [raga], with
the initial nasal having assimilated to the place of articulation of the following velar stop.29
For the use of -nka see examples (4-96) and (4-97) above and (4-102) and following below.
The other two dative allomorphs are found only after the dual number suffix. Of these,
-ja is the most common and is clearly related to the irregular ergative/locative allomorph ji
that is also conditioned by the dual suffix: both of these irregular suffixes replace the initial
nasal or nasal + stop of the regular suffix with the palatal stop /j/. The other allomorph that
occurs with the dual suffix, -janka, appears to be a combination of -ja and the regular dative
allomorph -nka. Both -ja and -janka occur in free variation. Some examples of each
allomorph follow.
(4-98) Yanybi ng-a marnugujama bungmaj-bull ja.
get ISG.A-PST conkerberry.III(ACC) old.person-DU-DAT
I got conkerberries for the two old people.
(4-99) Gulug-ba gurl baba-wuli-ja ngarrinybi-yulu.
sleep-FUT DU.IMP sibling-DU-DAT mate-DU(NOM)
You two sleep along with (your) brothers (lit. sleep (as) mates with).
(4-100) Angbard-a gurl baba-wuli-janka ngaba wurlu gulug-ba.
build-FUT DU.IMP sibling-DU-DAT THEN 3DU.S(NP) sleep-FUT
Make (a windbreak) for (your) brothers so that they can sleep.
(4-101) Gajbî wurlu ganjimi alag-uli-janka.
eat 3DU.A(NP) finish child-DU-DAT
They eat all (the food) for the two children.
b) Function
i) Indirect Object
The dative case is used to mark the indirect object of semitransitive verbs (example (4-
102)); the indirect object that occurs optionally with some intransitive verbs (4-103); the
indirect object of some ditransitive verbs (4-104) (other ditransitive verbs have two absolutive
objects — see §7.2.6); and the optional indirect object of some transitive verbs (4-1051. For a
detailed discussion of the argument structures of Wambaya verbs and a list of verbs
belonging to each type, see §7.2.

29 Hale (1959:i) gives -nka as the Wambaya dative suffix, and -ngga as the Gudanji version. In my corpus
the two appear as variants of each other, without any obvious dialectal difference.
88 Chapter 4

(4-102) Juwa-nka gi-n ayani babanya.

man.I-DAT 3SG.S(PR)-PROG look.for sister.Il(NOM)
(My) sister's looking for a man.
(4-103) Durra ngî-n (janyi-nka).
be.frightened ISG.S(PR)-PROG (dog.I-DAT)
I'm frightened (of the dog).
(4-104) Janganja gînî-ng-a ngurra yangadi-nka wagalamarrini-ni.
ask 3SG.M.A-10-NF 1PL.INC.ACC meat.I-DAT crow.I-LOC
The crow's asking us for meat.
(4-105) Andajarri irr-a (alangi-nka).
hide 3PL.A-PST (boy.I-DAT)
They hid (it) (from the boy).
ii) Object argument of derived nominal predicates
The dative suffix is used to mark the object argument(s) of nominal predicates derived
from verbs with suffixes such as the agentive (4-106) and the proprietive (4-107).
(4-106) Nanîyaga jîya-j-barlirna danya-nka (ngurla).
that.II.SG.NOM give-TI-AGNT.II(NOM) clothes.IV-DAT (1DU.EXC.OBL)
She always gives (us) clothes.
(4-107) Bungmanya g-a mina barla-ngunya ngarra.
old.woman.II(NOM) 3SG.S-PST sit fight-PROP.II(NOM) 1SG.OBL
(That) old woman was cross with me.
iii) Purpose
(4-108) Yarru g-any ngangaba-nka.
go 3SG.S-PST.AWY wood.IV-DAT
He's gone for firewood.
(4-109) Gannga ny-ulama gijilulu-nka.
return(FUT) 2SG.S-NP.TWD money.IV-DAT
You'll come back for money.
The dative suffix can also be used with verbs to indicate purpose or intended action (see
§6.1.4 and §8.1 for a more detailed discussion of the use of the dative suffix with verbs).
(4-110) Ngankagunyani îrri-ng-a nyurrunyurru daguma-ji-nka.
this.II.PL.LOC 3PL.A-10-NF chase hit-TH-DAT
The women chased me to fight (me).
iv) Beneficiary
(4-111) Wugbardi-j-ba ng-u manganyma gujîga-nka.
cook-TH-FUT ISG.A-FUT tucker.III(ACC) mother.II-DAT
I will cook some dinner for (my) mother.
(4-112) Yanybî ng-a marnugujama alag-uli-ja.
get 1SG.A-PST conkerberry.III(ACC) child-DU-DAT
I got the conkerberries for the two kids.
 Nominals 89

(4-113) Yabu ny-uba nunaga marndanyi-nka.

take(FUT) 2SG.A-NP.AWY this.I.SG.DAT white.man.I-DAT
You'll take it for the white man.
v) `about'
The dative case is used in Wambaya to express meanings that would be expressed in
English by the preposition `about'. In these examples the dative case is being used to indicate
the reason or cause for the action/event.
(4-114) Didbidbunga ngirri-ngg-a-n gijîlulu-nka bungmanya-nka.
argue.with IPL.EXC.A-RR-NF-PROG money.IV-DAT old.woman.II-DAT
We're arguing with each other about the old woman's money.
(4-115) Ngarlwi irri-n bungmanya-nka.
talk 3PLS(NP)-PROG old.woman.II-DAT
They're talking about the old woman.
(4-116) Manngurru ngi-ngg-a maliwa-nka jarrawaja-nka.
be.ashamed 1SG.A-RR-NF big.IV-DAT trousers.IV-DAT
I'm embarrassed about his big trousers.
vi) `until'
The dative case is used with some time nominals to express the meaning of `until':
(4-117) Gulug-ba gurl ngijininima-nka.
sleep-FUT DU.IMP tomorrow-DAT
Sleep (here) until tomorrow.
(4-118) Yagu ng-a marndiji-nka.
leave 1 SG.A-PST later-DAT
I left (it) until later.
vii) Possession
The dative suffix is often used to indicate possession, despite the fact that there is a
separate genitive suffix (see §4.4.10). In this function, the dative suffix is affixed to the
possessor.
(4-119) Alangi-nka yana jalyu.
boy.I-DAT this.IV.SG.NOM bed.IV(NOM)
This is the boy's bed.
(4-120) Ngarlwi ngî ngarringa-nka guguga-nka ngarlana.
talk ISG.S(PR) 1SG.POSS.II-DAT MM.II-DAT language.IV(ACC)
I speak my grandmother's language.
The case of the possessive phrase is marked only on the head noun; case suffixes do not
attach to the dative suffix. While this is also the case in examples such as (4-119) above, it is
demonstrated more clearly when the possessive phrase is in a non-zero-marked case:
(4-121) Mirra ngi gujînganjanga-mbili alangi-nka.
sit 1SG.S(PR) mother.II-COMIT boy.I-DAT
I'm sitting with the boy's mother.
90 Chapter 4

(4-122) Mirra ngi jalyu-ni bungmanyi-nka.

sit 1SG.S(PR) bed.IV-LOC old.man.I-DAT
I'm sitting on the old man's bed.
Note that the genitive suffix is also usually not followed by case suffixes (see §4.4.10).
vii) Animate location
The dative suffix can be used to mark animate location or goal (although the allative suffix
is more commonly used with this function; see §4.4.5).
(4-123) Yarru ngurlu-n ginki garngunyi-nka.
go 1DU.EXC.S(NP)-PROG there many.I-DAT
We're going to that group (of people) over there.

4.4.5 ALLATIVE CASE

The allative case indicates direction towards an object, person or destination. It has only
one allomorph: -nmanjî.30 Some examples are:
(4-124) Ngurluwanî ngurlu yarru nganggi-nmanji barrawu-nmanji.
1DU.EXC.NOM 1DU.EXC.S(NP) go 2SG.POSS.IV-ALL house.N-ALL
We two are going to your house.
(4-125) Bardgu g-a murlu-nmanjî.
fall 3SG.S-PST eye.1V-ALL
It fell into my eye.
(4-126) Yarru gama guguga-nmanji!
go(FUT) SG.IMP.AWY MM.II-ALL
Go to grandmother!
Some ditransitive verbs such as yardi `put' and bulugardî `soak' take an allative
complement:
(4-127) Gamguja ng-a yardi manganyma nganggarrgi-nmanji.
many.IV(ACC) 1SG.A-PST put tucker.III(ACC) mouth.IV-ALL
I put too much food in my mouth.
(4-128) Burlugardi ngî-n galyurringini-nmanji.
soak 1SG.A(PR)-PROG water.I-ALL
I'm soaking in it water.

4.4.6 ABLATIVE CASE

The ablative case has two allomorphs: -ngani with directional and locational nominals, and
-nnga with all other nominals. The ablative case is used to indicate direction away from a
location or object.

30 The Gudanji form of the allative suffix is -nma as in:

Yarru gi-ma magi-nma.
go 3SG.S-PST camp.IV-ALL
He went to the camp.
 Nominais 91

(4-129) Yarru g-amany gagarra-ngani.

go 3SG.S-PST.TWD east-ABL
He came from the east.
(4-130) Ilanji gin-a dulanymi jangi-ngani.
cooked.I(ACC) 3SG:M.A-PST raise down-ABL
He took out the cooked one from underneath.
(4-131) Yarru ng-amany magi-nnga.
go I SG.S-PST.TWD camp.IV-ABL
I came from camp.
(4-132) Alilarra gî-n bardbi murlu-nnga.
tears.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG run eye.IV-ABL
Tears are falling from his eyes.
(4-133) Ngirra irr-a ngarrgi-nnga magi-nnga.
steal 3PLA-PST 1 SG.POSS.IV-ABL camp.IV-ABL
They stole it from my camp.
The ablative case is sometimes used with verbs in non-finite subordinate clauses to
indicate that the event/state of the subordinate clause took place or held before the event of the
main clause. One example is given below. See §6.1.6 and §8.1 for a more detailed
discussion of this use of the ablative suffix.
(4-134) Dulanymî nyi-ng-any gulugi-nnga.
raise 2SG.A-1O-PST.AWY sleep-ABL
You woke me up (from sleeping).

4.4.7 PERLATIVE CASE

The perlative case expresses the local meanings of `across, along, through'. There is only
one allomorph: -nkanyi.
(4-135) Warm gi-n bardbi wara-nkanyi.
tears.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG run face.IV-PERL
Tears are running down (his) face.
(4-136) Galami-nkanyi nyi-n ngarlwi!
nose.1V-PERL 2SG.S(PR)-PROG talk
You're talking through (your) nose!
(4-137) Junku g-a jalyu-nmanjî jamba-nkanyi.
crawl 3SG.S-PST bed.IV-ALL ground.IV-PERL
He crawled along the ground to the bed.
(4-138) Ginkanyi ngurr-uba garugi-nkanyi yarru.
this. way 1 PL.INC.S-NP.AWY bush.IV-PERL go(FUT)
We'll go this way through the bush.
In a few examples, the perlative suffix appears to have a meaning more like `during' (4-
139) or `among' (4-140):
92 Chapter 4

(4-139) Ngajirri-nkanyi ny-u gannga!

cold-PERL 2SG.S-FUT return(FUr)
You'll come back during the cold (season)!
(4-140) Garranbî g-a warnda-nkanyi.
stand 3SG.S-PST grass.IV-PERL
He stood among the grass.

4.4.8 COMITATIVE CASE

The comitative case expresses accompaniment and has two allomorphs: -yili, which is
used only with free pronouns and is discussed in §4.8, and -mbili, which is used with all
other types of nominal. The comitative case is used only with animate nouns (the proprietive
suffix (§4.4.11) expresses this meaning with inanimate nouns). Some examples are:
(4-141) Mirra ngi-n gujîga-mbîli irdîna-mbîli.
sit 1SG.S(PR)-PROG mother.H-COMIT father.I-COMIT
I'm sitting with my mother and father.
(4-142) Gulugbi g-a marndanyi-mbîlî.
sleep 3SG.S-PST white.man.I-COMIT
She slept with a white man.
Note that the locative case can also be used with this function (see §4.4.3 above). I have
not yet been able to determine whether there is a contrast in meaning between this use of the
locative case and the use of the comitative case.
(4-143) Mirra ng-u ngankagunya-ni.
sit ISG.S-FUT this.II.PL-LOC
I'll sit with those women.31

4.4.9 CAUSAL SUFFIX

This suffix, -nmarndi, is used to mark a noun as the cause or reason for the event, and is
best translated into English with `because of . There are only two examples of this suffix in
the corpus:
(4-144) Alangi-nmarndî ngiyi-ng-agba ngurra dawu.
child.I-CAUSAL 3SG.NM.A-10-HYP IPL.INC.ACC bite
She (the dog) might bite us because of the kids (who are teasing it).
(4-145) Gayina-nmarndi , gini-ny-a daguma?
what.IV-CAUSAL 3SG.M.A-20-PST hit
What caused him to hit you?

31 The suffix -mbili in Jingili is used to mark both locative and comitative case functions (see Chadwick
1975:20).
 Nominals 93

4.4.10 GENITIVE SUFFIX

The genitive suffix, along with the proprietive (§4.4.11), the privative (§4.4.12) and the
origin (§4.4.13) suffixes, is different from the case suffixes discussed above in that it
functions adnominally, relating one NP to another within one constituent. In contrast, the case
suffixes discussed above function to indicate the role of a NP within a simple clause and
therefore have a relational function (Dench and Evans 1988:2). Formally these suffixes differ
from other case suffixes in that they are inflected for gender and (except for the genitive) can
themselves be inflected for case.
The genitive suffix marks the possessor of a possessive NP and agrees in gender with the
possessed (head) noun. More commonly the dative suffix is used to mark possession (see
§4.4.4), and there are thus only a limited number of examples of the genitive suffix in the
corpus. Almost all of these examples have Class Iv agreement, but there are a few with Class
I and Class II agreement. The regular forms of the genitive suffix are nîganji (I), niganya (II)
and niganka (IV);32 irregular allomorphs are found with kinship nouns and are discussed
below. The first vowel of the regular suffix assimilates to the preceding vowel of the stem,
giving the alternative forms nuganka and naganka. The genitive suffix is attached to the non-
absolutive gender form of the noun. Some examples are:
(4-146) Nayidanga-nî guyala nguy-udi ngajbi, juwa-nîganka.
woman.II-LOC NEG 3SG.NM.A-NACT.PR see man.I-GEN.IV
Women can't see (the dance), (it) belongs to men.
(4-147) Yana balamurru bungmanyi-nîganka.
this.IV.SG.NOM spear.IV(NOM) old.man.I-GEN.IV
This spear belongs to the old man.
(4-148) murlu-nuganka mijangga
eye.IV-GEN.IV medicine.IV(NOM)
eye medicine
The case suffix of the possessive phrase appears only on the head noun (i.e. on the
possessed noun); there is no case marking that follows the regular genitive suffi x. This is true
whether the head noun precedes or follows the genitive noun. Some examples of genitive
phrases with non-zero case suffixes are:
(4-149) Yarru ngi bungmanya-naganka magi-nmanji.
go ISG.S(PR) old.woman.II-GEN.IV camp.IV-ALL
I'm going to the old woman's camp.
(4-150) Ayani ngi magi-nka bungmanya-naganka.
look.for ISG.S(PR) camp.IV-DAT old.woman.II-GEN.IV
I'm looking for the old woman's camp.
However, speakers will accept as grammatical examples in which both the possessed noun
and the genitive noun are inflected for case, although they do not produce such examples
themselves:
(4-151) Mina ngi alangi-niganka-ni jalyu-ni.
sit ISG.S(PR) boy.I-GEN.IV-LOC bed.IV-LOC
I'm sitting on the boy's bed.

32 Stress with this suffix is irregular, falling on the second syllable: ni•ganka, etc.
94 Chapter 4

A special form of the genitive suffix occurs with kinship nouns: -njî (I), -ma (II), -nja (1V).
Note that the Class I and Class II forms are identical to the final segment of the regular suffix
demonstrated above, while the Class Iv form is a little different: -nja rather than
-nîganka. Examples include:
(4-152) babana-nya jajilînya ngurrugarna
brother.l-GENII daughter.lI(NOM) 1PL.INC.POSS.II(NOM)
our brother's daughter
(4-153) Gujiga-nji iniya janji.
M.II-GEN.I that.I.SG.NOM dog.I(NOM)
That's mother's dog.
The genitive suffix found with kinship nouns differs from the regular genitive suffix in
that it is followed by additional case marking, in agreement with the noun it modifies:
(4-154) Gujinga-nyi-ni janyi-ni gini-ng-a dawu.
M,II-GEN.I-LOC dog.I-LOC 3SG.M-10-PST bite
Mother's dog bit me.

4.4.11 PROPRIETIVE SUFFIX

The proprietive suffix is used to indicate that one noun `has' another. Its use in Wambaya
is rather restricted and, although it is occasionally used to indicate alienable possession (as in
`I have a spear'), it is most frequently used to indicate the physical characteristics of a person
(e.g. `She is pregnant'), an object (e.g. `tea with milk') or a place (e.g. `place with trees').
a) Form
The proprietive suffix agrees in gender with the noun that it modifies:
(4-155) alajî darranggu-nguji
boy.I(NOM) stick-PROP.I(NOM)
a boy with (a) stick
(4-156) alanga darranggu-ngunya
girl.II(NOM) stick-PROP.II(NOM)
a girl with (a) stick
(4-157) maga darranggu-nguja
camp.IV(NOM) tree-PROP.IV(NOM)
a camp with trees
The absolutive and non-absolutive forms for each gender are given in Table 4.10. The
gender marking with the proprietive suffix is regular for nominals (see §4.2.2) and the
different gender forms are all derivable from the root -nguj-. A noun with the proprietive
suffix must also agree with the case (example (4-158)) and number (4-159) of the noun or
referent that it modifies.
 Nominals 95

TABLE 4.10: THE GENDER FORMS OF THE PROPRIETIVE SUFFIX

Absolutive form Non-Absolutive form

Class I -nguji -ngunyi-
Class II -ngunya -ngunya-
Class III -ngunyma -ngunymi- (?)
Class IV -nguja nguji-
Number suffixes are added to the root, -nguj-. The proprietive suffix takes the -baia plural
suffix (see §4.3.3.1).
Some examples of the proprietive suffix co-occuring with other suffixes are:
(4-158) Wurrudbanyi ngiy-a maganja murlu-ngunya-ni.
pull 3SG.NM.A-PST digging.stick.1V(ACC) eye-PROP.II-LOC
The one that could see got the yam stick.
(4-159) Nanawulu nayîda-wulu gijîlulu-nguj-bulu.
this.H.DUNOM woman-DU(NOM) money-PROP-DU(NOM)
These two women have money.
(4-160) Ngirriyani manganyma-nguj-balarna.
I PL.EXC.NOM tucker.HI-PROP-PL.II(NOM)
We've got tucker.
There is some inconsistency in the corpus as to the form of the noun to which the
proprietive suffix is affixed. The usual case is simply to add it to the full citation form of the
noun (including the gender suffix). Thus:
(4-161) manganyma-nguja
tucker. II-PROP.IV (NOM)
tucker-having (Iv)
(4-162) janjî-ngunya33
dog.I-PROP.II(NOM)
dog-having (II)
However, in other examples it seems that the proprietive suffix is added to a nominal root.
In these examples the root ends in /g/ and the initial consonant of the suffix is omitted:
(4-163) alag-unya (citation form of noun: alaji (I) or alanga (II))
child-PROP.II(NOM)
pregnant (1)
(4-164) garlangg-uja (citation form of noun: garlangga (IV))
sand-PROP.IV(NOM)
sand-having (IV)
For some nouns either alternative is possible. For example, the proprietive form of
marnarrga `mud' (IV) (here with Class II agreement) was given in two different ways:

33 It would be interesting to see whether this form would contrast with a form janya-ngunya `dog.tt-
PROP.n(NOt )' , in which the dog is marked as female and not male. This is something that needs to be
checked in the field.
96 Chapter 4

(4-165) mamarrga-ngunya AND marnarrg-unya

mud.IV-PROP.II(NOM) mud-PROP.II(NOM)
Similarly, there are two different ways in which the nouns iliga `sore' (Iv) and wawunjî
`sugarbag' (I) can be inflected with the proprietive suffix:
(4-166) iliga-nguji AND ilig-uji
sore.I V-PROP.I(NOM) sore-PROP.I(NOM)
sore-having (I)
(4-167) wawunjî-nguja AND wawunyg-uja
sugar.bag.I-PROP.IV(NOM) sugar.bag-PROP.IV(NOM)
sugar bag-having (IV)
If a noun retains an overt gender suffix (example (4-161)) I will represent it in the
interlinear glosses. If there is no overt gender suffix, however, I will not represent the gender
of the `base' noun in the gloss. For example, janji-ngunya will be glossed `dog.I-PROP.II' but
darranggu-ngunya will just be glossed `stick-PROP.II'.
b) Function
The most common use of the proprietive suffix is to express a physical characteristic or
state of a person (examples (4-168) and (4-169)), an object (4-170) and (4-71) or a place (4
172).
(4-168) Ilarra-wulu: gunyama murlu-ngunya gunyarna
eaglehawk-DU(NOM) other.II(NOM) eye-PROP.II(NOM) other.II(NOM)
murlu-wajarna.
eye-PRIV.II(NOM)
Two eaglehawks: one with sight, one blind.
(4-169) Bardgu g-a ilîrri-ngunya.
fall 3SG.S-PST blood-PROP.II(NOM)
She fell down bleeding.
(4-170) Yana gunju gurija-nguja.
this.IV.SG.NOM meat.IV(NOM) fat-PROP.IV(NOM)
This meat's fatty.
(4-171) Yanîyaga darranggu manganyma-nguja.
that.IV.SG.NOM tree.IV(NOM) tucker.III-PROP.IV(NOM)
That tree's got fruit.
(4-172) Guda-nguja maga.
stone-PROP.IV(NOM) country.IV(NOM)
(It's) stony country.
Another use of the proprietive suffix is to express alienable possession:
(4-173) Yandu ngi-n bungmanya-nka gijilulu-ngunya-nka.
wait ISG.S(PR)-PROG old.woman.II-DAT money-PROP.II-DAT
I'm waiting for the old woman with money.
(4-174) Ngajbi ng-a buguwa narunguja garlangg-uja.
see ISG.A-PST big.IV(ACC) car.IV(ACC) sand-PROP.IV(ACC)
I saw a big truck with sand (in it).
 Nominals 97

The proprietive suffix can also be used to express accompaniment:

(4-175) Bungmaji iniyaga g-uba yarru balamurru-nguji.
old.mani(NOM) that.I.SG.NOM 3SG.S-NP.AWY go(FUT) spear-PROP.I(NOM)
That old man will go with a spear.
Interestingly, some speakers restrict the proprietive suffix to having word scope, and
others use it with phrasal scope, marking the proprietive on all words of the NP. Thus, some
speakers (e.g. MH) considered the following examples to be perfectly grammatical (although
there are no such spontaneous examples in the corpus):
(4-176) Alaji buguwa-nguji darranggu-nguji.
boy.l(NOM) big.IV-PROP.I(NOM) stick-PROP.I(NOM)`
The boy has a big stick.
(4-177) Yarru ng-a bayigi-ngunya ngarrirna-ngunya.
go 1SG.S-PST bag-PROP.II(NOM) 1SG.POSS.II-PROP.II(NOM)
I went (taking) my bag.
However, one speaker in particular (MG) felt that they were completely ungrammatical and
that it was necessary to use a verbal clause instead, such as the following:34
(4-178) Yabu gini-n buguwa darranggu.
have 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG big.IV(ACC) stick.IV(ACC)
He has a big stick.
Note that Dench and Evans (1988) give phrasal scope as an essential characteristic of case
suffixes, as opposed to derivational suffixes. As the proprietive suffix can have phrasal scope
for some speakers it considered for present purposes to meet this criterion for casehood.
However, further investigation is required.

4.4A2 PRIVATIVE SUFFIX

The privative suffix is the converse of the proprietive suffix; it is used to indicate that one
nominal `lacks' or is `without' the other. The pri vative suffix is also very commonly used
with verbs to derive a nominal meaning `one who cannot/does not do X'.
a) Form
There are a number of different allomorphs of the privative suffix. Firstly, the form of the
privative suffix must agree in gender with the noun or referent that it modifies. Secondly,
there are a number of different phonologically conditioned allomorphs in which the initial
segment of the suffix chan ges depending on the final segment of the stem.35 The different
absolutive gender forms are listed in Table 4.11.

34 The problem is not with the verbless sentence as MG accepts them as grammatical when the NP contains
only one proprietive nominal. For example:
Alaji darranggu-nguji.
boy.l(NOM) stick-PROP.l(NOM)
The boy has a stick.
It is possible that this difference may reflect a dialectal difference between Gudanji and Wambaya: MG,
who rejects e.:amples in which the proprietive has phrasal scope, is a Wambaya speaker. MH, on the
other hand, who accepts such examples, speaks a dialect that is predominantly Gudanji (with some
W"ambaya mixed in). Th is will have to be explored further in the field.
35 The morphophonemic processes that generate these forms are discussed in §2.3.
98 Chapter 4

TABLE 4.11: THE ABSOLUTIVE GENDER FORMS OF THE PRIVATIVE SUFFIX

C-final stem u-final stem a-final stem* i-final stem

Class I -baji -waji -ajî -yaji
Class II -bajarna -wajarna -ajama -yajama
Class III -bajama -wajanza -ajama -yajama
Class IV -baja -waja -aha -yaja
*These forms are in free variation with -waji, -wajarna and so on in this environment.
The non-absolutive forms of the Class I and II suffixes are -bajini-/-wajîni- (etc.) and
-bajanga-/-wajanga- (etc.), respectively. The Class Iv non-absolutive forms are the same as
the Class IV absolutive forms given above. For a more detailed discussion of gender marking
see §4.2.2.
The root of the privative suffix, used as the stem for the addition of number suffixes, is
-baja-/-waja- (etc.). The privative suffix takes the -marnda- plural suffix (see §4.3.3.1).
As with the proprietive suffix, there is some inconsistency in the data as to the form of the
stem to which the privative suffix is attached. For most nouns (particularly those belonging to
either Class III or Class IV) the privative suffix is attached to the citation form of the nominal,
including the gender suffix (if present). Some examples are:
(4-179) yurula-ajama
name.IV-PRIV.II(NOM)
without a name (II)
(4-180) gijîlulu-wajî
money.IV-PRIV.I(NOM)
without any money (I)
(4-181) darima-aja
plum.Ill-PRIV.IV (NOM)
without any plums (IV)
With other nouns, the privative suffix is attached to the root (minus the gender suffix):
(4-182) gurij-baja (citation form of noun: gurija (IV))
fat-PRIV.IV(NOM)
without fat (IV)
(4-183) alag-bajarna (citation form of noun: alaji (I) or alanga (II))
child-PRIV.II(NOM)
without children (H)
(4-184) jany-bajî (citation form of noun: janji (1) or janya (II))
dog-PRIV.I(NOM)
without a dog (I)
However, it seems that some nouns may be able to form the privative in either way. Thus
the (Class I) privative form of ilîga `sore' (IV) was given in the following two ways:
(4-185) ilig-baji AND îliga-aji
sore-PRIV.I(NOM) sore.IV-PRIV.I(NOM)
 Nominals 99

There is also one example in the corpus in which the (Class I) privative form of janji `dog'
(I) is:
(4-186) janji-yaji
dogi-PRIV.I(NOM)
Compare this with (4-184) given above.
There are a number of similarities between the proprietive suffix and the privative suffix
with regard to the form of a particular noun that they take as their stem. Firstly, in both cases
the suffix usually attaches to the full citation form of Class IV and Class III nouns. Secondly,
both suffixes always attach to the root of the nominal alaji/alanga `child' (I/II) and can attach to
either the root or the citation form of the nominal iliga `sore' (IV). Although noteworthy, these
observations do not greatly help in arriving at an explanation for the difference in the form of
the stem with different nominals, but do suggest that the base form for adnominal inflection is
Iexically determined and that some forms (such as îliga `sore' (Iv)) are undergoing reanalysis.
In glossing, I will follow the same principle as for the proprietive suffix: where there is an
overt gender suffix on the base nominal, I will represent it in the interlinear gloss; where there
is no overt gender suffix I will not. Thus manganyma-aji `tucker.III-PRIV.I' but gunju-waji
`meat-PRIV.I'.
b) Function
The privative suffix has two functions: the first with nominals (i), and the second with
verbs (ii).
(i) The privative suffix is used to negate the presence or existence of an entity.
(4-187) Ngîrriy-ani gijîlulu-waja-marndarna.
IPL.EXC.NOM money-PRN-PL.II(NOM)
We (women) have no money.
(4-188) Ngarrirna babanya juwa-ajarna.
t SG.POSS.II(NOM) sister.II(NOM) man-PRIV.II(NOM)
My sister doesn't have a man/My sister is single.
(4-189) Yarru g-a manganyma-aji.
go 3SG.S-PST tucker.III-PRIV.I(NOM)
He went off without any tucker.
A privative form can also be used to identify a person or a place:
(4-190) Yandu ngi-n murlu-wajanga-nka.
wait 1SG.S(PR)-PROG eye-PRN.II-DAT
I'm waiting for the blind woman.
(4-191) Mirra irr-a nguwi yaja-ni.
sit 3PL.S-PST water-PRIV.IV-LOC
They lived in the desert.
As with the proprietive suffix, speakers disagree as to whether or not it is grammatically
correct for the privative suffix to occur on all words in a NP. Thus, while some speakers (e.g.
MH) consider example (4-192) to be a fully grammatical sentence, for at least one other
speaker (MG) it is impossible, a verbal clause such as (4-193) being necessary instead.
100 Chapter 4

(4-192) Alaji buguwa-aji darrangg u-waji.

boy.I(NOM) big.IV-PRIV.I(NOM) stick-PRIV.I(NOM)
The boy doesn't have a big stick.
(4-193) Yangula gini yabu buguwa darranggu.
NEG 3SG.M.A(PR) have big.IV(ACC) stick.IV(ACC)
He doesn't have a big stick.
However, MG does accept verbless sentences in which there is only one nominal in the
privative NP:
(4-194) Alaji darranggu-waji.
boy.I(NOM) stick-PRIV.I(NOM)
The boy doesn't have a big stick.
(ii) The privative suffix has another function in which it is used with any verb X to derive a
nominal meaning `one who cannot/does not do X'. The suffix is attached to either the root of
the verb or follows the thematic consonant (depending on the conjugation class of the verb:
see §6.1). Some examples of the use of the privative suffix in this function are:
(4-195) Ngawurniji langan-bajarna.
1 SG.NOM climb-PRIV.II(NOM)
I can't climb (that tree) (II).
(4-196) Iniyaga dawi j-bajî.
that.I.SG.NOM bite-TH-PRP✓.I(NOM)
That (dog) won't bite (I).
(4-197) Aliyulu ng-u gurijbi ngaya, daguma j-baji.
find 1 SG.A-FUT good.I(ACC) 3SG.F.OBL hit-TH-PRIV.I(ACC)
I'm going to find her a good (man), who doesn't hit.
(4-198) Nananga ngiyi ngarl-wajarna.
care.for 3SG.NM.A(PR) talk-PRIV.II(ACC)
She looks after the mute woman.
(4-199) Manku-j-baja maga.
hear-TH-PRIV.IV(NOM) camp.IV(NOM)
(It is a) noisy camp.

In one example, the nominal derived with the privative suffix modifies the object of the
action, rather than the subject: that is, meaning `one who can not be/is not Xed' rather than
`one who can not/does not X':
(4-200) Bardbî gi-n gunya-nkanyî, mardunzaj-bajî.
run 3SG.S(PR)-PROG other-PERL chase-PRIV.I(NOM)
He runs into another place, (you) can't chase (him).
There are two examples of the privative suffix occurring with the verb ,nanku `hear', each
with a different form: one contains the thematic consonant /j/, and in the other the verb is in
its citation form.
(4-201) Manku j-baji/manku-waji.
hear-TH-PRI V.I(NOM)/hear-PRIV.I(NOM)
(He is) deaf.
 Nominais 101

4.4.13 ORIGIN SUFFIX

The 'origin' suffix marks origin or usual habitat. There are only a limited number of
examples of this suffix in the corpus, all of which describe the country of origin of a person
or the typical habitat of an animal. The form of the suffix is -inji (I), -înya (II) and -inja (1V); it
replaces the final vowel of the citation form of the nominal to which it is affixed. The gender
of the suffix agrees with that of the referent. There are no examples of a Class III form,
although there is no logical reason why it would not be possible — in the discussion of fruits,
for example. In all of the examples in the corpus the nominal inflected with the `origin' suffix
is used predicatively, is in the nominative case and is alone in the NP.
(4-202) Guyala ng-uda ngajbi, manggur-inya ngawurniji.
NEG 1SG.A-NACT.PST see plains-ORIG.II(NOM) SG.NOM
I've never seen (that animal), I'm from the plains country.
(4-203) Murlurr-injii buringi.
turpentine.tree-ORIG.I(NOM) witchetty.grub.l(NOM)
Witchetty grabs (live in) turpentine trees.
(4-204) Gagarr-inji.
east-ORIG.I(NOM)
(He's) from the east.
Note that in the following example the particular areas of the country are identified with
reference to a salient feature of the landscape:
(4-205) Ngawurniji manyingil-inya, iniyaga gardaal-injî.
I SG.NOM gutta.percha-ORIG.II(NOM) that.I.SG.NOM gidgee-ORIG.I(NOM)
I'm from Gutta Percha country (Anthony Lagoon), and he's from Gidgee country
(Brunette Downs).36
The word for `underneath': jayilinjî, is possibly made up of jayili `down' and this suffix
(with a slight semantic extension).

4.4.13.1 GUYALINY- `LACKING'

A suffix identical in form to the origin suffix occurs with the particle guyala `nothing' to
derive a nominal meaning `lacking'. It is difficult to say whether this is actually the same
suffix. The semantics are slightly different, although it may be possible to relate them since in
these examples the suffix is still serving to identify the referent with a particular characteristic
(as the suffix in the above examples identifies the referent with a particular place or object).
For the present I will simply gloss the whole guyala- nominal as `lacking' and therefore not
make any claim as to the nature of the suffix.
The gender forms of the suffix are the same as the origin suffix: -inji (1), -inya (II) and
-inja (TV). I have no examples of a Class III form.

36 David Nash (1991:2) observes that the naming of particular tracts of country after distinctive flora is very
common in the central Northern Territory. Furthermore, the names of languages or peoples may also be
related to flora terms. For example, there is an affiliation between Wambaya country and its wamba
`snappy gum', and the name of the Jingili people is derived from their term fingi 'bauhinea', a tree which
is dominant in Jingili country.
102 Chapter 4

The most common occurrence of this guyala- nominal is as a predicate. For example, if
someone were to ask for something (i.e. money), the reply might be:
(4-206) Ngawurniji guyalînya!
I SG.NOM lacking.II(NOM)
I don't have (any)/ I've got nothing!
However, it can also function as a secondary predicate on the subject in a more complex
clause:
(4-207) Guyalînji ngi-n yarra ngawurniji galyurringi-yaji.
lacking.I(NOM) 1SG.S(PR)-PROG go IGG.NOM water-PRIV.I(NOM)
I'm going with nothing, no water.
The specific entity that is lacking can be expressed with a dative NP:
(4-208) Guyalinya gijilulu-nka.
lacking.II(NOM) money.IV-DAT
(She's) got no money.
(4-209) Guyalinja darranggu-nka.
lacking.IV(NOM) tree.IV-DAT
(That country) has no trees.
There is one example of the guyala- nominal with plural number. In this case the stem of
the nominal is guyaliny- and it is the -bala- plural suffix which occurs.
(4-210) Guyaliny-balarna.
lacking-PL.II(NOM)
(Those women) have got nothing.

4.5 DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY

4.5.1 NOMINAL-TO-NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY
4.5.1.1 -JARRA/-YARRA `NEXT, ANOTHER'
This suffix is found with only four words in the corpus. Three of them are time nominals
with which the suffix expresses the meaning `next'. The other is the noun maga `camp,
country' (Iv) with which the suffix expresses the meaning `another'. There does not appear to
be any phonological conditioning as to the form of the suffix. The allomorph with the initial
stop occurs with maga `camp, country' and that with the initial glide is found with the time
nominals.37
bulinama tomorrow > bulîna-yarra day after tomorrow
ngijininima tomorrow > ngijînî-yarra day after tomorrow
garnumba wet season > garnumba-yarra next wet season
maga camp > maga-jarra another place

37 This suffix may be related to the Kayardild suffix -varrad- `another' (Evans 1995a).
 Nominals 103

4.5.1.2 REFLEXIVE-POSSESSIVE SUFFIX

The form of this suffix is -liji and it is found only with masculine kinship nouns.38 The
function of this suffix, although not yet fully understood, is apparently to explicitly mark the
fact that the `possessor' of the kin is the subject (as opposed to the speaker, for example).39
Thus, there is an alternation among some kinship terms in the corpus between plain forms, as
given in §123.2, and forms suffixed with -liji. For example:
(4-211) Ngajbî gin-a ganggu yarru-warda.
see 3SG.M.A-PST FF.I(ACC) go-INF
He saw grandfather walking (along).
(4-212) Ngajbî gin-a ganggu-liji yarru-warda.
see 3SG.M.A-PST FF.I-REFL.POSS(ACC) go-INF
He saw his grandfather walking (along).
A sentence such as (4-211) is potentially ambiguous as to whose ganggu is in question:
the subject's or the speaker's (as in `He saw (my) Grandfather walking along'). In example
(4-212), however, the meaning can only be that the subject saw his own ganggu. Thus, -liji
appears to be a reflexive possessive marker, indicating that the possessor of the kin is the
subject Other examples include:
(4-213) Garnguji juwa irri gulug-ba. Gabi irr-a
many_I(NOM) man.I(NOM) 3PL.S(NP) sleep-FUT NEG 3PL.S-PST
mcntngurru. Gulug-ba barnga-liji, gugu-liji
be.ashamed sleep-FUT cousin.-REFL.POSS(NOM) MMB.I-REFL.POSS(NOM)
barnga-liji.40
c o us in.i-REFL.POS S (NOM)
They sleep with many men. They don't have any shame. (They) sleep with their
cousins, their great-uncles, their cousins.
Importantly, the antecedent for -liji must be third person:
(4-214) *Ngaj-ba ny-u baba-liji.
see-FUT 2SG.A-FUT brother.I-REFL.POSS(ACC)
You'll see your brother.
(4-215) *Ngaj-ba ng-u baba-liji.
see-FUT ISG.A-FUT brother.I-REFL.POSS(ACC)
I'll see my brother.

(4-216) Ngaj-ba g-u baba-lijî.

see-FUT 3SG.A-FUT brother.I-REFL.POSS(ACC)
She'll see her brother.
Note that the use of -liji is not obligatory. Thus, example (4-216) could also be expressed
as a simple possessive construction:

38 It can presumably occur with feminine nouns too (the expected form would he -linea), hut there are no
examples in the corpus.
39 Note that it is only a question of explicitness:. it is quite possible to have this meaning without the use
of -liji. _
40 The auxiliary in this sentence has been ellipsed.
104 Chapter 4

(4-217) Ngaj-ba g-u baba ngayanji.

see-FUT 3SG.A-FUT brother.I(ACC) 3SG.F.POSS.I(ACC)
She'll see her brother.
In fact it is not always the case that -liji emphasises the subject as possessor (although this
is its usual function). In one example -liji marks a kinship term as belonging to the discourse
topic of the clause.41 In example (4-218) the kin term gulu-liji is not governed by the subject
of its clause (which is `I'), but is governed by the `she' that had been discussed in the
previous two clauses and is clearly the topic of the discourse.
(4-218) Gurda ngiyi-ngg-a. Yarns=miji g-ulama marndiji.
be.sick 3SG.NM.A-RR-NF go(FUT)=INFER 3SG.S-NP.TWD later
Gulu-liji ng-a didima yarru g-ulama ginmanji.
son.I-REFL.POSS(ACC) 1SG.A-PST tell go(FUT) 3SG.S-NP.TWD this.way
She's sick. She might come later. I told (her) son (to tell her) to come (lit. I told
her son (that) she will come).

4.5.1.3 DYADIC SUFFIX

The dyadic suffix, gulanji (I)/gulanga (II), is added to a kinship term X to derive a noun
meaning `a pair of people one of whom calls the other X'. It is attached to the `base' form of
the kinship term (i.e. the form minus the gender suf fix). When the relationship between the
people is such that there is no common base term, the term for the senior member of the pair
is used. The Class II form of the suffix is used when both members of the pair are female, the
Class I form is used in all other cases. Note that the use of the base form (which makes no
gender distinction) means that these dyadic terms collapse some of the distinctions that the
standard kinship terms make. Some examples involving the kinship terms barnga/barnganya
`male/female cross-cousin', gugu/gugunya `MMB/MM' and baba/babanya `elder brother/
sister' are:
barnga-gulanjî two cross-cousins (at least one is male)
barnga-gulanga two female cross-cousins
gugu-gulanjî MM and DS/MMB and DS/MMB and DD
gugu-gulanga MM and DD
baba-gulanji elder brother/sister (?) and younger brother/sister
baba-gulanga elder sister and younger sister

4.5.2 VERB-TO-NOMINAL MORPHOLOGY

There are three derivational suffixes in the corpus which derive a nominal from a verb.
One of them, the privative suffix, has already been discussed in §4.4.12 above. The other
two — the agentive nominaliser and the instrument nominaliser — are discussed below.

4.5.2.1 AGENTIVE NOMINALISER

The agentive suffix is added to a verb X to derive a nominal with the meaning `one
who/which does X' or `one who does a lot of X'. It is added to either the verb root or the verb

41 This is the only morphological process in the language that appears to be sensitive to discourse topic.
 Nominais 105

root plus thematic consonant, depending on the conjugation class of the verb (see §6.1). The
agentive suffix must show gender agreement with the referent of the derived nominal and
each gender form has two phonologically conditioned allomorphs: the initial bilabial stop is
lenited to /w/ following a vowel or a lateral consonant (see §2.3.1 for a discussion of
lenition). The different absolutive gender forms of the agentive suffix are given in Table
4.12. There are no Class III forms in the corpus.
TABLE 4.12: ABSOLUTIVE GENDER FORMS OF THE AGENTIVE SUFFIX
After vowels and laterals Elsewhere
Class I -warli -barli
Class II -warlima -barlirna
Class III _
Class IV -warla -barla
The non-absolutive Class I and II forms are -barlinî-/-warlini- and -barlînga-/-warlînga-
respectively. There are no examples in the corpus of a Class IV agentive noun inflected for
case. The base form of the suffix which is used as the stem for the addition of number
suffixes is -barli-/-warli-. The agentive suffix takes the -marnda- plural suffix:
(4-219) yugu-lumi j-barli-marndarna
cry-CADS-TH-AGNT-PL.II(NOM)
women who make (him) cry (re a group of drunken women who scared a baby)
This suffix is extremely productive and common. An agentive noun has normal nominal
possibilities: it can be used as a nominal predicate (example (4-220)); as the head of a NP (4-
221) and (4-222) or as a modifier (4-223).
(4-220) Tnîyaga wugbardi-j-barli ngurra.
that_I.SG.NOM cook-TH-AGNT.I(NOM) 1PL.INC.OBL
He's a cook for us./He's our cook.
(4-221) Daguma j-barlini-ni gini-ng-a daguma.
hit-TH-AGNT.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-10-NF hit
The `cheeky' man hit me.
(4-222) Ayani ngi-n ngarl-warlinga-nka.
look_for ISG.S(PR)-PROG talk-AGNT.H-DAT
I'm looking for the talkative woman.
(4-223) Janji ng-a daguma dawi j-barli.
doe.I(ACC) 1 SG.A-PST hit bite-TH-AGNT.I(ACC)
I hit that `biting' dog. (given as a translation for `I hit the dog that bit me')
An agentive nominal derived from a transitive, semitransitive or ditransitive verb can take a
dative complement expressing what would be the object in a normal verbal clause. This is
only possible when the nominal functions as a predicate. The subject in these constructions
takes the nominative case:
(4-224) Ngawurniji alîyulu j-barlirna mayinanyi-nka.
1 SG.NOM find-TH-AGNT.II(NOM) goanna.I-DAT
I found the goanna. (lit. I am the finder of the goanna.)
106 Chapter 4

(4-225) Naniyaga jiya j-barlirna danya-nka (ngurla).

that.II.SG.NOM give-TH-AGNT.II(NOM) clothes.IV-DAT (1DU.EXC.OBL)
She always gives (us) clothes.
Note that this dative complement is optional. It is present only if the speaker wants to
indicate specifically what the object of the action is. The two examples above could also occur
without the complement, in which case they would mean `I (always) find (things)' and `She
always gives (us) (things)', respectively.

4.5.2.2 INSTRUMENT NOMINALISER

I have only four examples of this suffix so far in the corpus. The suffix is -ana and can be
added to a verb X to derive a noun with the meaning `that by means of which one Xs'. These
four examples are highly lexicalised and it may be that the suffix is no longer productive.
mawula-j- play-TH > mawula-j-ana (card) game
ngarag- drink > ngarag-ana grog
ngarajag- shape boomerangs > ngarajag-ana boomerang-shaping instrument
In the fourth example the form of the verb to which the suffix is added is slightly irregular.
The future tense form of this verb (durnajarri-j-ba) would suggest that the verb stem (for the
purposes of inflection, see §6.1) is durnajarri-j-, but it is only part of this stem which
functions as the stem for the addition of the suffix:
durnajarri cover up > durnaj-mur blanket
Since the few examples there are of this suffix are so highly lexicalised, I will not segment
this suffix in the examples in this work, and will gloss these nominals using the English
translations given for each example above.

4.5.3 NOMINAL REDUPLICATION

There are only a very small number of examples of nominal reduplication in the corpus. In
four of the six examples, reduplication is used to indicate plural number (although note that
there are other ways to mark plurality as well — see §4.3.3). In the other two examples, the
function of the reduplication is not so clear. The four examples of nominal reduplication used
to indicate plurality are given in Table 4.13.
TABLE 4.13: EXAMPLES OF NOMINAL REDUPLICATION

Unreduplicated form Reduplicated form

bungmajî old man.I bungmungmaji old men.I
bungmanya old woman.Il bungmungmanya old women.II
iligirra river.IV ililirri rivers.IV
alaji boy.I alajaji children.i
The first two of these four examples are reduplicated according to a pattern common for
Wambaya and described in §2.3.6. The second two examples have reduplicated forms which
are unpredictable according to the Wambaya patterns of reduplication.
The other two examples of nominal reduplication involve the noun labarnga `branch' (IV),
which is pronounced by some people as labarlabarnga, but appears to have the same meaning
 Nominais 107

in either its reduplicated or its unreduplicated form, and garrgalyi `plains lizard' (I) which is
given as garrgaligaltii in Text 7 in Appendix A. Perhaps the reduplication in this last
example is for the purposes of emphasis.

4.6 DEMONSTRATIVES
Wambaya has a two-way system of demonstratives roughly comparable to this and that in
English. Like all nominal modifiers, demonstratives must agree with the noun that they
modify in terms of gender, number and case, thereby making the number of possible
demonstrative forms substantial. The two demonstratives each distinguish the four nominal
genders, three numbers (singular, dual, plural), and at least four cases (nominative,
accusative, ergative/locative and dative)42 although, as with most nominals, the nominative
and accusative case forms are homophonous. There are also a couple of examples of plural
demonstratives in the comitative case which are discussed later in the section. I have no
examples of demonstratives in either the allative or ablative cases. In the attempts to elicit
such demonstratives, locational nominals were used instead (as in `I'm going to (the) tree
there' instead of `I'm going to that tree'). There are also possessive demonstratives which
agree in gender with the possessed noun. These are discussed later in the section.
It was said in the discussion of nominal case above that nominals have only one case
suffix which marks both the ergative and locative case functions (see §4.4.3). This appears to
be the case for demonstratives as well, although I have only one example of the same form
being used for both ergative and locative case functions:
(4-226) Ngankagunyani irri-ng-a nyurrunyurru.
this.II.PL.LOC 3PL.A-IO-NF chase
Those (women) chased me.
(4-227) Minn ng-u ngankagunyani.
sit I SG.S-FUT this.ILPL.LOC
I'll sit with these women.
There are no other examples of demonstratives occuring in locative NPs; locational
nominals are generally used instead. However, the above examples suggest that
demonstratives do not make a formal distinction between locative and ergative cases, so I will
therefore gloss ergative demonstratives as `LOC' on analogy with nominal case marking.
The forms of the demonstratives in Wambaya are given in Table 4.14. These are discussed
in detail in §4.6.1, following the table. The function of these demonstratives is discussed in
§4.6.2.

42 Not all of the possible combinations are attested in the corpus. In fact. I have been able to get a complete
set of these different case forms only for Classes I and II. I have not been able to get ergative/locative or
dative forms of Class tit or Class tv demonstratives. The main reasons for these gaps are the infrequency
with which Class III or Class Iv nouns occur in either the ergative/locative or dative cases. and the
difficulty in forcing the demonstrative to be present on the rare occasions that these nouns do occur in
these cases. In the few examples in which I succeeded in forcing a Class iv demonstrative in a transitive
subject NP, the nominative form of the demonstrative was used:
Yana ngangaba-ni ngiyi-ng-a irrijabi.
thi5.W.SG.NOM wood.IV-LOC 3SG.NM.A-IO-NF scratch
This stick scratched me.
Chadwick (1978) also does not give ergative/locative or dative demonstratives for Classes ut and IV, so it.
is unclear if it is a gap in the data or a gap in the system.
108 Chapter 4

The forms in Table 4.14 are organised with the proximate forms first (singular, dual then
plural) followed by the remote forms (singular, dual then plural). For comparison, the
demonstratives given in Chadwick (1978) for the other Eastern Group languages/dialects are
given following each set of Wambaya forms. As the nominative and accusative forms are
always homophonous in all languages, I have listed them together under the heading NOM/
ACC.
TABLE 4.14: WAMBAYA DEMONSTRATIVES
Proximate (`this')
Singular
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I îni ninki, (nunku)43 nunaga, (nunaga)
Class II nana ngankî, (nganku) nganaga, (nganuga)
Class III mama
Class Iv yana

The proximate singular forms in the other Eastern Group languages/dialects (from
Chadwick (1978:203) are:

NOM/ACC LOC44 DAT

Class I G yini rninki minaga
B yiniwa, yini rninki mînaga
Ng îna, înaalu minka minaga
Class II G mana nganki nganaga
B mana ngankiwa nganaga
Ng ama, arnaalu, arnaala nganka, ngankaalu nganagaalu
Class III G mama
B mama
Ng ama, amaalu _
Class IV G yana
B yana
Ng amaalu
Dual
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I inuwulu ninkiwuliji/ninkuliji ninagawulija/ninagulija
Class II nanawulu ngankawuliji/ngankuliji nganagawulija/ngwzagulija
Class III mamawulu
Class Iv yanawulu

43 These forms in parentheses are less common alternative forms that do not fit in with the structural
characteristics outlined in the discussion in §4.6.1 below. They are very similar to the corresponding
remote forms in Binbinka: rnunkuwa `that.t.sG.Loc', ngankuwa `that.n.sG.LOC', munga `thaLLSG.DAT'
and nganaguwa 'thatii.sG.DAT', and may therefore have been borrowed from Binbinka. Note however.
that they have a proximate meaning, rather than a remote meaning, in Wambaya.
44 I have called this case `LOC' on analogy with the Wambaya case although it is not exactly the same in all
languages/dialects. While all the Eastern Group languages/dialects have one case suffix that is used to
mark both ergative and locative case functions (-ni), both Gudanji and Ngarnga have an alternative case
suffix that can also be used to mark locative case (-nbi). Ngarnga also has a separate instrumental case
suffix, -warndu, unlike the McArthur dialects, which use the ergative/locative case suffix in this function
(Chadwick 1978:161).
 Nominais 109

Note that in the ergative/locative and dative forms the initial /w/ of the dual suffix, along with
the preceding vowel, can be elided in fast or casual speech.
The proximate dual forms in Ngarnga given by Chadwick (1978:217) are as follows
(Chadwick has no proximate dual forms for Binbinka or Gudanji):
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I Ng rniyawula minagawulija, rninagawulijanji
Class II Na rnayawulu nayawuliji nganagawulija
Class III Ng amawulu
Class IV Ng arnawulu
Plural
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I inigùnji ninkîgunyîni nînagagunyînka
Class Ii nanagunya ngankagunyani nganagagunyanka
Class III mamagunyma
Class Iv yanagunja.
The proximate plural forms for the other Eastern Group languages/dialects that are present
in Chadwick (1978:217-218) are:
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I G yigîgunji
Ng inagunja, niyagunja rninkagunyini rninagunyinka
Class II G
No rnayagunya nganagunyani nganagunyanka
Remote (`that')
Singular
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I îniyaga/znama ninkiyaga ninagiyaga
Class II naniyaga/nanama ngankiyaga nganagiyaga
Class III mamiyagahmamama
Class iv yaniyaga/yanama
Note the existence of two nominative/accusative forms for each class. There are two
remote suffixes: -yaga and -ma. The form -ma is found only with singular nominative/
accusative forms, whereas -yaga (or its reduced form -ya) can occur with all forms. There
does not appear to be any semantic distinction between these suffixes.
The remote singular forms in the other Eastern Group languages/dialects (taken from
Chadwick (1978:203) are:
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I G yinîya rninkîya rninagiya
B jirriga rnunkuwa munaga
Ng
a niyangga, igayi, rninkiyangga, rninagiyangga, rninagiya
niyanggala munku, rninkiyaga
Class II G mar*" ngankiya nganagiya
B maniga ngankuwa nganaguwa
Ng mayangga, mayi ngankîyangga nganagiya
Class HI G mamiya
110 Chapter 4

B maniga
Ng mayangga, mayi
Class IV G yaniya, yanaba
B garriga
Ng mayangga, anaaga
Dual
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I iniÿawultdînuwulîyaga nînkîyawulijî nînagîyawulija
Class II naniyawulu/nanawulîyaga ngankiyawuliji nganagiyawulija
Class III mamîyawulu
Class Iv yaniyawulu
Note that the remote suffix -yaga shortens to -ya when another suffix (either dual or
plural) is added, and that there are alternative nominative/accusative forms for Classes I and II
that differ from the regular forms only in the order of occurrence of the remote and dual
suffixes.
The remote dual forms in the other Eastern Group languages/dialects that are given by
Chadwick (1978:216) are:
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I G
B jirrigula _ rnunagulija
Ng igayulu, rniyanggawula igayuliji
Class II G rnaniyawulu ngankiyawuliji
B manigula ngankuwuliji
Ng nayanggawulu ngankuwuliji ngankuwulijanji
Class III G
B manigula
Ng mayawulangga
Class IV G
B
Ng nayanggawula _
Plural
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I iniyagunji ninkiyagunyini ninagiyagunyinka
Class II nanîyagunya ngankiyagunyani nganagîyagunyanka
Class III mamiyagunyma
Class Iv yaniyagunja
The remote plural forms for the other Eastern Group languages that are present in
Chadwick (1978:217-218) are:
NOM/ACC LOC DAT
Class I G yigigunji
B jirrigunja rnunkugunyini rnunagunyinka
Ng miyanggagunja niyanggagunyini
Class II G
B rnanîgunya ngankugunyanî
Ng mayanggagunya rnayanggagunyani ngankagunyanka
 Nomina[s 111

Class III G
B
Ng mayanggagunyma
Class iv G
B
NET rrzayanggagunja, rnayanggunja

4.6.1 DETAILS OF FORM

The demonstratives in Wambaya have been morphologically conservative, retaining the
original prefixing system. Thus, gender in the demonstratives is indicated by prefixes, most
of which correspond with the gender suffixes found on Wambaya nominals (see §4.2.2 and
Appendix B for a discussion of gender marking). The following table gives both the gender
prefixes found on demonstratives and the main gender suffixes found on other nominals.
TABLE 4.15: GENDER MARKING
Demonstratives Other nominals
ABS NABS ABS NABS
Class I î- nî- [rli] jî -nyi, -ngi,
-0 -ni
Class II na- [rlaJ nga- -rna -nga
-nya -nya
-nga -nga
Class in ma- _ -ma -mi
Class Iv ya- _ -0 -0
-a -I

It can be seen in the above table that the Class II prefixes on demonstratives correspond
exactly with the first pair of Class II noun suffixes (-rna and -nga). The Class III absolutive
prefix also corresponds exactly with the Class III absolutive noun suffix. The Class I
absolutive prefix -î and the noun suffix ji are very similar and probably both derive from an
original prefix -ji, the initial consonant of which has lenited in the present-day forms. That
this is the original prefix is supported by the appearance of the prefix ji- in some Class I
demonstratives in Binbinka, such as jirriga `remote singular nominative/accusative Class I'.
The Class ry prefix -ya is probably related to the suffix -a found on some Class IV nouns and
modifiers. The fact that the gender prefixes on demonstratives are similar to the suffixes
found on other nominals supports the theory that gender suffixes on nominals may have
developed from the reduction of postposed demonstratives (see Appendix B and I. Green
1995 for a comparative discussion of gender marking in the Mirndi languages).
The demonstrative system is easily analysable. All dual and plural forms can be derived
from the singular forms, and the singular forms are made up of a gender prefix, a stern and
either a proximate or a remote marker. The complete structure of a demonstrative can be
schematised as follows:
Gender prefix + Stem + `Distance' + Number(.Gender) + Case
Notes:
(i) `Distance' refers to `proximate' versus `remote'.
(ii) The `number' slot only contains gender marking in plural number.
112 Chapter 4

(iii) There are two forms in which the order of the `number' and the `distance'
suffixes are reversed: inuwuliyaga `remote dual nominative/accusative Class I'
and nanawuliyaga `remote dual nominative/accusative Class II'.
The different forms for each of these categories are as follows:
Gender prefixes (ABS; NABS)
Class I: {i-; ni-}
Class II: {na-; nga-}
Class III: {ma-; ?}
Class Iv: {ya-; ?}
Stem
Nominative, Accusative: { -ni- (I); -na- (II, Iv); -ma- (III) }45
Ergative/Locative: { -nki- (I, II), -nka- (II) }46
Dative: {-naga-
When the remote suffix -yaga is added to the stem, the final low vowel of the stem
becomes high. Thus, -na- becomes -ni-yaga; -naga- becomes -nagî-yaga, and so forth.
Evans (1990) discusses the tendency in Australian languages for demonstratives to derive
from verbs of stance (i.e. `sit', `stand' or `lie') or verbs of perception (i.e. `see, look').
Thus, it is possible that the nominative and accusative demonstrative stems in Wambaya, if
their underlying form is taken to be -na- (see footnote 45), may have developed from the
common non-Pama-Nyungan verb na meaning `see, look' (Evans 1990:144).
The dative stem -naga- appears to be made up of the nominative/accusative stem -na-
followed by the suffix -ga which occurs with all non-singular object and oblique free
pronouns in Ngarnga and Gudanji (Chadwick 1978:51), and appears in Wambaya non-
singular oblique pronouns with the addition of the comitative suffix; for example, mirndiga-
yîlî `1DU.INC.OBL-COMIT'.
Distance
Proximate: {-0}
Remote: {-yaga/-ya; -ma)
The remote suffix -yaga is reduced to -ya when it is followed by either the dual or the
plural suffix. The remote suffix -ma is found only in the singular nominative/accusative
forms.
There are a couple of examples in the corpus in which both remote suffixes are used:

45 The variation in the form of the stem can probably be explained in terms of vowel harmony and analogic
nasal assimilation. Thus, if the underlying form is taken to be -na-, then the Class i form (-ni-) could be
explained in terms of vowel harmony triggered by the preceding high vowel in the prefix, and the Class
tit form (-ma-) as assimilation of the alveolar nasal in the stem to the bilabial nasal of the prefix. There
is no evidence that these assimilation processes are productive synchronically (most vowel harmony is
regressive (see §2.3.4.3) and there are no other known instances of such nasal assimilation). However,
the presence of the alveolar nasal in the stem of the two Class iii Binbinka demonstratives ntaniga
`remote singular nominative/accusative Class w' and manigula `remote dual nominative/accusative Class
Ill' adds support to the theory that the Wambaya Class Ili stem may have derived from one containing an
alveolar nasal.
46 Note that this stem becomes -nka- in Class ti proximate non-singular forms, but elsewhere remains -nki.
 Nominals 113

i-na-ma-yaga47 remote singular nominative/accusative Class I

na-na-ma-yaga remote singular nominative/accusative Class II
There does not appear to be any difference in meaning between these forms and the
corresponding forms in which only one remote suffix is present.
Number
Singular. { -0 }
Dual: {-wulu (ABS), -wulî (NABS)}48
Plural: {-gunji (I, ABS), -gunyi (I, NABS); -gunya (II, ABS and NABS); -gunyma
ABS); -gunja (IV, ABS) }49
Note that the plural number markers also indicate gender.
Fa ce

Although the sterns indicate case, case is also separately marked at the end of the
demonstrative. Except with the nominative and accusative cases, the form of the case suffix is
dependent on the number of the demonstrative.
Nominative, Accusative: { -0)
Ergative/Locative: SG { -0 }
DU { ji )
PL { -ni}
Dative: SG { -0)
DU Via}
PL {-nka}
The dual and plural case suffixes are regular for nominals: the regular nominal suffixes are
-0 for both the nominative case and the accusative case, -ni for the ergative/locative case and
-nka for the dative case, and nominals inflected with the dual suffix take -ji in the
ergative/locative case and -ja in the dative case. The only aspect of case marking that is
unusual to demonstratives is that the singular forms have a zero inflection for the
ergative/locative case and the dative case. Usually a singular nominal would take the regular
ergative/locative and dative case suffixes (see §4.4).
Below are some selected Class I forms illustrating this morphological structure.

47 The high vowel of the Class I nominative/accusative stem is lowered before the remote suffix -ma. This
is presumably attributable to vowel harmony. Similarly, when this stem is immediately followed by the
dual suffix -wulu, the high front vowel of the stem becomes back, in harmony with the back vowels of
the suffix. Thus: i-ni 'proximate singular nominative/accusative Class l' but i-nu-wulu 'proximate dual
nominative/accusative Class t'..
48 Note that gender is not marked with the dual number suffix (see §4.3.2.1).
49
This morpheme can be segmented into a root -guny- followed by the regular gender marking suffixes: -ji
(1. ABS), -nyi O. NABS); -nya (II. ABS and NABS); -ma (III. ABS); -ja (IV. ABS). There is a regular
morphophonemic rule which deletes one of two sequential identical consonants (i.e. -guny- `plural' +
-nya `n (ABS)' > -gunya); see §2.3.5.
114 Chapter 4

prefix+ stem+ distance+ number+ case

ini i ni 0 0 0 = prox.SG.NOM/ACC
iniyaga î nî yaga 0 0 = rem.SG.NOM/ACC
ninagawulija ni naga 0 wuli la = prox.DU.DAT
ninkîyawuliji ni nki ya wuli jî = rem.DU.LOC
inigunji i ni 0 gunji 0 = prox.PL.NOM/ACC
ninkiyagunyini ni nki ya gunyi ni = rem.PL.LOC
For the purposes of simplicity however, I will not segment the demonstratives in the
examples in this description. Instead, I will give them in an unsegmented form and simply
indicate in the gloss the morphological structure. For example:
naniyaga that.ILSG.NOM, that.11.SG.ACC
ninagawulija this.LDU.DAT
Other Demonstratives
There are two other types of demonstratives found in the corpus: demonstratives in the
comitative case and possessive demonstratives. As there are only a few examples of each
type, I have chosen to discuss them separately, instead of including them in the tables and
discussion above.
(i) Demonstratives in the comitative case:
In these examples, the regular comitative case suffix (-mbîli) replaces the ergative/locative
suffix in the ergative/locative form of the demonstrative. There are only two examples of this
type of demonstrative, both of which have plural number:
(4-228) Mirrang-ba ng-u ngankagunyambi!i/ninkigunyimbili.
sit-FUT I SG.S-FUT this.II.PL.COMIT/thi s.LPL.COMIT
I'm going to sit down with these women/men.
The fact that these demonstratives are based on the respective ergative/locative forms
suggests that what has been described as the ergative/locative stem may in fact be a more
general oblique stem. One argument against this, however, is the fact that it does not occur in
the dative forms.
(ii) Possessive demonstratives.
These demonstratives are made up of a non-absolutive gender prefix agreeing with the
possessor, the nominative/accusative demonstrative stem -na-, the possessive suffix -gan-5o
(this suffix is also found on possessive pronouns — see §4.8) and a gender suffix agreeing
with the possessed noun. Thus, these demonstratives agree in gender with both the possessor
and the possessed. In the remote forms, the remote suffix -yaga occurs after the gender
suffix. The only examples of these demonstratives are in the nominative case, and have both
singular possessor and singular possessee nouns. A lot more work is needed in order to
obtain all the other forms of these demonstratives. Table 4.16 contains the forms that are
present in the corpus:

50 The fi nal nasal of this suffix is dropped before another apical nasal (such as in the Class It suffix -rna)
and assimilates to the place of articulation of a following palatal or velar stop.
 Nominals 115

TABLE 4.16: POSSESSIVE DEMONSTRATIVES

POSSESSED NOUN
Class I Class II Class DI Class Iv
Prox. Class I ni-na-gan-ji ni-na-ga-ma ni-na-gang-ga.
Prox. Class H — nga-na-ga-rna nga-na-gan-ma
Rem. Class I nî-na-gan-ji-yaga
Rem. Class H nga-na-gan ji-yaga _
The gender suffixes are regular and are the same as for possessive pronouns (see §4.8):
-.ii (I), -n is (II), -ma (III), -ga (P.0.51
Some examples of these possessive demonstratives are:
(4-229) Ninagarna gujînganjarra injani?
this.LSG_POSS.II(NOM) mother.II(NOM) where
Where is this (boy's) mother?
(4-230) Irda nganaganji injanî?
father-I(NOM) this.II.SG.POSS.I(NOM) where
Where is this (boy's) father?
(4-231) dirdîbulyi ninagangga buwarraja
peewee.I(NOM) this.LSG.POSS.IV(NOM) dreaming.IV(NOM)
the Peewee dreaming52
(4-232) alaji nganaganjiyaga
boy.I(NOM) that.II.SG.POSS.I(NOM)
that woman's little boy

4.6.2 FUNCTION
Demonstratives can be used as deictic determiners qualifying a noun (examples (4-233)
and (4-234)), or as deictic demonstrative pronouns alone in the NP (4-235) and (4-236).
(4-233) Ngankiyaga janya-ni ngiyî-ng-a dawu.
that.II.SG.LOC dog.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-I0-NF bite
That (female) dog bit me.
(4-234) Mama burnaringma ng-a nawu.
this.III.SG.ACC wild.orange.III.ACC ISG.A-PST step.on
I sat on this orange.
(4-235) Dagunta irri-ngg-a inigunji.
hit 3PL.A-RR-NF this.I.PL.NOM
These ones are fighting.

5 t The -ga which is found with the dative demonstratives (as in ninaga 'this.t.SG.DAT') is different from the
-gan- which derives possessive pronouns and demonstratives (at least synchronically). This is shown by
the fact that the final nasal found with the possessive suffix -gan- does not show up in the dative
demonstrative suffix -ga, even when it is not word-final as in ni-na-ga-gunvi-nka 'this.I.PL.DAT'. If these
two are the same suffix, it is difficult to explain why a nasal would appear in some circumstances and
not in others.
52 This example is mysterious: it is not clear why the demonstrative is possessive, as the dreaming (see
Appendix A, Text 4) is about the Peewee, rather than possessed by him.
116 Chapter 4

(4-236) Ngarl-warlirna nanamayaga.

talk-AGNT.II(NOM) that.II.SG.NOM
That woman's a chatterbox.
In this function, the difference between the two types is very similar to the difference
between `this' and `that' in English. The proximate forms are usually used to refer to things
that are close to the speaker, while the remote forms are used for things that are further away
from the speaker. The proximate forms can also be used with a presentative function; similar
to the use of `here' in an English sentence such as `here's something interesting going on'.
Thus in the following example, taken from Text A.1, the fire is referred to with the
demonstrative yana despite the fact that it is a considerable distance from the speaker.
(4-237) "Ngangaba yana gi-n trajbi."
fire.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG bum
"There's a fire burning (there)."
Demonstratives also perform an important discourse function: they are used in the
organisation of information and tracking of reference. Demonstratives can be used to refer to
things previously mentioned or alluded to in discourse. The difference between the proximate
and remote demonstratives is metaphorically extended into this function. Proximate forms are
used when the antecedent or discourse topic is close (in terms of time of utterance) to the
utterance of the demonstrative (generally in either the same or preceding clause, but no more
than two clauses back):53
(4-238) Indirra wurrudbanyi-j-ba, ngujari j-ba yana.
root.IV(ACC) pull-TH-FUT break-TH-FUT this.IV.SG.ACC
Pull up the root, (and) break it.
(4-239) Garndarndawuga barrawu g-ajî mîrra. Yana
few.IV(NOM) house.IV(NOM) 3SG.S-HAB.PST sit this.IV.SG.ACC
irr-a yardi garnguja.
3PL.A-PST put many.IV(ACC)
There used to be a few houses. (Now) they've built lots of them.
The following example is taken from Text 1 (Appendix A). In the clauses leading up to
this one, the two eaglehawks are telling their two sons that they should prepare a bed for the
two boys who have to leave early in the morning. Then there is one short sentence in which it
is said that the two eaglehawks pick up a round stone and a digging stick (by now all four
other characters are asleep) and:
(4-240) Bunjunymi wurlu-n inuwulu wurlu-n gulugbi.
sneak.up 3DU.A(NP)-PROG this.I.DU.NOM 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sleep
They sneak up on the two boys (who) are sleeping.
When the thing being referred to was uttered more than a couple of clauses away, or if
there is another intervening discourse topic between the anaphoric element and its antecedant,
a remote demonstrative is used. The following sequence is taken from Text 6 (Appendix A).
The remote demonstrative refers to `the moon', mentioned a few clauses back. As there is an
intervening topic (indilyawurna), a remote demonstrative is used.

53 This may be an oversimplified representation of the discourse function of Wambaya demonstratives; it is

likely that issues of focus, for example, may also be relevant rather than just topic lookback. A more
detailed study of Wambaya discourse structure is needed.
 Nominals 117

(4-241) Indilyawurna g-a bardbi. Bardbi g-a.

curlewll(NOM) 3SG.S-PST run run 3SG.S-PST
The curlew ran. She ran.
Ninkiyaga gin-a nyurrunyurru banjangani.
that.I_SG.LOC 3SG.M.A-PST chase behind
The (moon) chased after her.

4.6.3 GA SERIES
There is another set of Wambaya forms which complicate the system of demonstratives
discussed above: sometimes these forms seem to act like demonstratives, but at other times
appear to be more like nouns. When behaving like demonstratives, these ga forms54 occur in
place of the remote forms. The use of these forms is so common that Chadwick (1978) gives
the dual and plural forms as the only remote dual and plural Class I and II demonstratives in
Wambaya. These forms are as follows:55
Class I NOM/ACC SG igima
DU iguwulu
PL igigunjî
LOC SG 56
DU iguwuliji
PL igigunyini
Class it NOM/ACC SG nagarna
DU nagawulu
PL nagagunya
LOC SG —
DU nagawuliji
PL nagagunyani
Class Iv NOM/ACC SG yagama
DU yagawulu
PL yagagunja
In form, these appear to be demonstratives: all forms contain the appropriate gender prefix:
i (I), na- (Il) and ya- (Iv); and the plural suffix that is used (-gunji/-gunya) is that which occurs
with demonstratives, not with nouns (see §4.3 for a discussion of number marking on
nouns). However, igima and nagarna, which are extremely common, are translated by
speakers as meaning `boy' and `girl' respectively and often seem to be functioning more like
nouns than demonstratives. Consider the examples below.
In examples (4-242) and (4-243) it is not clear whether the forms in question are functioning
as nouns or as demonstratives. However, particularly in (4-242) — the opening line of Text 6,
in which there is modification by adjectives — they seem to be rather noun-like in function.

54 So called as they are characterised by a stem of the form -gt- (I) or -ga (u, Iv).
55 There are no Class t❑ forms in the corpus and no other case forms apart from ergative/locative,
nominative and accusative. As the latter two case forms are homophonous I have listed them together.
56 I was unable to obtain ergative/locative singular forms; a regular ergative/locative demonstrative was
always used instead.
118 Chapter 4

(4-.242) Jinkiji-yulu: bulyingi igima, bugayirna nagarna.

star-DU(NOM) little.I(NOM) big.II(NOM)
Two stars: the little one's a man and the big one's a woman.
(4-243) Munji wurl-a. Ngajbi wurl-a, nagawulu duwa.
hide 3DU.S-PST see 3DU.A-PST get.up
They hide. They watch the two (ladies) get up.
Examples (4-244), (4-245) and (4-246), on the other hand, indicate that it may be better to
consider these forms demonstratives, as in these examples they are used to modify nouns.
(4-244) Dîrragbi g-a jarlu-nmanji igima burriiji.
jump 3SG.S-PST arm.IV-ALL bird.sp.I(NOM)
The bird jumped on his arm.
(4-245) Dudiyarri wurl-a nagawulu bungmaj-bulu.
spear 3DU.A-PST old.person-DU(ACC)
They speared the two old ladies.
(4-246) Alîyulu ng-a yagama janga ngarrga.
find 1SG.A-PST shoe.IV(ACC) tSG.POSS.IV(ACC)
I found my shoes.
Example (4-247), however, further complicates the situation. In this example there are
three elements to the NP: a demonstrative, nagawulu and a head noun. As there are no other
examples in which two demonstratives appear together in the same NP, this suggests that
nagawulu can't be a demonstrative, at least in this example.
(4-247) Naniyawulu nagawulu baraj-bulu duwa wurlu-n.
that.II.DU.NOM old.person-DU(NOM) . get.up 3DU.S(NP)-PROG
The two old ladies are getting up.
In the following sequence taken from Text 2 (Appendix A) in which the banzanggi is
hiding under the water watching the jabiru, the use of igîma indicates a change in subject
from jabiru to barnanggî .
(4-248) Gannga g-a alalangmî-ji-nnga Jabiru.
return 3SG.S-PST hunt-TH-ABL Jabiru
The Jabiru returned from hunting.
Wugbugbardi gin-a yangaji.
cook.RDP 3SG.M.A-PST meat.I(ACC)
He cooked some meat.
Gulug-ardi gini-ngg-a.
sleep-CAUS 3SG.M.A-RR-NF
He lay down.
Gulugbi g-a,
sleep 3SG.S-PST
He slept,
yandu yangaji nnga naj-barda.
mind meat.I(ACC) 3SG.M.OBL burn-INF
(and) looked after his meat that was cooking.
 Nominals 119

Igima g-a yams.

3SG.S-PSTgo .
(The Barnanggt) came (out of the water).
Such examples suggest that igima is a remote demonstrative since, as mentioned above,
remote demonstratives are used to refer to something mentioned in earlier discourse that is
either a substantial distance away, or precedes the intervention of another topic.
Perhaps these are generic nouns, meaning something along the lines of `male being',
`female being' and 'thing' that can either modify a noun (perhaps for the purposes of
emphasis or clarification), or can stand alone in the NP, in which case they are interpreted as
third person markers (e.g. remote demonstratives). This would explain the fact that they can
modify a head noun in. the NP, and themselves be modified by adjectives as the head of an NP
and co-occur with both a noun and a demonstrative within the one NP. It does not explain,
however, the fact that their form (i.e. the existence of a gender prefix and the demonstrative
form of the plural suffix) is more like a demonstrative than a noun. These forms only really
differ from true demonstratives in their stem -gi-/-ga-:
prefix+ stem+ number+ case
iguwulu i gu57 wulu Ql L.DU.NOM/ACC
igigunyini i gi gunyi ni I.PL.LOC
nagawuliji na ga wuli ji II.DU.LOC
nagagunya na ga gunya 0 II.PL.LOC
yagagunja ya ga gunja 0 IV.PL.NOM/ACC

Due to this similarity of form I will gloss these forms in the same way that I gloss remote
demonstratives, except that I will use `that.one' instead of `that'. Thus, igima is glossed
'that.one.I.SG.NOMJACC', nagarna is glossed `that.one.ILSG.NOM/ACC, and so on.

4.7 LNDEFLNITE/INTERROGATIVES58
There are five indefinite/interrogative roots in the corpus, which are used to indicate that
the (full) identity of the referent is unknown to the speaker. These forms are frequently used
in interrogative function, requesting the information about the referent's identity from the
addressee. This interrogative function, however, cannot be considered a part of the core
meaning of these forms as they can be used contexts that are not compatible with an
interrogative meaning, namely those in which they co-occur with the inferential enclitic =mijî
(see below).59 When combined with their various inflections, these five roots cover the
meanings 'someone, who', 'something, what', 'something, which', `for something, why',
'somewhere, where', `from somewhere, where from', 'some amount, how many/how

57 The alternation in the vowel of the stem is triggered by the following high back vowel of the dual suffix.
58 In Nordlinger 1993a I used the term 'ignorative' for this word class (following Karcevski 1969 and more
recently Wierzbicka (e.g. 1980)). However, as Mushin (1991, 1995) . has pointed out, there are two
components to these words: an ignorative component (which indicates that knowledge is at issue) and an
epistemological component (which characterises the type of knowledge at issue). For this reason the
more neutral term 'indefinite/interrogative' has been chosen. In other discussions of Australian languages
these words have been referred to as `interrogatives' (e.g. Dixon 1972, 1977, Merlan 1994), 'inter-
rogative/indefinite pronouns' (e.g. Austin 1981a, Morphy, 1983), 'indefinite pronouns' (Dench 1995),
'indeterminates' (Donaldson 1980) and 'epistememes' (Mushin 1991, 1995).
59 This discussion has benefited from McGregor's (1990:146ff) discussion of such forms in Gooniyandi.
120 Chapter 4

much', `sometime, when' and `somehow, how'.60 There is a strong tendency for indefinite/
interrogatives to be initial in the clause.
As indicated by the term used, indefinite/interrogatives are found with two different
functions in the corpus: indefinite (4-249) and interrogative (4-250).61 In the former
function, they often co-occur with the enclitic -miji `INFER' (7.7.1.1).
(4-249) Gayina=miji irr-a dîdîma.
something.IV(ACC)=INFER 3PL.A-PST tell
They (must have) told him something./I don't know what they told him.
(4-250) Gayina irr-a didima.
something.IV(ACC) 3PL.A-PST tell
They told him something./What did they tell him?
Each of these examples expresses the fact that the speaker does not know what it was that
the subject told the object. As far as I can tell, the difference between the indefinite meaning
of example (4-249) and that of (4-250) is that in the former the speaker is indicating that
he/she is only inferring that anything was `told' at all. Such examples are often translated in
Aboriginal English using `must be', as in `I don't know what they told him, must be
something.'
I will now discuss each of these indefinite/interrogatives individually. A general
interrogative particle is discussed in §7.5.1.

4.7.1 GAY INI 'SOMEONE/SOMETHING, WHO/WHAT'

Like any other nominal modifier, this indefinite/interrogative is inflected to agree with its
referent in gender, case and number: when it is inflected with an animate gender suffix it is
translated `someone, who' and when it is inflected with an inanimate gender suffix it is
translated `something, what' or `which'. The forms found in the corpus are given in Table
4.17, followed by a discussion of the form and function of these indefinite/interrogatives,
and some examples of their use. As the nominative and accusative case forms are
homophonous, I have listed them together in the table.62
TABLE 4.17: GAYINI, SINGULAR FORMS

NOM/ACC LOC DAT

Class I gayini gayininî-ni gayininî-nka.
Class II gayînirna gayinînga-nî gayininga-nka
Class III
Class iv -gay
ina -gay
inani
Thus, the case suffixes are regular for nominals: -0 `NOM and ACC', -ni `LOC', and -nka
`DAT', as are the gender suffixes: -0/-ni- `I ABS/NABS', -rna/-nga- `II ABS/NABS', -a `IV ABS

60 For simplicity, in examples in this work I gloss each form according to the meaning it has in the
context in which it occurs.
61 Note that there are many other functions that indefinite/interrogatives commonly have in languages (see
for example Karcevski 1969, Wierzbicka 1980 and Mushin 1991, 1995); however these are the only two
functions that are found in my corpus for Wambaya.
62 The Class t ergative/locative form gayininini is often reduced to gayinini in fast or casual speech.
 Nominals 121

and NABS'. See §44 for a discussion of nominal case suffixes, and §4.2.2 for a discussion
of gender suffixes.
The non-singular forms of this indefinite/interrogative are formed regularly with the
addition of the number suffixes -yulu `DU' or -guny- `PL' 63 Some examples are:
gayinigunji plural nominative/accusative Class I
gayiniyulu dual nominative/accusative64
gayiniyuliji dual ergative/locative
gayinigunyani plural ergative/locatïve Class II
Following are examples of some of these forms in context.65
(4-25 1) Gayînini-ni gin-a wurrudbanyi inn ginganj-ardi.
someone.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST pull 3PL.ACC drown-CAUS
Someone pulled them down and drowned (them).
(4-252) Ngajbî ng-uba in-a. Gayina îrri ngarra
see ISG.A-NF.AWY 3PL.ACC something.IV(ACC) 3PL.S(NP) ISG.OBL
ngarl-wa magi-nka.
talk-PUT camp.IV-DAT
I'm going to go and see them. They're going to tell me something about my
country.
(4-253) Darrgulumi irr-a ngarra banjangani gayinini-ni=miji.
crack 3PL.A-PST ISG.OBL behind someone.I-LOC=INFER
Someone must have let the water out behind me.
(4-254) Gayini y uli ji alag-uli-ji wurlu-ny-a yurndu?
which-DU-LOC child-DU-LOC 3DU.A-2SG-NF hit
Which two kids hit you?
(4-255) Gayina-ni ng-u daguma?
whatIV-LOC ISG.A-FUT hit
With what will hit (him)?
(4-256) Inîgunjiin-a gayini-gunji gulugbi?
this.I:PL.NOM 3PL.S-PST who-PL.I(NOM) sleep
Who are these people sleeping (here)?
(4-257) Gayinirna ngangirna gujinya?
who.II(NOM) 2SG.POSS.II(NOM) mother.II(NOM)
Who's your mother?
(4-258) Gayinini-nka gi-n ayani lunggaji?
who.I-DAT 3SG.S(PR)-PROG look.for policeman.I(NOM)
Which boy is the policeman looking for?

63 This is the same plural suffix that is used with demonstratives. The forms for each gender are: -gunji (i),
-gunya (IU. -gunyma tut) and -gunja (IV).
64 Gender is not marked with the dual number suffix.
65 Although many of these examples potentially have two interpretations, as indicated in (4-249 to 4-250)
above, in the examples here and elsewhere in this work I have provided only the translations that were
most relevent in the context in which the particular example was given.
122 Chapter 4

(4-259) Gayini-gunji g-a yarru?

which-PL.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST go
Which mob went?
(4-260) Gayina yurula nyamirniji?
what.IV(NOM) name.IV(NOM) 2SG.NOM
What's your name?
When the referent is unknown, such that it is not possible to determine the gender, the
Class I form is used:
(4-261) Gayini îrrî-n ngarnnga?
what.I(ACC) 3PL.A(NP)-PROG bark.at
What are they barking at?
The Class Iv form is used to refer to non-nominal entities, such as events or activities:
(4-262) Gayina ngîyi-ny-a didima?
what.IV(ACC) 3SG.NM.A-20-NF tell
What did she tell you?
Gayînî can be inflected with the same possessive-deriving suffix that is used with
possessive pronouns and possessive demonstratives (-gan-), followed by a gender suffix
agreeing with the possessed noun, to derive a possessive indefinite/interrogative meaning
`someone's, whose'. In the following example the final nasal of the suffix -gan- has
assimilated to the place of articulation of the velar stop of the following Class Iv gender suffix
-ga.
(4-263) Yana narunguja gayinagangga766
this.IV.SG.NOM car.IV(NOM) whose.IV(NOM)
Whose car is this?
See §4.6 and §4.8 for a discussion of this possessive-deriving suffix with demonstratives
and free pronouns respectively.

4.7.1.1 GAYINANKA `FOR SOMETHING, WHY'

Gayini can also be inflected with the dative suffix -nka to form the indefinite/interrogative
`for something, why'. This indefinite/ interrogative is used both with the meaning `why, with
what purpose' and `why, what cause', although the latter meaning can also be expressed
using the causal suffix — see §4.4.9.67
Some examples are:
(4-264) Alaji gi yugu gayinanka.
boy.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR) cry for.something
The boy is crying for something.

66 Note that in this form, as in the derived form gayinanka `for something, why', the final vowel of the
root (/i/) has lowered to /a/. Perhaps this is due to assimilation with the vowel in the following suffix.
67 In this respect Wambaya differs from many Australian languages which express these two meanings with
different forms. Often the 'what cause' form is derived with the ablative suffix (e.g. Diyari (Austin
1981a) and Bilinara (Nordlinger 1990)).
 Nominals 123

(4-265) Gayinanka gi-n yugu nanama?

why 3SG.S(PR)-PROG cry that.II.SG.NOM
Why is she crying?
(4-266) Gayinanka nyi-n garni?
why 2SG.S(PR)-PROG laugh
Why are you laughing?
(4-267) Gayinanka irri-ngg-a daguma?
why 3PL.A-RR-NF hit
Why are they fighting?
(4-263) Gayinanka=miji g-a yugu.
for.something=I'ivFER 3SG.S-PST cry
I don't know why she cried.

4.72 LV7.4N! `SOMEWHERE, WHERE'

Injani is used with the meanings of `(to) somewhere' and `where (to)'. It does not inflect
for either number or gender.
(4-269) Injani g-a yarru alaji?
where 3SG.S-PST go boy.I(NOM)
Where did the boy go?
(4-270) Injani darranggu ngarrga?
where stick.IV(NOM) ISG.POSS.IV(NOM)
Where is my stick?
(4-271) Injani=miji g-a yarru.
somewhere=INFER 3SG.S-PST go
I don't know where she's gone.
This form appears to consist of a root inja and the ergative/locative suffix -ni. There is one
example of this root in the corpus, in which it means `which':68
(4-272) Inja darranggu ny-a aliyulu?
w-hich.IV(ACC) stick.IV(ACC) 2SG.A-PST find
Which stick did you find?
This root can also be combined with the ablative suffix -nnga to mean `from somewhere,
where from' 69
(4-273) Injannga ini julaji gi-n ngarra bardbi?
where.from this.ISG.NOM bird.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG ISG.OBL run
Where is this bird coming (to me) from?

68 Note that it is very common in Australian languages for `which' and 'where' to he expressed with the
same root (Mushin 1995).
69 There are actually no examples in the corpus in which this item is used in the indefinite function.
However, there is no reason to think that it would not be possible given the behaviour of the other
members of the subclass.
124 Chapter 4

(4-274) Injannga nanawulu nayida-wulu?

where.from this.II.DU.NOM woman-DU(NOM)
Where are these two women from?

4.7.3 YANGULU `SOMETIME, WHEN'

Yangulu is the indefinite/interrogative meaning `sometime, when'.70 Some examples of its
use are:
(4-275) Yangulu ny-amany yarru?
when 2SG.S-PST.TWD go
When did you arrive?
(4-276) Yangulu g-uba yarru, gujinya?
when 3SG.S-NP.AWY go(FUT) mother.II(NOM)
When will you go, mother?

4.7.4 YANGULANY- `SOME AMOUNT, HOW MANY' 71

Yangulany- `some amount, how many' agrees in gender with the noun that it modifies.
The different gender forms are yangulanjî (I), yangulanya (II), yangulanyma an) and
yangulanja (IV). There are only a few examples of this indefinite/interrogative in the corpus. It
is likely that further examples will show that it also agrees with the head noun in case, but the
only examples I have so far are in the accusative case.72
(4-277) Yangulanja ngarlana nyi nyamirnijî ngarlwi?
how.many.IV(ACC) language.IV(ACC) 2SG.S(PR) 2SG.NOM talk
How many languages do you speak?
(4-278) Yangulanjî nyî yabu alaji?
how.many.I(ACC) 2SG.A(PR) have boy.I(ACC)
How many children do you have?

4.7.5 WUNJUGU `SOMEHOW, HOW' 73

The indefinite/interrogative wunjugu is used with the meaning `somehow, how'. There are
very few examples of this form in the corpus, including:
(4-279) Wunjugu îrr-ala ngarlwi?
how 3PL.S-HAB.NP talk
How do they always say it?

70 See footnote 69.

71 Again. see footnote 69.
72 Chadwick (1978:201) gives the Class 1 and Class U forms of this indefinite/interrogative as wcnranggalaji
and wananggalanya respectively. I have not heard either of these forms. The Class III and Class Iv forms
that he gives are the same as those that I have given above.
73 Strictly speaking this is an adverb, not a nominal, and does not belong in this chapter. However, it is
discussed here along with the other indefinite/interrogatives for completeness and clarity of exposition.
 Nominals 125

(4-280) Wunjugu=miji în--a ginganbi garnguji-rdarra.

somehow=INFER 3PL.S-PST drown many.I-GROUP(NOM)
Somehow they all drowned (but I don't know how).
(4-281) Ngurruwani ngurr-ala nijbi wunjugu?
IPL_L`CNOM 1PL.EXC.S-HAB.NP sing how
How do we say it?

4.7.6 INJUGUJA `WHAT SORT OF'

This indefinitefinterrogative is not found in my corpus of Wambaya, but is given by
Chadwick (1978:199-201). He gives the following gender forms: injuguji (I), injugujarna (II),
injugujama (III) and injuguja (Iv). He gives only one example of its use (p. 199):74
(4-282) Injuguji juwa.
what_sort_of.I(NOM) man.I(NOM)
What sort of man.
It is interesting to note the similarity in form between this indefinite/interrogative and
wunjugu, discussed in §4.7.5. Further investigation is required.

4.8 FREE PRONOUNS

While nominals generally operate on an ergative-absolutive system of case marking, free
pronouns (except for the possessive forms) have a nominative-accusative case marking
system; thus, ergative and nominative case forms are homophonous. There is also an oblique
pronoun form which is used in the dative case and serves as the base for other case forms.
Possessive pronouns, like all other nominals, have homophonous nominative and accusative
forms. They agree in gender, number and case with the noun that they modify and are the
only pronoun forms that can occur as a modifier in a NP.
As was discussed in §4.4.3 above, there is just one nominal case that covers both ergative
and locative case functions. Unfortunately, there are no examples in the corpus of free
pronouns in the locative case and thus it is not possible to tell whether pronouns also collapse
the two cases, as all other nominals do.75 If it is found that pronouns formally distinguish
ergative and locative cases, following the line of argument presented in Goddard (1982), this
distinction should be extended to the class of nominals as a whole. Thus, the analysis
proposed here for all nominals would have to be changed such that there are two distinct
cases that simply have homophonous case marking. However, for present purposes I will
assume that pronouns behave as other nominals, but will gloss the ergative pronoun forms as
`ERG', rather than `LOC', since they are not found in locative function in the corpus.
Nominative and ergative free pronouns are relatively uncommon and are largely used for
emphatic purposes, as are singular accusative free pronouns. Dual Lind plural accusative
pronouns are used more frequently since object bound pronouns in the auxiliary register only

74 The glosses in this example are mine.

75 All attempts to elicit pronouns in the locative function produced either examples involving the allative
case. or constructions which avoided the use of a pronoun all together. It may he that pronouns ate
semantically incompatible with the locative case function in Wamhaya (as they appear to he with the
instrumental case function, for example). Further research is required.
126 Chapter4

person; the free object pronouns are therefore required to provide information as to the
number of the object (this is discussed in greater detail in §5.1).
Table 4.18 contains the non-possessive pronoun forms. The possessive pronouns are
given in Table 4.19 below. Note that the language does not have any third person singular
non-oblique pronouns; when necessary, demonstratives are used instead (this is quite
common in Australian languages; see Dixon (1980)). As ergative and nominative forms are
homophonous, I have listed them together in Table 4.18.
TABLE 4.18: FREE PRONOUNS

NOM/ERG ACC OBL(ique)

1 SG ngawurniji, ngawu ngawurniji, ngawu ngarra
2SG nyamirnijî, nyami nyamimiji, nyamî nganga
3SG.M _ — nanga
3SG.F _ ngaya
1DU.INC mirndiyani mirnda mirnda
1 DU.EXC ngurluwanî ngurla ngurla
2DU gurluwani gurla gurla
3DU wurluwanî wurla wurla
I PL.INC ngurruwani ngurra ngurra
1 PL.EXC ngirriyani ngarra ngarra
2PL girrîyani girra girra
3PL îrriyanî irra irra
Note that there are no more than two forms for each pronoun. The singular pronouns have
homophonous nominative, ergative and accusative forms, and a different form for oblique,
while the non-singular pronouns have one form that covers nominative and ergative cases and
another one that is used for both accusative and oblique.
The non-singular accusative/oblique forms are clearly derived from the non-singular
nominative/ergative forms. The non-singular nominative/ergative forms are made up of a
pronoun base followed by either -wani (after /u/) or -yani (after /i/). The accusative/oblique
forms are derived by replacing the final vowel of the pronoun base with /a/. Thus:
Pronoun Base NOM/ERG ACC/OBL
1DU.INC mirndi- mirndi-yani mirnd-a
3DU wurlu- wurlu-wani wurl-a
While the singular nominative, ergative and accusative forms are a little unpredictable, the
oblique forms also appear to consist of a pronoun base of which the final vowel is replaced
by /a/. This pronoun base is not found in any other non-possessive pronoun forms, but does
appear in the possessive pronouns; see below.
Pronoun Base76 OBLique Form
1 SG ngarri- ngarr-a
2SG ngangî- ngang-a
3SG.M nangi- nang-a

76 Evidence for the existence of the final vowels of these roots comes from the analysis of possessive
pronouns and is discussed below.
 Nominals 127

In the third person singular feminine, which has a consonant-final base, the final
consonant of the base is dropped to form the oblique pronoun:
Pronoun Base OBLique Form
3SG.F ngayang- ngaya
The pronoun forms are basically the same for all three dialects of the McArthur group.
However, in Gudanji the non-singular accusative and oblique forms all contain the additional
final syllable -ga: mirndaga IDU.INC.ACC/OBL', wurlaga `3DU.ACC/OBL' and so on. It seems
that the Wambaya forms may have originally contained this syllable too, as it appears before
the comitative suffix (see below), and is present in the stem of the dative demonstratives (see
§4.6.1).
Many examples of the use of these pronouns can be found throughout this volume. Some
more follow.
(4-283), Ngirriyani ngirri-n mîrra.
I PLEXC.NOM I PL.EXC.S(NP)-PROG sit
We're sitting here.
(4-284) Ngajbî ng-a irra.
see ISG.A-PST 3PL.ACC
I watched them.
(4-285) Ardbi irri-n ngarra.
call.out 3PLS(NP)-PROG 1 SG.OBL
They're calling out to me.
(4-286) Daguma ng-a igima gurla.
hit ISG.A-PST that.one.I.SG.ACC 2DU.OBL
I killed him for you (two).
The oblique forms are used in the dative case (as in examples (4-285) and (4-286)) and
serve as the base for the comitative case forms. In the comitative case the suffix -yili is added
to the oblique form of the pronoun. In the singular forms, the final vowel of the oblique
pronoun assimilates to the vowel of the suffix:
(4-287) Alajî gi-n mirra ngarri-yîlî.
boy.I(NOM) 3SG.S (PR )-PROG sit IGG.OBL-COMIT
The boy lives with me.
(4-288) Mirrang-ba ng-u ngangi-yili.
sit-FUT tSG.S-FUT 2SG.OBL-COMIT
I'll sit with you.
In the non-singular forms the -ga present in the Gudanji accusative and oblique forms (and
presumably originally in Wambaya) appears before the comitative suffix:
(4-289) Mawula g-a irriga-yîli.
play 3SG.S-PST 3PL.OBL-COMIT
He played with them.
(4-290) Yarru g-u mîrndiga yîlî.
go(FUT) 3SG.S-FUT IDU.INCOBL-COMIT
He'll go with us.
128 Chapter 4

Interestingly, the comitative case form serves as the base for other case forms such as the
allative:
(4-291) Yabu ganza irriga-yili-nmanji!
take(FITC) SG.IMP.AWY 3PL.OBL-COMIT-ALL
Take it to them!
Possessive pronouns, like most nominals, have an ergative/absolutive case-marking
system; nominative and accusative case forms are homophonous. Table 4.19 lists the
nominative/accusative forms of the possessive pronouns, which agree in gender, number and
case with the noun that they modify (i.e. the possessed noun). A question mark following a
form indicates that the form has been inferred on the basis of other members of the paradigm,
but is not present in the corpus.
TABLE 4.19: POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS (WITH SINGULAR, NOMINATIVE/ACCUSATIVE
AGREEMENT)
Class I Class II Class in Class IV
1 SG ngarri, ngarradi ngarrima ngarrima ngarrga
2SG ngangi, ngangadi ngangima ngangima ngangga
3SG.M nangî nangima nangîma nangga
3SG.F ngayanji ngayanga — ngayazzgga
I DU.INC mirndiganjî mîrndîgarna mîrndigama ? mirndigangga
IDU.EXC ngurluganji ngurlugama ngurlugama ngurlugangga
2DU gurluganji gurlugarna gurlugama ? gurlugangga
3DU wurluganji wurlugarna wurlugarna wurlugangga
1 PL.INC ngurruganji ngurlugama ngurrugama ? ngurrugangga
I PL.EXC ngirrîganji ngîrrigarna ngirrigama? ngîrrigangga
2PL girriganji girrîgarna girrîgama ? girrîgangga
3PL irriganji irriganza irrigama ? irrigangga
The possessive pronouns are derived from the pronoun bases discussed above. With first
and second person singular, the forms for Classes I, II and III are formed by adding the
appropriate gender suffix: -0/-ni- `I ABS/NABS', -rna/-nga- `H ABS/NABS' and -ma/-mi- `III
ABS/NABS' respectively. The Class IV gender suffixes -gal-gi- `IV ABS/NABS' replace the final
vowel of the pronoun base. Third person singular masculine behaves in the same way as first
and second person singular. Third person singular feminine however, takes the Class I suffix
-ji (and-nyî- in the non-absolutive), and the Class H suffix -nga (both in the absolutive and
non-absolutive). The final nasal of the pronoun base becomes palatal before the palatal stop
of the Class I suffix and is dropped before the nasal of the Class II suffix.
Singular nominative/accusative forms
Pronoun Base I II III IV
1 SG ngarri- ngarri-0 ngarri-ma ngarri-ma ngarr-ga
2SG ngangî- ngangi-0 ngangi-nia ngangi-ma ngang-ga
3SG.M nangî- nangi-0 nangi-ma natzgi-ma nang-ga
3SG.F ngayang- ngayanjî ngaya-nga ngayang-ga
Evidence for the forms of these pronoun bases is the fact that these are the forms to which
dual and plural number suffixes are attached (see §4.3 for a discussion cf number and
number suffixes):
 Nominais 129

ngarri-yulu 1 SG.POSS-DU
ngangi-yulu 2SG.POSS-DU
nangi-marndi 3 SG.M.POS S-PL.I(NOM/ACC)
ngayang-bali 3 SG.F. POS S-PL.I(NOM/ACC).

Some non-singular nominative/accusative forms

Pronoun Base I II IQ IV
1DU IC mîrndi- mirndi-gan-ji mimdi-ga-ma mimdi-ga-ma mirndi-gang-ga
2DU gurlu- gurlu-gan-ji gurlu-ga-rna gurlu-ga-ma gurlu-gang-ga
3PL irri- irri-gan-ji irri-ga-ma irri-ga-ma irri-gang-ga
The non-singular possessive pronouns are derived by adding to the pronoun base the
possessive-deriving suffix -gan-, inflected for gender: ji/-nyi- `I ABS/NABS', -rna/-nga- `II
ABS/NABS', -ma 'III ABS' and -ga/-gi- Iv ABS/NABS'. The final nasal of the suffix -gan-
assimilates to the place of articulation of the following palatal or velar stop (i.e. with the Class
I and Class Iv suffixes), and is dropped before an alveolar or bilabial nasal (i.e. before the
Class II absolutive suffix and the Class III suffix).77
In Wambaya, as in many Australian languages, there is a contrast between two types of
possession: alienable possession and inalienable possession. The possessive constructions
discussed so far in this work, in the discussion of possessive demonstratives (§4.6.1), the
genitive suffix (§4.4.10) and the possessive use of the dative suffix (§4.4.4), have all
involved alienable possession; cases in which the possessed item is considered separate and
detachable from the possessor. The nature of inalienable possession, on the other hand, is
that of a part-whole relationship; the two entities are considered to be inseparable such that
what is happening to one nominal (the 'part') is conceived of as simultaneously happening to
the other nominal (the 'whole') (see, for example, Hale (1981), McGregor (1985), Chappell
and McGregor (1989), Chappell and McGregor, eds (1995) for a discussion of inalienable
possession in both Australian languages and more generally). The semantic contrast between
these two construction types is shown in the following English examples:
The dog bit me on the hand = The dog bit me (inalienable (or part—whole))
The dog ate my dinner # The dog ate me (alienable)
The dative and genitive suffixes and the possessive demonstratives can be used only in
constructions of alienable possession, which is also the most usual use of possessive
pronouns (see examples (4-292) to (4-295)). However, for purposes of emphasis (4-296) or
in verbless clauses (4-297), it is possible to use possessive pronouns in constructions of
inalienable possession.
Some examples of the use of possessive pronouns follow. For a discussion of inalienable
possession see §4.9.

77 This suffix is also used to derive possessive demonstratives. However, in the one example of a Class III
possessive demonstrative in the corpus the alveolar nasal of the possessive-deriving suffix is retained
before the bilabial nasal of the Class III gender suffix: nganaganma `this.11.SG.POSS.111.NOM/ACC.
Simpson (1990) notes the similarity between the -ga accusative/oblique element in. Wambaya, and an
inversion marker in Warumungu -ngki or -ngku. As well as having a slight similarity of form, these two
morphemes are similar in occurring with non-singular accusative pronouns and possessive pronouns
(although whether the form that occurs with possessive pronouns in Wambaya is the same as that on
accusati ve/oblique pronouns is unclear, see the discussion in §4.6). However, the Warumungu morpheme
has an additional function of marking inversion of subject and object bound pronouns that the Wambaya
element does not have.
130 Chapter 4

(4-292) Ngajbî ng-a nangi-marndi alangmiminji

see ISG.A-PST 3SG.M-PL.I(ACC) children.I(ACC)
I saw his children.
(4-293) Wugbardi ng-a numganyma ngarringa-nka gujiga-nka.
cook I SG.A-PST tucker.III(ACC) 1 SG.POSS.II-DAT mother.II-DAT
I cooked tucker for my mother.
(4-294) Ngayanga-ni janya-nî ngîyî-ng-a dawu.
3SG.F.POSS.II-LOC dog.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-10-NF bite
Her dog (female) bit me.
(4-295) lnîyawulu gurlugan-bulu alag-ulu.
that.I.DU.NOM 2DU.POSS-DU(NOM) child-DU(NOM)
There are your (dual) two children.
(4-296) Junmî nyî-ng-a ngarrga nyungga!
cut 2SG.A-IO-NF 1SG.POSS.IV(ACC) hair.IV(ACC)
You cut my hair!
(4-297) Yana ngarrga labîrra.
this.IV.SG.NOM 1SG.POSS.IV(NOM) hand.IV(NOM)
This is my hand.
It is very common for an oblique pronoun to be used in a context where a possessive
pronoun would usually be expected. The examples of this are all in constructions of alienable
possession. Some examples are:
(4-298) Gajbi gin-a manganyma ngarra.
eat 3SG.M.A-PST tucker.III(ACC) ISG.OBL
He ate my tucker.
(4-299) Yarru îrr-agba nganga magi-nmanji.
go 3PL.S-HYP 2SG.OBL camp.IV-ALL
They might go to your camp.
(4-300) Lurdbî îrr-a ngarra barrawu.
pound 3PL.A-PST ISG.OBL house.IV(ACC)
They bashed on my door (lit. house).
The fact that oblique pronouns can be used in possessive constructions parallels the
common use of the dative case with nominals in genitive phrases, instead of the genitive
suffix (see §4.4.4 and §4.4.10).

4.9 NP STRUCTURE
A Wambaya noun phrase consists of a head and one or more modifiers, all of which are
optional (the head can be ellipsed when it is recoverable from previous discourse; see below).
All members of the NP must agree in terms of gender, number and case (where
morphologically possible). As is common to several Australian languages, elements of NPs in
Wambaya need not be contiguous in the clause. This possibility of discontinuous NP
constituents has led researchers working on some Australian languages (e.g. Heath 1986 on
Nunggubuyu, Blake 1983 on Kalkatungu) to suggest that these languages may not have NP
 Nominals 131

constituents, and that apparent NPS can just be treated as apposed nominals. I will not review
the arguments for this analysis here, but assume that the following two pieces of evidence
argue for the existence of a NP constituent in Wambaya, at least in those cases in which the
elements are contiguous (see below for more discussion of discontinuous NPs):
(i) Usually the auxiliary must follow the initial word of a clause. However, it is possible
for the auxiliary to follow a complex NP, thereby providing evidence for its existence
as a constituent_ The position of the auxiliary can then be described as being after the
initial constituent of a clause.
(ii) In possessive phrases in which the possessor is marked with either genitive or dative
case, relational case marking is found only on the head of the NP. As relational case
marking is not found on the possessor nominal in this situation, the case marking
found on the head nominal also refers to the modifying nominal, thereby providing
evidence that the two nominals in such phrases form a single NP constituent.
The structure of a Wambaya NP is as follows.78 Note that any one of the modifers listed in
the position before the head can be postposed to follow the head.79
(MODIFIERS) (HEAD) (MODIFIER)
(Dem)(POSS)(Num)(Adj) Nom
Dem = Demonstrative
POSS = Possessive pronoun or demonstrative, or possessive NP
Num = Numeral
Adj = Adjective
Nom = Nominal
The head is usually filled by a noun, but can in principle be any type of nominal. An
example from Text 1 in Appendix A in which a numeral functions as the head is:
(4-301) Garnguji=miji in-i-n mirra.
many.I(NOM~INFER 3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit
There must be a big group (of people).
The fact that this example occurs at the beginning of the text (i.e. the second line) before
there has been any mention of people, suggests that the numeral is functioning as the head,
rather than simply modifying an ellipsed head. However, there are a small number of
examples in which it may be argued that the head has been ellipsed. Consider the following
sequence (lines 62-64) from the same text:S0

78 This is the same structure as in Kayardild (Evans 1995a) and is very similar to the Gooniyandi structure
(McGregor 19%).
79 In his detailed discussion of Gooniyandi noun phrases, McGregor (1990) makes a distinction between
reference modification and referent modification, and shows that this distinction correlates with a contrast
in function between pre-head and post-head modifiers. Thus, an element which precedes the head modifies
the reference of the head nominal, it selects a subset of the potential referents denoted by the nominal. In
contrast. a post-head constituent modifies the head's referent, indicating a quality of property of the thing
itself, which may be independent of the nominal denoting the entity (p. 26711). Further research is needed
to determine whether there is likewise a semantic difference between pre- and post- head modifiers in
Wambaya.
80 This discussion has benefited greatly from McGregor's (1990) discussion of NPs in Gooniyandi,
132 Chapter4

(4-302) Bungmaj-buli-ji ngankawuliji wurl-aji daguma juwarramba.

old.person-DU-LOC this.II.DU.LOC 3DU.A-HAB.PST hit men.I(ACC)
(because) These two old ladies had been killing all the boys.
Daguma wurl-ajî gilîyaga wurl-aji gajbi juwarramba.
hit 3DU.A-HAB.PST there 3DU.A-HAB.PST eat men.I(ACC)
They'd been killing them (and) eating the boys there.
Garnguji wurl-ajî daguma.
many.i(ACC) 3DU.A-HAB.PST hit
They'd been killing a lot of them.
In this example, in contrast to that given in (4-301), garnguji in the final line appears to be
modifying the ellipsed head juwarramba which is mentioned in the preceding two clauses.
Thus, this is one example in which an NP has no overt constituent corresponding to its head.
A NP can also be made up of a pronoun. A (non-possessive) pronoun is always the head
of a phrase, and usually occurs alone (although see below for some possible exceptions to
this).
Some example NPs are:
Dem + Noun + POSS
(4-303) Janganja iniyaga gagulu ngangi!
ask(FUT) that.LSG.ACC y.brother.I(ACC) 2SG.POSS.I(ACC)
Ask your brother!
Dem + Num
(4-304) Inuwulu gujarrawulu wurl-uba yarru.
this.I.DU.NOM two(NOM) 3DU.S-NP.AWY go(FUT)
These two will go.
Dem + POSS, and then Num + Dem
(4-305) Nganki ngayanga-ni ngiy-a aliyulu garndawugi
this.ILSG.LOC 3SG.F.POSS.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST find one.I(ACC)
iniyaga.
that.I.SG.ACC
This (daughter) of hers has that one (son).
Num + Adj + Noun
(4-306) Garndawuginî-nî bugayîni-ni galalarrlnyi-ni gini ng a dawu.
one.I-LOC big.I-LOC dog.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-10-NF bite
One big dog bit me.
Dem + Noun + Adj
(4-307) Ayani ngî ninaga galalarrînyi-nka bugayini-nka.
look.for 1SG.S(PR) this.I.SG.DAT dog.I-DAT big.I-DAT
I'm looking for the big dog.
POSS + Num + Noun
(4-308) Ngarri-yulu gujarrawulu alag-ulu.
ISG.POSS-DUAL(NOM) two(NOM) child-DU(NOM)
My two children.
 Nominals 133

Num + Noun + Dem

(4-309) Ngajbi g-a gujarrawulu marndag-bulu inuwuliyaga.
see 3SG.A-PST two(ACC) white.person-DU(ACC) that.I.DU.ACC
He saw those two white men.
Pro (NOM)
(4-310) Ngawurniji ng-uba yarru.
ISO.NOM 1SG.S-NP.AWY go(FUT)
I'll go.
Pro (Obl)
(4-311) Yandu ngi ngaya.
wait ISG.S(PR) 3SG.F.OBL
I'm waiting for her.
Although the tendency is for NPs to be contiguous, it is possible for members of a NP to be
separated in the clause. In the majority of these examples, one element of the discontinuous
NP appears initially in the clause (see examples (4-312)-(4-314)), but this is not always the
case (see (4-315)).
Examples of discontinuous NPs are:
(4-312) Garngunya gin-aji yabu garirda-rdarra garndawugini-ni.
manylRACC) 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST have wife.Il-GROUP(ACC) one.i-LOC
One (man) used to have many wives.
(4-313) Ngaragana-nguji ngiy-a gujînganjanga-ni jiyawu ngabulu.
grog-PROP.I(ACC) 3SG.NM.A-PST mother.Il-SOC give milk.IV(ACC)
(His) mother gave (him) milk with grog in it.
(4-314) Dirdîbulyini-nmanji g-amany magi-nmanji yarru.
peewee.I-ALL 3SG.S-P.TWD camp.IV-ALL go
She came to Peewee's camp.
(4-315) Babaga yi nyi-n jundurra mirnda bajbaga yardi.
sister.B-LOC 2SG.A(PR)-PROG dust.IV(ACC) IDU.INC.OBL big.IV(ACC) put
Sister you're making lots of dust for us.
A great deal more work is needed on discontinuous constituents in Wambaya and the
discourse conditions under which they are possible. .
A small set of nouns can also be used as modifiers, modifying a head noun. The most
common examples of this involve the noun bungmajî `old man' (1):
(4-316) Garidi-ni bungmanyi-ni gin-amany yanybi.
husband.I-LOC old.man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-P.TWD get
(Her) old man husband came and got (her).
(4-317) Agarri bungmaji juga g-a yarru
ISG.POSS.I(NOM) old.man.I(NOM) MB.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST go
mawula-ji-nka.
play-TH-DAT
My old man uncle came to play (cards).
134 Chapter 4

Another example involves the noun lagurra `hole'. Note that despite the fact that it belongs
to a different gender, lagurra shows no gender agreement with the head noun in this example:
(4-318) Yabu ng-aji lagurra juruma.
have 1SG.A-HAB.PST hole.IV(ACC) stomach.IIl(ACC)
I used to have a deep stomach (i.e. I was very thin).
In a couple of examples an oblique pronoun co-occurs with a noun. In these examples it is
difficult to determine whether the two belong to one NP or to different NPs. However, the fact
that pronouns usually occur alone in a NP, and that there is usually (but not always) a pause
between the pronoun and the noun, suggests that it may be better to treat these examples as
containing two apposed NPs, as in the English translations.
(4-319) Yandu irrî ngaya bulungunga-nka.
wait 3PL.S(NP) 3SG.F.OBL young.woman.II-DAT
They wait for her, the young woman.
(4-320) Yangula g-a yarru naniyaga mujuju-ngunya
NEG 3SG.S-PST go that.II.SG.NOM menstruation-PROP.II(NOM)
irrîga-yîli-nmanji juwa-nmanji.
3PL.OBL-COMIT-ALL man.I-ALL
That menstruating woman can't go near them, the men.
However, in at least one example in the corpus, a pronoun appears between a modifier and
a noun, making the apposition analysis harder to justify:
(4-321) Jawaranya ng-u yidanyî ngaba ng-u yardi
billycan.II(ACC) ISG.A-FUT get THEN 1SG.A-FUT put
yaniya cool drink nînaka nanga juglni-nka.
that.IV.SG.ACC cool drink this.I.SG.DAT 3SG.M.OBL boy.t-DAT
I'm going to get the billycan and put that cold drink (in it) for this boy.
Further investigation is required. In particular, it is necessary to test whether a pronoun +
noun combination can appear before the auxiliary before it can be determined whether they
can together make up a single NP.
INALIENABLE POSSESSION
As mentioned in §4.8, Wambaya makes a formal distinction between two types of
possessive constructions: alienable and inalienable. In constructions of alienable possession
the possessor is expressed by either a possessive pronoun or demonstrative, or by a nominal
inflected with either the dative or genitive case. In constructions of inalienable possession,
however, there is no special marking on the possessor nominal and the two nominals occur in
juxtaposition. Examples of constructions of alienable possession are found in §4.8. §4.6.
§4.4.4 and §4.4.10. A discussion of inalienable possession follows.
Constructions of inalienable possession are the most common type of what are commonly
referred to as part-whole constructions.81 These constructions are thus in contrast to those of
alienable possession, which encode two entities as being associated, but easily separable.

81 Although, as pointed out by Chappell and McGregor (1989:28), constructions of inalienable possession
encode not so much a part-whole relation, but rather one in which two entities are seen to be inextricably
linked. See also Hale (1981). McGregor (1985) and Chappell and McGregor, eds (1995) for a discussion
of inalienability and part—whole relations in other languages.
 Nominals 135

Inalienable possession in Wambaya is most commonly used with body parts (4-323) to (4-
325), but is also used with other entities such as tracks (example (4-326)) and names (4-
327).
As mentioned above, the construction of inalienable possession differs from that of
alienable possession in that the two nominals are simply juxtaposed without any special
morphological marking. These two constructions also differ in the way that they are
registered in the auxiliary. In alienable constructions, it is the possessed noun (the head of the
phrase) which is registered in the auxiliary. In inalienable const ructions, however, it is the
'possessor' nominal which is registered. This difference is shown in the following two
examples, of which the first is an alienable construction and the second is one of inalienable
possession.
(4-322) Dagwna ng-a ngangi janjî.
hit ISG.A-PST 2SG.POSS.I(ACC) dog.I(ACC)
I hit your dog.
(4-323) Nyamî ngî-ny-a daguma labîrra.
2SG.ACC ISGA-20-NF hit hand.IV(ACC)
I hit your hand.
If the inalienable construction is considered to be made up of 2 NPs: one which contains
the `possessor' nominal and bears the grammatical relation, and another which contains the
`possessed' entity and is a complement of the first NP, then this difference in the cross-
referencing behaviour of the two possessive constructions is easily explained. Under this
analysis it is simply the head of the NP bearing the grammatical relation which is registered:
janji 'dog' (I) in example (4-322) and nyami `you.ACC' in (4-323). The nominal labîrra in (4-
323) cannot be registered as it belongs to a NP which does not bear the grammatical relation
(but is simply a complement); and the possessor nominal in (4-322) cannot be registered as it
is not the head of the NP in which it occurs.82
The behaviour of inalienable constructions in reflexive/reciprocal clauses also suppo rts the
analysis that treats the `possessed' entity as a complement to the 'possessor' NP. Usually a
reflexive/reciprocal construction contains no overt object NP, only the reflexive/reciprocal
bound pronoun in the auxiliary. However, in constructions of inalienable possession, it is
possible to have an overt NP representing the object:
(4-324) Langanjardi j-ba ngu-ngg-u jartga.
hang.up-TH-FUT I SG.A-RR-FUT foot.IV(NOM)
I'll put my feet up (on the back of the chair).
This suggests that the overt NP, here janga, is not the object (as the object is represented
by the reflexive/reciprocal pronoun), but a complement to the object.
A few other examples of inalienable constructions are:
(4-325) Warima ginî-ng-a labirra.
hold 3SG.M.A-IO-NF hand.IV(ACC)
He held my hand.

82 Note that this makes predictions about auxiliary placement in inalienable constructions: if the
'possessor' and the 'possessed' belong to different NPs one would expect that it is not possible for both
to precede the auxiliary in one clause. Unfortunately the corpus does not contain the relevent data to
check this.
136 Chapter 4

(4-326) Janga ng-a ngajbi yarru-warda mayinanji.

foot.IV(ACC) 1SG.A-PST see go-INF goanna.I(ACC)
I saw the goanna's tracks going along.
(4-327) Gayina nyamîrniji yurula?
what.IV(NOM) 2SG.NOM name.IV(NOM)
What's your name?
 CHAPTER 5
THE AUXILIARY

The auxiliary in Wambaya contains bound pronouns that represent the subject and object
(if present) of the clause, as well as affixes that provide tense, aspect, mood and directional
information. The auxiliary occurs in second position an d is usually obligatory in every main
verbal clause; it can be omitted only under highly restricted conditions (see §5.4). The basic
structure of the auxiliary is as follows:
Subject + (Object) + Tense/aspect/mood/directional
A maximum of two arguments can be registered in the auxiliary: the subject and the direct
object.' With ditransitive verbs it is the recipient which is registered. In all examples in the
corpus, this argument is animate while the other argument that is not registered is inanimate.2
Some examples are:
(5-1) Didima ngiyi-ng-a marranya.
tell 3SG.NM.A-IO-NF yarn.IV(ACC)
She told me a yarn.
(5-2) Jiyawu ngi-ny-a danya.
give ISG.A-20-NF clothes.IV(ACC)
I gave you clothes.
Only direct objects can be registered in the auxiliary. Indirect objects of semitransitive
verbs, for example, are not registered:
(5-3) Yandu ng-a nganga.
wait ISG.S-PST 2SG.OBL
I waited for you.
As evident in the above structural template, the auxiliary in Wambaya contains no verbal
root (at least synchronically). Although it is sometimes claimed that an auxiliary by definition
must be verbal, Schachter (1985:41) argues that it is possible for the class of auxiliaries to
include non-verbs, as in languages such as Hausa. I thereby follow the arguments of
Schachter in describing the Wambaya part of speech as an auxiliary despite the fact that it is
synchronically non-verbal. Following are some examples of auxiliaries in Wambaya.

For the moment I will postpone discussion of the reflexive/reciprocal pronoun, which behaves a little
differently from the other object bound pronouns. The reflexive/reciprocal pronoun is discussed in §5.1.1.
Unfortunately, there are no examples in the corpus in which both objects are animate (e.g. They gave
him that woman as a wife), so it is not possible to tell whether it is grammatical/semantic role or
animacy which determines which argument will be registered in the auxiliary. I suspect, however, that it
is the recipient that is consistently marked, providing evidence that it is the direct object of these verbs.
137
138 Chapters

(5-4) Daguma ng-a.

hit 1 SG.A-PST
I hit him.
(5-5) Yarru ng-uba.
go(FUT) I SG.S-NP.AWY
I will go.
(5-6) Yarru ng-amany.
go ISG.S-P.TWD
I came.
(5-7) Mirra ny-ala.
sit 2SG.S-HAB.NP
You always sit.
(5-8) Ngajbi ngi-ny-a.
see 1 SG.A-20-NF
I saw you.
The absence of a verbal root makes the structure of the auxiliary a little difficult to
characterise: are the bound pronouns prefixed to the tense markers, or are the tense markers
suffixed to the bound pronouns? Historically, it appears that the bound pronouns were
prefixed to an auxiliary verb which has since been reduced, or lost completely, and is now
represented only by the tense/aspect/mood and directional markers. However, strictly
speaking, it is no longer valid to say that the bound pronouns are prefixes in Wambaya, as
there is no verbal root to which they are prefixed.3
In this work, I will call the pronominal elements `bound pronouns' and will refer to the
tense/aspect/mood and directional markers as `suffixes', while acknowledging this term's
slight inaccuracy.
In this chapter I begin with a discussion of the bound pronouns in the auxiliary (§5.1),
then discuss the tense, aspect and mood marking (§5.2) and the directional suffixes (§5.3).
At the end of this chapter I deal with syntactic and functional aspects of the auxiliary: its
position in, or absence from, the clause (§5.4) and its behaviour in imperative constructions
(§5.5).

3 In this respect I disagree with Blake (1990), who argues that the West Barkly languages can be reanalysed
as prefixing on the basis of the fact that bound pronouns are prefixed in the auxiliary to what he calls a
verbal stem (p.54). This analysis is based on examples from Chadwick (1979:681) such as the following
from Wambaya (I have retained Blake's glosses):
(a) Nguba.
I:go:FUT
I shall go.
(b) Ngajbi nguba
see I:go:FUT
I'll go and see.
Blake (p.54) claims that (a) contains a verb prefixed with a bound pronoun which in (b) functions as a
grammatical verb governing a non-finite lexical verb. According to my corpus the form in (a) is not a
verb but the auxiliary, and can be a complete utterance only in a context where it is clearly understood
which verb has been ellipsed. Thus, the more correk;t version of (a) would be yarru nguba in which the
auxiliary occurs with the verb yarru meaning 'go'. The form nguba is made up of the bound pronoun
ng(i)- representing first person singular subject, and the suffix -uba which indicates that the tense is non-
past and the action/event involves movement in a direction away from the speaker (see below).
 The auxiliary 139

Appendix C gives the forms of the auxiliaries in the other Eastern Group languages (from
Chadwick 1978)_

5.1 BOUND PRONOUNS

Every auxiliary (except for some directional imperative auxiliaries — see §5.3) must contain
a bound pronoun that registers the subject of the clause, and if there is a first or second
person object, then the auxiliary must also contain a bound pronoun registering the object of
the clause. (Third person objects are not registered in the auxiliary. This is discussed in more
detail in §5.2.1.) The presence of bound pronouns in the auxiliary means that it is possible,
and indeed usual, to omit the overt NP if all the necessary information is included in the
bound pronoun itself, or if it is evident from context or previous discourse.
The bound pronoun system as a whole makes a three-way distinction between transitive
subject (A), intransitive subject (S) and transitive object (0) (Table 5.1), although it is only in.
the third person singular that all three core functions are formally distinguished; all other
bound pronouns have homophonous A and S forms. While the subject bound pronouns
register person and number, object bound pronouns register person only. When the object is
non-singular, the appropriate accusative free pronoun is used to indicate the number of the
object (see below).
TABLE 5.1: SUBJECT AND OBJECT BOUND PRONOUNS

A S O
I SG ngi- ngi- -ng-
2SG nyî- nyi- -ny-
3SG.M gini- gi-
3SG.NM ngiyi- gi-
I DU.INC mirndi mirndî -ng-
IDU.EXC ngurlu- ngurlu- -ng-
2DU gurlu- gurlu- -ny-
3DU wurlu- wurlu-
1 PL.INC ngurru- ngurru- -ng-
IPL.EXC ngirri- ngirri- -ng-
2PL girri- gird- -ny-
3PL irri- irri-
Note that a gender distinction is made only in the third person transitive subject forms.
This distinction is between masculine (M), which only refers to Class I nominals, and non-
masculine (NM), which refers to nominals belonging to the feminine gender, Class II, as well
as nominals belonging to the two inanimate genders, Classes III and IV:
(5-9) Darranggu-nu ngîyi-ng-a irrijabî.
stick.IV-LOC 3SG.NM.A-IO-NF scratch
The stick scratched me.
As mentioned above, object bound pronouns distinguish only person, not number, and are
based on the singular subject forms. When the object is singular it is enough to have just the
object bound pronoun in the auxiliary (example (5-10)). When the object is non-singular,
however, the object bound pronoun in the auxiliary must be accompanied by a noun phrase
containing the appropriate accusative free pronoun (5-11), (5-12):
140 Chapter 5

(5-10) Jiya-j-ba ngu-ny-u gijilulu.

give-TH-FUT 1SG.A-2SG-FUT money.IV(ACC)
I will give you (sing.) money.
(5-11) Jiya-j-ba ngu-ny-u gurla gijilulu.
give-TH-FUT 1SG.A-20-FUT 2DU.ACC money.IV(ACC)
I will give you two some money.
(5-12) Daguma gini-ng-a ngirra.
hit 3SG.M.A-10-NF 1PL.EXC.ACC
He hit us.
When the object is third person non-singular it is not represented in the auxiliary (see
§5.2.1), and must be expressed by a either an accusative free pronoun (example (5-13)), a
noun-headed NP (5-14), or both (5-15), (5-16):
(5-13) Ngajbî ng-a wurla.
see 1SG.A-PST 3DU.ACC
I saw them (two).
(5-14) Ngajbî ng-a alag-ulu.
see 1 SG.A-PST child-DU(ACC)
I saw the two children.
(5-15) Alag-ulu ngi-n yandu wurla.
child-DU(ACC) 1 SG.A(PR)-PROG mind 3DU.ACC
I'm minding the two children.
(5-16) Bara]-ball gun-uba irra yabu.
old.man-PL.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A-NP.AWY 3PL.ACC take
He takes all the old men.
Note that the object free pronoun does not have to follow the auxiliary immediately; see
example (5-15) and the following:
(5-17) Guyala ngurr-uji ngajbi irra.
NEG 1PL.INC.A-NACT.PR see 3PL.ACC
We've never seen them.
As indicated in Table 5.1, third person objects are not registered in the auxiliary. While a
more typical analysis of the data would be to analyse the third person object morpheme to be
zero, a common situation in both Australian languages and other languages of the world, the
behaviour of auxiliaries of clauses with third person objects with respect to tense marking
indicates that they are best analysed as containing no object bound pronoun at all. The
arguments for this are given in Nordlinger (1993b) and in the discussion of tense marking in
§5.2.1.
There are a few examples in which a plural bound pronoun is used with dual reference,
with no obvious difference in meaning. The following extract is taken from Text 1 (Appendix
A), in which other examples can also be found (e.g. lines 7-10, 14 and so on). The subject of
this extract is two boys and it begins with one of them talking to the other:
(5-18) "Ngajbî ngurr-uba yang ngangaba najbî
see I PL.INC.A-NP.AWY this.IV.SG.ACC fire.IV(ACC) burn
 The auxiliary 141

gi-n.
3SG.S(PR)-PROG
"Let's go and look at the fire that's burning."
Yarru irr- ngaj-bi nanawulu ilarra-wulu
go 3PL.S-PST see this.II.DU.ACC eaglehawk-DU(ACC)
They went and (they) saw the two eaglehawks
buyunku-nu wurlu-n mîrra.
middle-LOC 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sit
(who) were sitting in the middle (of their camp).
There are also examples in which a singular bound pronoun is used with general plural
reference:
(5-19) Bungmanyî-ni gun-u nij-ba, nayida g-u gajurra.
old.man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-FUT sing-FUT woman.II(NOM) 3SG.S-FUT dance.FuT
The men will sing (while) the women dance.
However, in other examples the third person plural form irri is used with non-specific or
general reference, as is `one' or `they' in English:
(5-20) Ngarringga irr-a narunguja.
take.from 3PL.A-PST car.IV(ACC)
They've taken (her) car. (when explaining that my car had been sent on a truck
to Adelaide)

5.1.1 THE REFLEXIVE/RECIPROCAL PRONOUN

In reflexive and reciprocal constructions, the reflexive/reciprocal bound pronoun (glossed
'RR') occurs in the object position in the auxiliary. The form of this bound pronoun is -ngg 4
and it is followed by regular tense/aspect/mood suffixes (see §5.2.1). Some examples are:
(5-21) Gurda ngiyi-ngg-a.
be.sick 3SG.NM.A-RR-NF
She is sick.
(5-22) Daguma j-ba irri-ngg-i.
hit-TH-FUT 3PL.A-RR-FUT
They all will fight.
(5-23) Daguma-j-ba wurlu-ngg-u.
hit-TH-FUT 3DU.A-RR-FUT
They two will fight.
Note that, although the transitive forms of the subject bound pronouns are used in these
constructions, a subject NP takes nominative case marking, rather than ergative/locative case
marking (as would usually be expected of a transitive subject; see §4.4.3). Thus, the

Note that the Gudanji form of this pronoun is -ngga as in:

Ngajbi wurlu-ngga-ma.
See 3DU.A-RR-PST
They saw each other.
This is presumably the underlying form of the Wambaya suffix also; the tense suffix replacing the final
vowel.
142 Chapter 5

reflexive/reciprocal marker appears to detransitivise a transitive verb, as evidenced by the

subject's change in case marking.
(5-24) Janji gini-ngg-a wagardbi.
dog.I(NOM) 3SG.M.A-RR-NF wash
The dog is washing himself.
(5-25) Alag-bulu wurlu-ngg-a nyurrunyurru.
child-DU(NOM) 3DU.A-RR-NF chase
The two children are chasing each other.
This is the only situation in which there is a mismatch between transitive subject bound
pronouns and ergative/locative case marking. In all other types of constructions, a NP
represented by a transitive subject bound pronoun must have ergative/locative case marking.
While indirect objects of verbs such as ayanî `look (for)' and yandu `wait (for)' are not
cross-referenced in the auxiliary with ordinary object bound pronouns (see example (5-3)
above), they can be cross-referenced by the reflexive/reciprocal pronoun.
(5-26) Ayani ngurlu-ngg-a.
look.for IDU.EXC.A-RR-NF
We're looking for each other.
(5-27) *Ayani ngî-ny-a.
look.for 1SG.A-20-NF
I'm looking for you.
(5-28) Ayani ngi nganga.
look.for 1 SG.S(PR) 2SG.OBL
I'm looking for you.
This is, therefore, one way in which indirect objects (marked with dative case) can be
distinguished from dative adjuncts: the latter cannot be cross-referenced by the
reflexive/reciprocal pronoun:
(5-29) *Wugbardi ngurlu-ngg-u gunju.
cook 1DU.EXC.A-RR-FUT meat.IV(ACC)
We will cook meat for each other.
(5-30) Wugbardi ng-u gunju alangî-nka.
cook 1SG.A-FUT meat.IV(ACC) boy.I-DAT
I will cook meat for the boy.

5.1.2 FIRST PERSON DUAL INCLUSIVE AS AN AMBIGUOUS CATEGORY

The category of first person dual inclusive in Wambaya is interesting as it patterns both
with non-singular forms and with singular forms. In terms of object marking in the auxiliary,
first dual inclusive is treated like all other non-singular forms (see examples (5-11), (5-12)),
requiring that the object bound pronoun in the auxiliary be accompanied by the free form
 The auxiliary 143

accusative pronoun (5-31). This is in contrast to singular categories, which require only the
object bound pronoun in the auxiliary (5-32).5
(5-31) Ngajbî ginî-ng-a-n mirnda.
see 3SG.M.A-1O-NF-PROG 1DU.INC.ACC
He's watching us two.
(5-32) Ngajbi gini-ng-a-n.
see 3SG.M.A-10-NF-PROG
He's watching me.
In other respects, however, first dual inclusive patterns with the singular categories.
Mirndi, like singular subject bound pronouns, is affected by regressive vowel harmony
triggered by /u/-initial suffixes: mîrndi- 1DU.INC.S/A' + -uba `NP.AWY' > murnduba. Non-
singular subject bound pronouns, however, themselves trigger progressive vowel harmony,
affecting the vowel of the suffix: irri- `3PL.S/A' + -uba `NP.AWY' > îrriba.6
Mirndi also patterns like singular bound pronouns with respect to tense marking (this is
discussed in more detail in §5.2.1). When the auxiliary has no object, mirndi, like the
singular subject forms, makes a three-way tense distinction:
(5-33) a. Bardbi mirnd-a/ng-a.
run I DU.INC.S-PST/ 1 SG.S-PST
Well ran.
b. Bardbi mirndiingi.
run 1DU.INC.S(PR)/1SG.S(PR)
We/I run.
c. Bard-ba rnurnd-u/ng-u.
mn-FUT 1 DU.INC.S-FUT/ 1 SG.S-FUT
We/I will run.
Other non-singular forms (such as the first dual exclusive), however, make only a two-
way tense distinction, between past tense and non-past tense:
(5-34) a. Bardbi/bard-ba ngurlu.
run/run-FUT 1 DU.EXC.S (NP)
We run/we will run.
b. Bardbi ngurl-a.
run IDU.EXC.S-PST
We ran.
The category of first person dual inclusive is thus ambiguous in Wambaya between
treatment as a dual category (patterning with non-singular forms) and treatment as a minimal
category (patterning with singular forms). This ambiguity of first person dual inclusive is not
uncommon in other languages and is discussed by Greenberg (1988) and then by McGregor
(1989) and Greenberg (1989).

Note also that the first dual inclusive free pronouns pattern consistently with the other non-singular
forms (see §4.8).
6 See §2.3.4.3 for a detailed discussion of vowel harmony in the auxiliary.
144 Chapter 5

As the system of number in Wambaya as a whole distinguishes singular, dual and plural
number, mîrndi is considered essentially a dual category. In the discussion of the instances in
which it patterns with the singular forms, I will use the term `minimal' to refer to the group
containing the singular bound pronouns and mirndi, and `non-minimal' to refer to the group
consisting of the other non-singular forms. For a discussion of `minimal' in pronominal
systems see Conklin (1962) and McKay (1975, 1978), among others.

5.2 TENSE/ASPECT/MOOD
The auxiliary has another important role, apart from registering the subject and object NPs
of the clause: it also provides tense, aspect and mood information. As there is very little
inflection found on the verb (see §6.1), the auxiliary often provides the only tense, aspect and
mood information for the clause. I will begin by discussing the marking of `simple' tenses in
the auxiliary (§5.2.1) and will then discuss the aspect and mood suffixes (§5.2.2—§5.2.4).

5.2.1 SIMPLE TENSE

The marking of tense in the auxiliary is a little complicated as different types of auxiliaries
mark tense slightly differently. Auxiliaries of intransitive clauses that have a minimal subject
(i.e. those that have either a singular subject or a first person dual inclusive subject; see
§5.1.2) have a three-way tense system, distinguishing present tense (-0), past tense (-a) and
future tense (-u) (5-35). Intransitive auxiliaries that have a non-minimal subject (i.e. those
that have any other non-singular subject; see §5.1.2) have a two-way tense system,
distinguishing past tense (-a) from non-past tense (-0) (example (5-36)).
(5-35) a. Bardgu gî-0.
fall 3 SG.S-PR
He/she/it is falling.
b. Bardgu g-a.
fall 3SG.S-PST
He/she/it fell.
c. Bardgu -j-ba g-u.
fall-TH-FUT 3SG.S-FUT
He/she/it will fall.
(5-36) a. Bardbi ngurr-a.
run 1 PL.INC.S-PST
We ran.
b Bardbi ngurru-0.
run 1 PL.INC.S-NP
We're running.
c. Bard-ba ngurru-0.
run-FUT 1 PL.INC.S-NP
We will run.

By this I mean tense marking that has no extra aspect or mood information. The interaction of tense
marking with aspect and mood marking will be discussed separately for each type of aspect/mood suffix.
 The auxilia ry 145

Auxiliaries with first or second person objects or containing the reflexive/reciprocal object
pronoun also have a two-way system of tense marking; however, in this case the distinction
is between future tense (-u,-î) and non-future tense (-a). The future tense allomorph -i
appears when the subject bound pronoun is ngirri- `1PL.EXC' , girri- `2PL' or irri- `3PL'.
(5-37) a. Ngaj-ba nguyu-ny-u/nguyu-ngg-u.8
see-FUT 3SG.NM.A-20-FUT/3SG.NM.A-RR-FUT
She will see you/herself.
b. Ngajbi ngiyi-ny-a/ngiyi-ngg-a.
see 3SG.NM.A-20-NF/3SG.NM.A-RR-NF
She is looking at you/herself./She saw you/herself.
(5-38) a. Bardganyi-j-ba irri-ng-i.
follow-TH-FUT 3PL.A-10-FUT
They will follow me.
b. Bardganyi irri-ng-a.
follow 3PL.A-10-NF
They are following me./They followed me.
Auxiliaries of clauses with a third person object pattern in the same way as objectless
auxiliaries: when the subject is minimal there is a three-way tense distinction (example (5-39))
and when the subject is non-minimal there is a two-way tense distinction between past tense
and non-past tense (5-40).
(5-39) a. Wugbardi gîni-O.
cook 3SG.M.A-PR
He is cooking it.
b. Wugbardi gin-a.
cook 3SG.M.A-PST
He cooked it.
c. Wugbardi -j-ba gun-u.
cook-TH-FUT 3SG.M.A-FUT
He will cook it.
(5-40) a. Ngarabi ngurr-a.
drink I PL.INC.A-PST
We drank it.
b. Ngarabi ngurru-O.
drink l PL.INC.A-NP
We're drinking it.
c. Ngara-ba ngurru-O.
drink-FUT I PL.INC.A-NP
We will drink it.
These different patterns of tense marking are summarised in Table 5.2.

Note that all tense/aspect/mood suffixes with initial /u/ trigger regressive vowel harmony in minimal
subject bound pronouns. For a full discussion of vowel harmony in the auxiliary see §2.3.4.3.
146 Chapter 5

TABLE 5.2: TENSE DISTINCTIONS IN THE AUXILIARY

Past I Present Future

Transitive 1, 2 & RR obj -a -u
With 3 obj min. subj -a -0 -u
Intransitive min. subj -a -0 -u
With 3 obj non-min. subj -a -0
Intransitive non-min. subj -a -0
The fact that auxiliaries with a third person object behave in the same way as intransitive
auxiliaries suggests that, rather than third person object being marked in the auxiliary with a
zero morpheme (as might be a more standard analysis), it is actually not marked in the
auxiliary at all (Nordlinger 1993b). This being the case, it is unproblematic to account for
why it is that auxiliaries with a third person object behave in the same way as intransitive
auxiliaries: they are the same in that they do not contain an object bound pronoun. Thus, the
tense-marking system in the auxiliary is based not on whether the clause is transitive or
intransitive, but on whether or not the auxiliary contains an object bound pronoun. Table 5.3
is the revised table of tense distinctions in the auxiliary.9
TABLE 5.3: TENSE DISTINCTIONS IN THE AUXILIARY (REVISED)10

Past J Present Future

With Obj -a -u
Without Obj min. subj -a -0 -u
Without Obj non-min. subj -a -0
It is interesting that the same three inflections are used in slightly different ways to
differentiate the three tense marking systems. While -u, if it occurs, is always future tense,
-a can be either past or non-future, and -0 can be either present or non-past. If the three-way
system (see Table 5.3) is taken to be basic this can be described in the following way. If two
tense categories are to be collapsed (as happens with auxiliaries with objects, and auxiliaries
with non-minimal subjects and without objects) then the inflection that marks the most
anterior tense (i.e. that which would occur furthest to the left on a time scale going from past
tense to future tense) is generalised to mark the new tense category. For example, when the
auxiliary contains an object, the tense categories of `past' and `present' are collapsed into
`non-future'. The inflection for this new `collapsed' category is that which is used for the
most anterior of the two collapsed categories, that is `past', and is therefore -a. When the
categories of `present' and `future' are collapsed, as they are when an auxiliary contains a

9 Note that I am not claiming that transitive clauses with third person objects have no object. I am
claiming only that there is no object represented in the auxiliary (i.e. as opposed to the marking being
zero). Thus, the terms `With Obj' and `Without Obj' in Table 5.3 refer to the absence or presence of an
object marker in the auxiliary and not to the presence or absence of an object in the clause.
A possible altern ative analysis, suggested by Jane Simpson (pers.comm.), is to treat the system as
completely tripart ite such that the present tense suffix has two allomorphs: -a after consonant-final clitics
(i.e. after the two object bound pronouns), and -0 elsewhere. However, note that consonant final suffixes
are possible in the auxiliary, in the directional suffixes 05.3), and the progressive suffix (§5.2.3).
Furthermore, there are other suffixes that also have two-way, rather than three-way, tense distinctions
such as the habitual suffixes (§5.2.2) and the directional suffixes (§5.3). Analysing all of these as having
a tripartite system would lead to an enormous amount of homophony, thus I prefer the analysis pi esented
here.
10 Table 6.5 shows the interaction between these and verbal tense categories.
 The auxiliary 147

non-minimal subject and no object, the inflection that would ordinarily mark present tense
(-0) is generalised to mark the new category, non-past tense. This explains why it is that the
future tense inflection is never used to mark anything except for future tense, as `future' can
never be the most anterior of two tense categories.

5.2.2 HABITUAL ASPECT

Habitual aspect is marked only in portmanteaux with tense: one marking past tense and the
other marking non-past tense. The two forms are -aji and -ala respectively. Some examples of
the two follow (note that the non-past suffix triggers regressive vowel harmony when the
subject is minimal; see §2.14.3):
(5-41) Marndija ngîyi-ng-aji nyurrunyurru.
long.ago 3SG.NM.A-10-HAB.PST chase
She used to chase me a long time ago.
(5-42) Jiyawu ngirr-aji marndanga nyanyalu.
give IPLEXC.A-HAB.PST white.woman.Il(ACC) tea.IV(ACC)
We'd give tea to the white lady.
(5-43) Janganja girri-ng-ala.
ask 2PLA-10-HAB.NP
You always ask me (for tobacco).
(5-44) Manku nga-ny-ala gîrra.
hear ISG.A-20-HAB.NP 2PL.ACC
I will always be thinking about you.
The past tense form, -ajî, is probably made up of the regular past tense marker -a and a
habitual aspect suffix ji. This hypothesis is supported by the fact that in Gudanji the habitual
past tense form of the auxiliary is formed using the regular past tense suffix as a base:
ngirrî-ma'IPLEXC.S/A-PST' > ngirri-ma ji `1PL.EXC.S/A-PST-HAB'
However, as the non-past form can not be further segmented into tense and habitual aspect
marking, and as the habitual aspect suffix -ji is found only in the past tense form, I will treat
the habitual past tense marker as if it were a portmanteau, and gloss it `HAB.PST'.

5.2.3 THE PROGRESSIVE SUFFIX

The function of this suffix, -n, is a little difficult to determine. Chadwick (1978:63)
describes it as a progressive aspect marker that can follow present tense or past tense.
suffixes. While this is the case for some of the examples in my corpus (5-45) and (5-46), in
some examples it appears to have a more durative or iterative function (5-47), (5-48).11
(5-45) Bardbi irri-n.
run 3PL.S(NP)-PROG
They're running.

11 It is not uncommon for a marker of progressive aspect also to indicate other events of the same type
which occur during a period of time. See, for example, Chung and Timberlake (1985:213ff.).
148 Chapter 5

(5-46) Gajbi ginî-n.

eat 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG
He's eating.
(5-47) Bardganyi gini-ny-a-n nganybulanyini-ni.
follow 3SG.M.A-20-NF-PROG cat.I-LOC
The cat keeps following you.
(5-48) Banymanymi irri-ng-a-n ngurra narunguji-ni.
pass.by.RDP 3PL.A-IO-NF-PROG IPL.INC.ACC car.IV-LOC
Cars were passing by us (all night).
The conditions of use of this suffix seem to differ from speaker to speaker. One speaker
for example (MG), includes it in the present tense forms of all auxiliaries that do not have an
object bound pronoun. Thus for this speaker it seems to simply mark present tense in
auxiliaries without objects (see examples (5-49) and (5-50)).
(5-49) Mîrra irri-n jamba-ni. (not irrt)
sit 3PL.S(NP)-PROG ground.Iv-LOC
They're sitting on the ground.
(5-50) Girundajbi nyi-n. (not nyi)
sweat 2SG.S(PR)-PROG
You're sweating.
Other speakers (e.g. MH) however, do not use this suffix in this way, and restrict its use
to constructions such as examples (5-45) to (5-48) above.12 Note however, that this suffix
does not appear in all progressive constructions, and it is in fact more common for it to be
absent (especially when the auxiliary contains an object):
(5-51) Nyurrunyurru ngîyî-ng-a.
chase 3SG.M.A-10-NF
She's chasing me.
(5-52) Daguma îrrî-ngg-a.
fight 3PL.A-RR-NF
They're fighting.
More work is needed in order to properly determine the meaning an d function of this
suffix. For the purposes of this work I will refer to it as a progressive marker (and gloss it
`PROG'), although this may not turn out to be the best characterisation of its meaning and
function.

5.2.4 IRREALIS MOOD

There are three suffixes that are used in the auxiliary to encode different types of irrealis
mood. The `non-actual' suffixes are used to express irrealis events in the past and present
tenses and are discussed in §5.2.4.1. The `hypothetical' suffix marks hypothetical future
tense constructions; events that are conceivable or possible, but not cert ain. This suffix is
discussed in §5.2.4.2.

12 It is possibly significant that MH speaks a variety with a greater mix of Gudanji than MG does. Further
investigation is required.
 The auxiliary 149

5.2.4.1 THE `NON-ACTUAL' SUFFIXES

There are two `non-actual' suffixes: -udî/-uji marks `non-actual present tense' (glossed
`NACT.PR') and -uda/--uja 'non-actual past tense' (glossed `NACT.PST'). These suffi xes are
used to mark non-future tense irrealis events: events that are not occurring or did not occur,
although it is conceivable, and probably expected, that they might have. In some contexts
there is an associated implicature that the actuality of the event would have been preferable
(example (5-54)).
These suffixes each have two allomorphs, conditioned by the number of the subject bound
pronoun in the auxiliary in which they occur. The allomorphs with the alveolar stop (-udi
`non-actual present tense' and -uda `non-actual past tense') occur when the subject pronoun
is singular (examples (5-53), (5-54), (5-55)). The other allomorphs occur when the subject is
non-singular (5-56), (5-57).
(5-53) Guyala ngu-ngg-udi gurda.
NEG ISG.A-RR-NACT.PR be.sick
I never tet sick.
(5-54) Didima nyu-ng-uda.
tell 2SG.A-10-NACT.PST
You should have told me.
(5-55) Guyala g-udi nagarna mîna magi-nî.
NEG 3SG.S-NACT.PR that.one.ILSG.NOM sit camp.IV-LOC
She can't sit at the camp.
(5-56) Dumajarri irri-ng-uja ngurra durnajana-nî.
cover 3PL.A-IO-NACT.PST IPL.INC.ACC blanket.IV-LOC
They would have covered us with a blanket.
(5-57) Guyala wurlu-ngg-uji daguma.
NEG 3DU.A-RR-NACT.PR hit
They never fight with each other.
The third person singular masculine transitive bound pronoun can occur with either form:
(5-58) Guyala guru-nÿ-udi manku.
NEU 3SG.M.A-20-NACT.PR. hear
He isn't listening to you.
(5-59) Wugbardi gun-uja manganyma gujinganjanga-nka.
cook 3SG.M.A-NACT.PST tucker.III(ACC) mother.II-DAT
He should have cooked some tucker for his mother.
When attached directly to one of the plural subject bound pronouns ngirri ` I PL.EXC', girri
`2PL' or irri '3PL', the non-actual suffixes have the forms -iji and -ija respectively:
ngirriji t PL.EXC.S/A-NACT.PR
girrija 2PL.S/A-NACT.PST
irriji 3PL.S/A-NACT.PR
These non-actual suffixes (-udi/ uji, uda/-uja) appear to be made up of the suffix -a (the
future tense suffix, see §5.2.1) and a tense component: -di/-ji 'present tense', -da/-ja `past
150 Chapter 5

tense'.13 This suggests that -u may be a more general irrealis marker, interpreted as a future
tense marker when no further inflection is present. For simplicity, however, and since future
tense is now its primary function in Wambaya, I will continue to gloss the suffix -u as 'FUT',
and will treat the non-actual suffixes as portmanteau morphemes, as in the examples above.l 4
The non-actual suffixes are most commonly used with the negative particle guyala
(examples (5-53), (5-55), (5-57), (5-58)). They can also be used without guyala however, to
indicate that something that was not done should have been done (5-54), (5-59) or that
something would have been done in a hypothetical situation (5-56). They can also be used to
express the meaning of `want' (with the implication that what is wanted is not possible):
(5-60) Gambanga-ni ng-udi mirra.
sun.II-LOC ISG.S-NACT.PR sit
I want to sit in the sun (but can't).
(5-61) Junku g-uda gayangga.
crawl 3SG.S-NACT.PST high
He wanted to crawl up (onto the chair).

5.2.4.2 THE `HYPOTHETICAL' SUFFIX

The `hypothetical' suffix -agba (glossed 'HYP') is used in a number of future tense
constructions all of which share the notion that the future event is possible, but not certain»
Examples include:
(5-62) Ngangirna banjirna, mardima yunumarrga ngîyi-ng-agba
2SG.POSS.II(NOM) cousin.II(NOM) chase this.way 3SG.NM.A-I0-HYP
mirnda gajigajirra.
1DU.INC.ACC quickly
Your cousin might join us soon (lit. might follow us this way soon).
(5-63) Angbardî irr-agba barrawu ngirra, yarru ngirr-iba.
build 3PL.A-HYP house.IV(ACC) IPL.EXC.OBL go IPL.EXC.S NP.AWY
They might build a house for us, (then) we'll go.
The hypothetical suffix is the future tense counterpart of the non-actual suffixes in negative
clauses, co-occuring with the negative particles guyala and yangula in negative future tense
constructions:16

13 This is the analysis implicit in Hale's description (1959:ií) and suggested by Jane Simpson (pers.
comm.).
14 As pointed out by Jane Simpson (pers. comm.), the fact that -u is used in polite imperatives may be
further support for its general irrealis function: irrealis is often used for politeness, as demonstrated by
the Aboriginal English "You might do X for me" or "Might be we do X".
15 In Chadwick (1978) and Nordlinger (1993a), this suffix is considered to he a future tense irrealis suffix.
However, it is not clear how an future tense irrealis suffix would differ from the simple future tense
suffix — all future tense constructions being, by definition, irrealis — and thus the analysis given here is
preferred.
16 Note that this is slightly different from the non-actual suffixes, which are found in negative constructions
containing the negative particle guyala only; they do not co-occur with the negative particle yanRula. For
a more detailed discussion of negation see §7.6.
 The auxiliary 151

(5-64) Guyala irr-agba yarru.

NEG 3PL.S-HYP go
They won't go.
(5-65) Yangula gin-agha guriny-mi mîlama.
NEG 3SG.M.A-HYP good-FAC again
He won't be able to fix it again.
While the large majority of negative future tense constructions contain the hypothetical
suffix, there are a few examples in which the negative particle yangula appears with the
simple future tense suffix -u (example (5-66)). See §7.6 for a more detailed discussion of
negation.
(5-66) Yangula ngu-ny-u daguma.
NEG 1SG.A-20-FUT hit
I'm not going to hit you.
Another main function of the hypothetical suffix is in admonitive constructions, which
warn of a possible danger (examples (5$7) and (5-68)).
(5-67) Alyu lingba j-ba! Ginganbi ny-agba!
NEG.IMP bogey-TH-FUT drown 2SG.S-HYP
Don't swim! You might drown!
(5-68) Narunguji-ni ngiyi-ny-agba nawu.
car.IV-LOC 3SG.M.A-20-HYP step.on
A car might run you over. (lit. A car might step on you.)
The following example combines the negative and admonitive functions:
(5-69) Yangula gunu-ng-agba yagu. Gurda ngî-ngg-agba banjanganî
NEG 3SG.M.A-10-HYP leave be.sick 1SG.A-RR-HYP behind
nanga.
3SG.M.OBL
He won't leave me. (He's worried) I might get sick behind him.

5.3 DIRECTIONAL SUFFIXES

The Wambaya auxiliary can also contain directional suffixes (Table 5.4), which are used
to indicate whether the action takes place towards or away from a deictic centre, usually the
speaker. These suffixes also mark tense — past and non-past — and occur in place of the tense
suffixes discussed in §5.2.1 above. There are no examples in which the directional suffixes
co-occur with any of the aspect or mood markers.
TABLE 5.4: INDICATIVE DIRECTIONAL SUFFIXES
PAST NON-PAST
TOWARDS -amany -ulama
AWAY -(g)any -(g)uba
These forms appear to contain the tense markers -a- `past tense', and -u- 'non-past tense'.
Note that these are common tense suffixes (see §5.2.1), although -u usually marks future
tense only. If the initial vowel marks tense, the remainder of the form must mark the
152 Chapter 5

direction. However, since there is not a lot of similarity between the pairs of forms in this
respect I treat each form as if it were a portmanteau of tense and direction."
In two examples in the corpus, the `direction away' forms have an initial velar stop when
they follow the first person object bound pronoun, -ng:
(5-70) Dulanymî nyi-ng-gany gulugî-nnga.
raise 2SG.A- I O-PST.AWY sleep-ABL
You woke me up. (lit. You raised me away from sleeping.)
(5-71) Yabu nyu-ng-guba ngirra narunguji-nî?
take(FUT) 2SG.A- 1 0-NP.AWY 1PL.EXC.ACC car.IV-LOC
Will you take us in your car?
However, in most examples with the same object bound pronoun the velar stop is not
present.
The two non-past forms have initial Iii/ when they follow one of the three subject bound
pronouns: ngirrî- IPL.EXC', girrî- `2PL' and irri- '3PL'. For example:
(5-72) Yarru ngirr-iba.
go(FUT) I PL.EXC.S-NP.AWY
We'11 go.
(5-73) Marndiji îrr-llama gannga.
later 3PL.S-NP.TWD return(FUT)
They'll come back later.
There are also imperative directional suffixes, which distinguish number. These are given
in Table 5.5.
TABLE 5.5: IMPERATIVE DIRECTIONAL SUFFIXES
SG DU PL
TOWARDS ga gurlcuna girrama
AWAY gama gurli girri
Note that the dual and plural `towards' forms contain the element -ma, which is also
contained in the non-imperative forms for `direction towards'. This element is not contained
in the singular form for direction towards, but, strangely enough, does appear in the singular
form for `direction away'.
Examples of these suffixes include:
(5-74) Ilîgîrri-nmanjî ngurr-uba yarru. Lingba-lingba ngurr-uba.
river.IV-ALL 1PL.INC.S-NP.AWY go(FUT) RDP-bogey IPL.INC.S-NP.AWY
We're all going down to the river./We're going to swim.
(5-75) Bungmanyi-ni gin-amany yanybi.
old.man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST.TWD get
The old man came and got her.
(5-76) Ngajbî wurlu-ng-amany ngurra ngarl-warda.
see 3DU.A-1 O-PST.TWD 1 PL.INC.ACC talk-INF
They came to watch us talking.

17 Chadwick (1978:64) gives -uba as a motion-neutral future tense suffix in Binbinka.

 The auxiliary 153

(5-77) Gannga murnd-ulama ngarli-nka.

retum(FL'T) 1DU.INC.S-NP.TWD talk-DAT
We will come back to talk.
(5-78) Mawula gîrri!
play PLIMP.AWY
Go and play!
(5-79) Yabu ga!
bring(FUT) SG.LMIP.TWD
Bring it here!
The use of these directional suffixes is optional, even with verbs of motion, and it is
common for motion verbs to appear without one of these suffixes in the auxiliary. In these
clauses, the direction is usually clear from context.
(5-80) Yarru ngurlu nganggi-nmanji barrawu-nmanjî.
go IDU.EXC.S(NP) 2SG.POSS.IV-ALL house.IV-ALL
We two are going to your house.
(5-81) Gannga g-a ngurraramba-ni.
return 3SG.S-PST night-LOC
He came back Iast night.

5.4 THE AUXILIARY IN THE CLAUSE

The auxiliary occurs in second position in the clause, following the initial word or (less
commonly) the initial NP constituent.18 For examples of the auxiliary following the initial
word of the clause see all of the examples given above. An example of the auxiliary following
an initial NP constituent is:
(5-82) Ngarri alaji gî-n mîna ngarri-yili.
ISG.POSS.I(NOM) boy.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit 1SG.OBL-COMIT
My son lives with me.
The main clause verb and its object may not, however, precede the auxiliary. This is
strong evidence against the existence of a VP in Wambaya.
(5-83) *Daguma janji ng-a.
hit dog.I(ACC) 1SG.A-PST
I hit the dog.
The initial constituent may be a verb with a subordinate inflection and still count as a
constituent for the purposes of auxiliary placement:
(5-84) Manku-ji-nka îrri-n yarru.
hear-TH-DAT 3PL.S(NP)-PROG go
They are coming to listen.

18 When the auxiliary is monosyllabic it encliticises to the preceding constituent, forming a single
phonological word. When it is polysyllabic, it forms its own stress domain — see §2.2.4.
154 Chapter 5

A topicalised NP, however, does not count as a constituent of the basic clause for the
purposes of auxiliary placement; in this case, the auxiliary appears in third position.l 9
(5-85) Gujiga-nka manganyma ngi-n wugbardi.
mother.I1-DAT tucker.I1I(ACC) 1 SG.A(PR)-PROG cook
My mother I'm cooking tucker for.
(5-86) Nyilangunya yanybi ngirr-aji.
echidna.II(ACC) get IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST
Echidna we used to get.
(5-87) Wirrilgarra bardbî g-a banjangani.
cockatiel.II(NOM) run 3SG.S-PST behind
Wirrilgarra ran behind (him).
While the usual position of the auxiliary is following the initial constituent, there are a
small number of examples in which the auxiliary is found in first position. In all of these
examples, the clause with the initial auxiliary is closely linked with the preceding clause in the
discourse context; it may be co-ordinated (example (5-88)), or make an addition or correction
to the earlier clause (5-89). Thus, in these examples it is the final constituent of the first
clause which serves as the host for the auxiliary.
(5-88) Ngawu ng-a gulugbi, ngiyi-ng-a dulanymi.
1SG.NOM 1SG.S-PST sleep 3SG.NM.A-10-NF raise
I was sleeping (and) she woke me up.
(5-89) Bulungurna ng-aji yarru alalangmi-ji-ni,
young.woman.I1(NOM) 1SG.S-HAB.PST go hunt-TH-LOC
ngurl-aji yarru nana bungmanya.
IDU.EXC.S-HAB.PST go this.II.SG.NOM old.woman.Il(NOM)
As a young woman I used to go hunting, this old woman and I used to go
(hunting).
The auxiliary is usually obligatory in every finite clause, both main and subordinate. Non-
finite subordinate clauses and verbless clauses do not contain an auxiliary:
(5-90) Alîyulu ng-a alaji gulug-barda (*gi).
find ISG.A-PST boy.I(ACC) sleep-INF (3SG.S(PR))
I found the boy sleeping.
(5-91) Iligirra (*gi) yana buyurru.
river.IV(NOM) (3SG.S(PR)) this.IV.SG.NOM dry.IV(NOM)
This river is dry.

19 In Hale's (1960) notes on Gudanji there are many examples in which the auxiliary appears in third or
fourth position. Many of these contain interrogative elements in first position (i), although this is not
always the case (ii). It is probably significant that in all of these examples the auxiliary appears adjacent
to the verb (glosses mine).
(i) Cayinanka nyamirniji garni nyi, ngarr-ili-ma?
why 2SG.NOM laugh 2SG.S(PR) 1SG.OBL-COMIT-ALL
Why are you laughing at me? (1960:71)
(ii) Malpuwi-marndi ngurruga-li-ma yam irri, bangarni.
old.man -PL.I(NOM) IPL.INC.OBL-COMIT-ALL go 3PL.S(PR) this.way
Old men are coming to us hither. (1960:73).
 The auxiliary 155

In some circumstances, however, it is possible for the auxiliary to be omitted from a main
verbal clause. This is only possible in conjoined clauses where the subject of each clause is
coreferential and the tense/aspect/mood information is the same. These examples usually
involve two clauses (as in example (5-92)), but can sometimes contain three clauses (5-93).
(See §8.2.2 for a discussion of conjoined clauses.)
(5-92) Bardbi wurl-a ngurraramba-ni, yagu (wurla) alaji gulug-barda.
run 3DU.S-PST night-LOC leave boy.I(ACC) sleep-INF
They ran (away) during the night (and they) left the little boy sleeping.
(5-93) Angbardi ngirr-a manjungu, nguyà (ngirra) jamba,
build IPL.EXC.A-PST shade.w(ACC) dig ground.rv(ACC)
wugbardi (ngîrra) mayinanji.
cook goanna.I(ACC)
We built a shade, (and we) dug (a hole in) the ground (and we cooked the
goanna.

5.5 THE AUXILIARY IN IMPERATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS

In §5.3 I discussed the directional auxiliaries that occur in imperative constructions. In this
section I discuss the behaviour of the auxiliary in motion-neutral imperative constructions.
In imperative clauses with a singular subject and no object bound pronoun (i.e. intransitive
constructions and those with a third person object) there is no auxiliary.20
(5-94) Duga-j-ba!
sit.down-TH-FUT
Sit down!
(5-95) Laji-j-ba!
be.quiet-TH-FUT
Shut up!
(5-96) Gaj-ba (mama manganyma)!
eat-FUT (this.III.SG.ACC tucker.III(ACC))
Eat (this tucker)!
In Gudanji the auxiliary nya occurs in singular imperative clauses:
(5-97) Jiyawu nya babanya!
give SG.IMP sister.II(ACC)
Give this to (my) sister!
Although this auxiliary is formally identical to the Wambaya past tense auxiliary ny-a
`2SG.S/A-PST', the Gudanji past tense suffix is -ma so there is no such similarity in Gudanji.
When imperative clauses have a non-singular subject the imperative pronouns gurl
`DU.IMMP' and girr `PL IMP' occur immediately after the verb:
(5-98) Ngarl-wa gurP
talk-FUT DU.IMP
You two talk!

20 In imperative constructions the verb is inflected with the future tense suffix (see §6.1).
156 Chapter 5

(5-99) Ngaj-ba girr!

see-FUT PL.IMP
You lot watch (him)!
In imperative constructions which have a non-third person object (note that this object
must be first person, or reflexive/reciprocal) the regular subject and object bound pronouns
occur (see §5.1) and the auxiliary either can be unmarked for tense (examples (5-100) and (5-
101) or can have non-future tense marking (5-101) and (5-102).
(5-100) Durnajarri j-ba nyi-ng!
cover-TH-FUT 2SG.A-10
Cover me!
(5-101) Manganyma girri-ng jîya-j-ba!
tucker.III(ACC) 2PL.A-10 give-TH-FUT
Give me (some) tucker!
(5-102) Ngaj-ba nyi-ng-a!
see-FUT 2SG.A-10-NF
Watch me!
(5-103) Didima-j-ba gurlu-ng-a ngirra!
tell-TH-FUT 2DU.A-10-NF I PL.EXC.ACC
Tell us!
Thus, despite the fact that the verbal inflection is the same, imperative constructions can be
distinguished from future tense constructions by the form of the auxiliary. In imperative
constructions the auxiliary is either absent, unmarked for tense, or in the non-future tense. In
future tense constructions, the auxiliary is in the future tense (see Table 6.5 for the interaction
between auxiliary and verbal tense categories).21
Note that future tense constructions are used for polite imperative constructions:
(5-104) Wugbardi-j-ba ny-u.
cook-TH-FUT 2SG.A-FUT
Cook it. (polite)
(5-105) Durnajarri-j-ba gurlu-ng-u.
cover-TH-FUT 2DU.A- I O-FUT
Cover me. (polite)
(5-106) Darridarrî girri garran-ba.
be.in.line 2PL.S(NP) stand-FUT
Stand in a line. (polite)

21 Tense and imperative marking in Wambaya is discussed in detail in Nordlinger (1995, 1996) and
Nordlinger and Bresnan (1996).
 CHAPTER 6

VERBS

There is very little inflectional verbal morphology in Wambaya. In finite clauses verbs can
be inflected for future tense (otherwise they appear in the non-future/unmarked form)1 and in
non-finite clauses they can be inflected with the infinitive suffix, or with one of the three
nominal suffixes: the ergative/locative -ni, the dative -nka and the ablative -nnga, which
indicate the temporal relationship of the subordinate clause to the main clause (see §6.1.4 to
§6.1.6 below). The four suffixes found in non-finite subordinate clauses are discussed here
only very briefly. For a full discussion of their use see §8.1.
The regular verbs in Wambaya can be divided into two conjugation classes. I will refer to
these two classes as the J conjugation class and the 0 conjugation class. Of the two classes
the J class is certainly the most common and appears to be the unmarked class; it is the class
to which most derived verbs belong, and some irregular verbs can take J Class suffixes (see
Table 6.4 below). There are two differences between the two conjugation classes: (i) the J
Class takes a zero non-future tense suffix and the 0 Class takes the non-future tense suffix
-bi, and (ii) all of the non-zero inflections are preceded in the J Class by the thematic
consonant 1/.22
The verbal inflections are given in Table 6.1. In this table the thematic /j/ of the J Class is
separated from the inflection with a hyphen. Note that all inflections apart from the non-future
tense inflection are the same for both classes.
TABLE 6.1: VERBAL INFLECTIONS

J 0
Non-future Tense3 -0 -bi
Future Tense -j-ba ba/-wa*
Infinitive -j-barda -barda/-warda*'
LOC j-inî -ini
DAT -j-inka -inka
ABL -j-înnga -innga
*The allomorphs with initial /w/ appear with stems having a final liquid.

1 Wambaya is alone among the McArthur dialects in inflecting the verb for tense: in neither Gudanji nor
Binbinka is the verb inflected in main clauses (Chadwick 1978:84). In Ngarnga, the verb also shows a
future/non-future contrast: however, interestingly, the basic verb form (i.e. that which corresponds to the
non-future verb form in Wambaya) is used in the future tense, while verbs in past and present tenses are
inflected with the suffix -ani (p.85).
2 The thematic of 7 Class verbs also appears before derivational suffixes such as -barli- 'AGNT' and
-baja- 'PRIV'. For example:
dag j-moi hit-TH-AGNT (I)
daguma j-baji hit-TH-PRIV (I)
3. The non-future tense form of a verb is also the citation form, and thus is more like a general unmarked
form (see below).
157
158 Chapter 6

Note that the three nominal suffixes -ni, -nka and -nnga are preceded here with /i/. This is
an epenthetic vowel which occurs between the final consonant of a verb stem (whether this
consonant is the final consonant of the root itself, or the thematic consonant /j/) and a
following suffix with an initial nasal. The epenthetic vowel breaks up what would otherwise
be an impossible consonant cluster. (A nasal can be the second element of a consonant cluster
only when it is preceded by a hetero-organic nasal; see §2.2.3). When the details of verbal
morphological structure are not significant I will not segment this epenthetic vowel in
examples in this work, but will group it with the preceding morpheme. For example:
daguma ji-nka hit-TH-DAT (NOT daguma j-î-nka )
ngarli-nka talk-DAT (NOT ngarl-i-nka)
Some examples of inflected verbs from each class are given in Table 6.2. Due to lack of
space, the inflection of only one of the nominal suffixes (-nka) is exemplified. Irregular verbs
are given in Table 6.4 below. In all of the following tables an underline indicates that the
corresponding form is not present in the corpus.
TABLE 6.2: EXAMPLES OF INFLECTED VERBS
J Class
Gloss Root Non-future Future Infinitive DAT
hit daguma- daguma dagumajba dagumajbarda dagumajinka
throw banjarri- banjarri banjamjba banjamjbarda banjarrijinka
crawl junku- junku junkujba junkujbarda junkujinka
play mawula- mawula mawulajba mawulajbarda mawulajinka
bite dawu- dawu dawujba dawujbarda dawujinka
put yardi- yardi yardijba yardijbarda yardijinka
cut junmî- junmî junmijba junmijbarda junmijinka
leave yagu- yagu yagujba yagujbarda yagujinka
0 Class
Gloss Root Non-future Future Infinitive DAT
see ngaj- ngajbî ngajba ngajbarda ngajînka
run bard- bardbi bardba bardbarda
talk ngarl- ngarlwi ngarlwa ngarlwarda ngarlinka
sleep gulug- gulugbi gulugba gulugbarda guluginka
wash agard- agardbî agardba agardbarda agardinka
get yany- yanybi yanyba yanybarda
eat gaj- gajbi gajba gajbarda gajinka
rub nimij- nimijbî nimijba nimijbarda nimijinka
stand garran- garranbi garranba garranbarda
drink ngarag-* ngarabi ngaraba ngarabarda ngaraginka
*Note that the final consonant of this root is dropped before an inflection with initial /b/. I
have no explanation for this as /gb/ is a permissible consonant cluster in Wambaya (e.g.
gulugbi `sleep'). See §2.2.3 for a discussion of consonant clusters in Wambaya.
As can be seen in Table 6.2, membership of the two conjugation classes is phonologically
determined: verbs with vowel-final roots belong to the J Class and those with consonant-final
roots belong to the 0 Class.
 Verbs 159

An alternative analysis for the verbs of the J Class would be to consider the /j/ as in fact
belonging to the verb root, rather than being thematic. Under this analysis the non-future
suffix would still be -0, but the final consonant of the root would be dropped according to
the general phonotactic constraint that words in Wambaya be vowel-final (see §2.2).
However, if the roots of J Class verbs contain a final /j/, then there is no obvious explanation
as to why these verbs belong to a different class than other verbs, such as ngaj- `see', which
also have fj/-final roots. Under the `thematic /jr analysis however, this inconsistency is
avoided as the roots of these two verbs are different: one (daguma-) is vowel-final and the
other (ngaj-) is consonant-final.
There is some evidence, however, to suggest that /j/ may once have been part of the verbal
root, or even part of the non-future inflection, -bi. For example, many of the verbs of the J
Class have cognates in other languages/dialects of the Eastern. Group that have final
jbi in the non-future fornt4
bajî (W) bajijbi (Ng) grow up (intrans)
baliji (W) balijijbi (Ng) ` be hungry
bardgu (W) bardgujbi (Ng) fall
durra (W) durrajbi (Ng) be frightened
duwa (W) duwajbi (Ng) get up
garnî (W) gamijbi (G) laugh
murri (W) murrijbî (Ng) hurt, be sore
nawu (W) nawujbi (Ng) step on
nimi (W) nimijbi (G) rub
yagu (W) yagujbi (G) leave
yardi (W) yardijbi (G) put
One of the particularly interesting things about the Wambaya verbal inflections is their
striking similarity to some of the verbal inflections in Garrwa, a language which borders
Wambaya but appears otherwise unrelated to it. According to the analysis of Garrwa verbs
proposed by Belfrage (1992:46), Garrwa has five verbal conjugation classes. Of these five
there are two which show substantial similarity to the two Wambaya classes and are also
referred to by Belfrage as the J conjugation class and the 0 conjugation class. Table 6.3 gives
the forms of the inflections for these two Garrwa verbal conjugation classes.
TABLE 6.3: GARRWA J AND 0 CONJUGATION CLASSES (FROM BELFRAGE 1992:46)

J 0
Unmarked jba -ba
Purposive -fi -(bi)ji
Sequential -jiwa -(bi)jîwa
Same subject -jina -(bi)jîna
Different subject -(j)kurri -(bî)kurri
Infinitive -(j)kanyi -(bi)kanyi
Thus, Class J verbs in Garrwa have the same /jb/ sequence in their unmarked form that is
so distinctive to verbs in Wambaya. Furthermore, the unmarked inflections of these two
classes in Garrwa are identical to the future tense inflections that occur in the respective
Wambaya classes. And the Wambaya non-future inflection, -bi, turns up (optionally) before

4 The Ngamga information is taken from Chadwick (1971). The Gudanji information is from my own
field notes.
160 Chapter 6

the other inflections of the 0 Class in Garrwa. Another point of comparsion is the Garrwa
`same subject' inflection which is very similar in form to the `same subject' inflection (i.e. the
ergative/locative case) in the J Class in Wambaya: j-ini. This inflection in Wambaya is used
to mark same subject in non-finite clauses that are simultaneous with the main clause (see
§8.1). In Wambaya this inflection is analysed as consisting of the thematic consonant r/,
followed by the epenthetic vowel /i/ and then the ergative/locative case inflection -ni. The
Garrwa inflection also appears to be based on the locative inflection, which is -na in Garrwa
(Belfrage 1992:13). Although it is not unusual for the locative case inflection to be used to
mark same subject in this region (see Austin 1981b), it is interesting here that the two
inflections both precede the locative suffix with the sequence /ji/. In Garrwa however, unlike
Wambaya, the full form -jina is also used with the 0 Class. In Wambaya the form that occurs
with the 0 Class is -ini. There is clearly need for more detailed comparative work between
these two languages.
There are a number of irregular Wambaya verbs which do not belong to either of the two
conjugation classes discussed here. Table 6.4 gives the forms of such verbs that are present
in the corpus, along with the regular verbs daguma `hit' and ngajbi `see' for comparison
(non-italicised). A question mark indicates that the form given is hypothesised, but not
confirmed.
TABLE 6.4: IRREGULAR VERB FORMS
Gloss Root Non-future Future Infinitive DAT
hit daguma- daguma dagumajba dagumajbarda dagumajinka
see ngaj- ngajbi ngajba ngaj barda ngaj inka
sit mirrang- mirra mirrangba mirrangbarda mirranggini (LOC)
cook wugbardi- wugbardi wugbarda/ wugbardijbarda wugbardijinka
wugbardijba
dance gajurru-? gajurru gajurra gajurrarda
finish ganjimi-? ganjimi ganjima
ask janganja- janganja janganja janganjani (LOC)
go yarru- yarru yarru yarruwarda/ yarrunka/
yarrujbarda yarrujinka
cry yugu- yugu yugu yuguwarda yugujinka
have, take yabu- yabu yabu
return gannga- gannga gannga ganngajbarda ganngajinka/
gannganka
scoop up — ngalanyi ngalanya
sneak away — nanganangali — nanganangalarda —
The verb mirra is irregular in not taking the non-future tense inflection -bi, as other
consonant-final verb roots do. Wugbardi has an irregular alternative future tense form. Both
gajurru and nanganangali have irregular infinitive forms and gajurru, along with ganjimi, has
an irregular future tense form. The remaining five verbs are irregular in that they do not
distinguish future and non-future tense. Furthermore, verbs such as yarru and gannga have
alternative infinitive and/or DAT forms, one of which contains the corresponding regular J
Class inflection. Yugu takes the 0 Class infinitive inflection but the J Class DAT inflection.
 Verbs 161

Where the morphological segmentation of an irregular verb is not clear, I will gloss the
whole form as if it were a portmanteau. For example:
ganjima finish.FUT

6.1 INFLECTIONAL MORPHOLOGY

6.1.1 NON-FUTURE INFLECTION
As discussed above, the non-future suffix is either -0 (with vowel-final stems) or -bi
(with consonant-final stems). The non-future form of the verb is also the citation form of the
verb and thus may in fact be better considered as the unmarked form. The non-future
inflection is used in both past and present tenses and can also be used in the immediate future
tense (examples (6-1) and (6-2)) in which case it is accompanied by future tense marking in
the auxiliary. This is one case in which there is a mismatch between the tense marking in the
auxiliary and that on the verb.5
(6-1) Garndani-j-ba nyi-ngg-a! Daguma-0 gunu-ny-u ninki!
shield-Th-FUT 2SG.A-RR-NF hit-NF 3SG.M.A-20-FUT this.I.SG.LOC
Shield. yourself! He's going to hit you!
(6-2) Yarru ga ginmanji ngaba murnd-u ngarl-wi!
go(FUT) SG.IMP.TWD this.way THEN 1DU.INC.S-FUT talk-NF
Come here so that we can talk!
The non-future form of the verb can also be found in some imperative constructions:
(6-3) Alyu nyi-ng-a daguma-0!
NEG.IMP 2SG:A-IO-NF hit-NF
Don't hit me!
(6-4) Bard-bi garna!
run-NF SG:IMP.AWY
Run over there!
Imperative constructions are discussed in more detail in §6.1.2.
Its appearance in some future and imperative constructions as well as the fact that it is
always the citation form of the verb suggests that the non-future form is really more like an
unmarked verb form. Therefore, I will treat it as unmarked in example sentences elsewhere in
this work:
dagunta hit (not 'hit(NF)')
ngajbi see (not ngaj-bi `see-NF')

6.1.2 FUTURE INFLECTION

The future tense suffix is -ba, or -wa after liquids. As well as being used in future tense
clauses (examples (6-5) and (6-6)), the future tense suffix also marks imperative mood ((6-7)
and (6-8)). While they contain the same verbal inflection, an imperative construction is
distinguished from a future tense construction since the auxiliary in an imperative

See Table 6.5 for the possible combinations of verbal and auxiliary tense categories.
162 Chapter 6

construction usually carnes non-future tense marking (6-7) while in a future tense
construction it carries future tense marking (6-5). (See §5.5 for a discussion of the auxiliary
in imperative constructions and Table 6.5 for the interaction between auxiliary and verbal
tense categories). Recall that a future tense construction, such as in example (6-5), can have a
polite imperative reading (see §5.5 for more examples).
(6-5) Jiya-j-ba nyu-ng-u manganyma.
give-TH-FUT 2SG.A-10-FUT tucker.III(ACC)
You will give me some tucker./Give me some tucker (polite).
(6-6) Angbardi-j-ba îrri ngîrra barrawu.
build-TH-FUT 3PL.A(NP) 1PL.EXC.OBL house.IV(ACC)
They're going to build (new) houses for us.
(6-7) Jiya-j-ba nyi-ng-a manganyma!
give-TH-FUT 2SG.A-IO-NF tucker.Ill(ACC)
Give me some tucker!
(6-8) Ngarl-wa gujinganjanga-nka!
talk-FUT mother.II-DAT
Talk to your mother!
In two types of imperative constructions — negative imperative constructions and
constructions containing imperative directional suffixes — it is possible for the verb to appear
without future tense marking. Examples include (6-3) and (6-4) above, and the following:
(6-9) A lyu junmi/junmi-j-ba!
NEG.IMP cut(NF)/Cut-TH-FUT
Don't cut it!
(6-10) Alyu nyi-ng-a daguma/daguma j-ba!
NEG.IMP 2SG.A-IO-NF hit(NF)/hit-TH-FUT
Don't hit me!
(6-11) Wugbardi gama! OR Wugbardi -j-ba gama!
cook(NF) SG.IMP.AWY cook-TH-FUT
Go and cook it!
(6-12) Gaj-bi girrama! OR Gaj-ba girrama!
eat-NF PL.IMP.TWD eat-FUT
Come and eat!
The absence of future tense marking in these constructions can probably be accounted for
by the fact that the negative particle and the directional suffixes are specifically imperative.
Thus, with their presence the clause is already marked as imperative, rendering it unnecessary
for this to be also indicated on the verb.
Verbs such as yarru `go' and yabu `take, have', which do not distinguish future and non-
future tense (see Table 6.4 above), always co-occur with directional suffixes in the imperative
mood. As these directional suffixes are inherently imperative, it is thus possible to make a
distinction between imperative clauses and future tense clauses with these verbs.6

6 Note that, as these verbs make no distinction between future and non-future tenses, the glossing of them
as `FUT' in these examples is, to a certain extent, arbitrary.
 Verbs 163

(6-13) Yarru gams ginmanjî!

go(FUT) SGJMP.TWD this.way
Come over here!
(6-14) Yarns g-ulama ginmanji.
go(FUT) 3SG.S-NP.TWD this.way
He will come over here.
(6-15) Yabu ga gujînganjanga-nmanji!
take(FUT) SGJMPAWY mother.II-ALL
Take her to (her) mother!
(6-16) Yabu gunu-uba gujinganjanga-nmanjî.
take(FUT) 3SG.M.A-NP.AWY mother.11-ALL
He will take her to (her) mother.
The fact that these verbs often occur with directional suffixes, which themselves mark
imperative mood and tense (in indicative clauses), may explain why it is that they are not
overtly inflected for tense themselves; we have already seen examples in which the verbal
inflection is omitted when it co-occurs with directional suffixes (examples (6-11) and (6-12)
above). However, even in clauses without directional suffixes, these verbs are not overtly
inflected for future tense:
(6-17) Yarru ng-u marndijî.
go(FUT) 1 SG.S-FUT later
I'll go later.
(6-18) Yabu ny-u garnguji alaji.
have(FUT) 2SG.A-FUT many.I(ACC) boy.I(ACC)
You'll have lots of kids.
The future tense inflection is used both in imperative constructions (as discussed above)
and in future tense constructions (examples (6-5) and (6-6)). In clauses with immediate future
tense however, and in negative future tense clauses, the verb occurs in the non-future form.
For examples of clauses with immediate future tense see (6-1) and (6-2). Some examples of
future tense negative clauses follow.
(6-19) Yangula irr-agba jiyawu.
NEG 3PLA-HYP give(NF)
They will not give it to him.
(6-20) Yangula ng-agba ngara-bi ngijininima.
NEG tSG.A-HYP drink-NF tomorrow
I will not drink tomorrow.
Table 6.5 shows the possible combinations of auxiliary and verbal tense categories.?
Recall that the tense categories of the auxiliary differ depending on the number of the subject
bound pronoun and the presence/absence of an object bound pronoun (§5.2.1). Thus, some
auxiliaries will collapse some of the distinctions made in this table. Note also that some of
these marking patte rns are optional; that is auxiliaries in imperative constructions can actually
have no tense marking at all (see §5.5).

This table is concerned only with simple tense marking in the auxiliary; it does not include aspect and
mood marking nor directional suffixes.
164 Chapter 6

TABLE 6.5: VERBAL AND AUXILIARY TENSE CATEGORIES8

Auxiliary > Past Present Future

VERB: Past tense Present tense Immed.Future
Non-Future Neg. Imp Neg. Future
VERB: N/A Imperative Future tense
Future Polite Imp.

The distribution of the future verbal suffix, which is found in imperative clauses and
positive future tense clauses, suggests that `future tense' may not be the best characterisation
of the function of this suffix. It is also not possible to treat it as a general irrealis mood suffix,
since it is not found in negative future tense clauses, nor in examples in which an irrealis
mood suffix appears on the auxiliary (see §5.2.4). The function of this suffix is complex and
still not fully understood and thus, in lieu of further research, I will refer to it as the `future
tense' suffix, while acknowledging the term's inadequacies. See Nordlinger (1996) for
further discussion.

6.1.3 INFINITIVE SUFFIX

The form of the infinitive suffix is -barda, or -warda following liquids and /u/. With two
verbs it has the irregular form -arda: nanganangali `sneak away' > nanganangal-arda `sneak
away-INF'; gajurru `dance' > gajurr-arda `dance-INF'. The infinitive suffix occurs with verbs
in non-finite subordinate clauses and is discussed in more detail in §8.1. Some examples of
its use are:
(6-21) Ngaj-bi ngî-ny-a yarru-warda.
see-NF 1 SG.A-20-PST go-INF
I saw you walking along.
(6-22) Dawu gini-ng-a banggulyini-ni gulug-barda.
bite(NF) 3SG.M.A-10-PST mosquito.I-LOC sleep-INF
A mosquito bit me while (I was) sleeping.
(6-23) Gannga ng-ulama ngaj-barda gurla.
return(FUT) 1SG.S-NP.TWD see-INF 2DU.OBL
I will come back to see you two.
(6-24) Yarru ng-uba magî-nmanjî gulug-barda.
go(FUT) 1 SG.S-NP.AWY camp.IV-ALL sleep-INF
I'm going home to sleep.

6.1.4 -NKA `DAT'

Verbs in non-finite subordinate clauses can be inflected with the dative suffix -nka to
indicate that the event of the subordinate clause is the purpose of that of the main clause. As
discussed above, the addition of this suffix to a (consonant-final) verb stem conditions the

8 See Nordlinger (1995) and Nordlinger and Bresnan (1996) for a formal discussion of this interaction
between tense marking on the auxiliary and the verb.
 Verbs 165

presence of the epenthetic vowel /ii. The use of this suffix with verbs is discussed in more
detail in §8.1, but some examples of its use are:
(6-25) Mawula-j-i-nka g-amany yarru.
play-TH-EP-DAT 3SG.S-PST.TWD go(NF)
He came to play.
(6-26) Yabu ngiy-a gijilulu jiya j-î nka marndangi-nka.
have(NF) 3SG.NM.A-PST money.IV(ACC) give-TH-EP-DAT white.man.i-DAT
She got money to give to the white man.
Verbs inflected with this suffix can also be used as predicates in ascriptive clauses. Thus:
(6-27) Thi juguli banjarri-j-i-nka.
this.I.SG.NOM boomerang.I(NOM) throw-TH-EP-DAT
This boomerang is for throwing.
(6-28) Mî jugulî daguma-j-i-nka.
this.I.SG.NOM boomerang.I(NOM) hit-TH-EP-DAT
This boomerang is for fighting.
For further examples of these clauses see §7.1.1.

6.1.5 -NI `LOC'

The ergative/locative suffix -ni is used with verbs in non-finite subordinate clauses to
indicate that the event described by the subordinate clause is simultaneous with the event
described by the main clause. The use of this suffix also indicates that the subject of the
subordinate clause is co-referential with the subject of the main clause. (If the subject of a
simultaneous subordinate clause is co-referential with the object of the main clause, the
infinitive suffix -barda/--warda must be used instead; see §8.1). When this suffix follows a
consonant-final verb stem it is preceded by the epenthetic vowel /1/ (see the discussion
above). The use of this suffix is discussed in more detail in §8.1; some examples of its use
follow.
(6-29) Marrajini-nka ng-uba yarru alalangmi-j-i-ni.
kangaroo.i-DAT i SG.S-NP.AWY go(FUT) hunt-TH-EP-LOC
I'm going hunting for kangaroos.
(6-30) Ngurruwanî ngurru-n • mirra gilî ngarl-i-ni.
IPL.INC.NOM IPL.INC.S(NP)-PROG sit(NF) here talk-EP-LOC
We're sitting here talking.
(6-31) Ngirra-j-i-ni irr-agba yarru.
steal-TH-EP-LOC 3PL.S-HYP go(NF)
They might go stealing (his water).
(6-32) Bard-bî g-a nagana durra j-î-ni
run-NF 3SG.S-PST that.one.II.SG.NOM be.frightened-TH-EP-LOC
wîrrilgarra.
cockatiel.u(NOM)
The cockatiel ran away frightened.
166 Chapter 6

6.1.6 -NNGA ABL'

There is a small number of examples in the corpus in which the ablative suffix -nnga is
used with verbs in non-finite subordinate clauses to indicate that the event described by the
subordinate clause precedes that of the main clause. Like -ni and -nka this suffix is preceded
by the epenthetic vowel /i/ when it is attached to a consonant-final verb stem. An example
follows; others are given in §8.1.
(6-33) Gannga g-amany alalangmi-j-i-nnga.
return(NF) 3SG.S-PST.TWD hunt-TH-EP-ABL
He returned from hunting.

6.1.7 VERBAL REDUPLICATION

Verbal reduplication marks iterative aspect (examples (6-34) to (6-36)), durative aspect (6-
37), (6-38), or the intensity of the state described by the verb (6-39), depending on the
context. There are a couple of different patterns of reduplication, depending on the verb to be
reduplicated (see §2.3.6). Following are some examples of the use of reduplication with
verbs.
(6-34) Alangi-nî gînî-ng-a dagu-raguma9 banduma.
boy.I-LOC 3SG.M.A- 10-NF RDP-hit(NF) back.Hl(ACC)
The boy kept hitting my back (because I was choking).
(6-35) Dawu-rawu-j-ba gun-u gili magi-nî.
RDP-cut-TH-FUT 3SG.M.A-FUT here camp.IV-LOC
He's going to cut (all the wood) here in the camp.
(6-36) Barrawu-rdarra gini-n ngajbî-ngaj-bi.
house.IV-GROUP(ACC) 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG RDP-see-NF
He's inspecting all the houses.
(6-37) Alaji gi-n yugu-yugu narunguji-nka.
boy.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG RDP-cry(NF) car.IV-DAT
The boy is crying and crying for (his toy) car.
(6-38) Wugbugbardîl 0=mijî irrî-n mayinanji.
cook.RDP(NF)=INFER 3PL.A(NP)-PROG goanna.I(ACC)
They must be still cooking the goanna.
(6-39) Nyaga-nyagaj-bi ngi-n.
RDP-be.tired-NF 1 SG.S(PR)-PROG
I'm really tired.
Note that examples such as (6-36) above demonstrate that verbal reduplication takes
inflected forms as its input as the reduplicated part of the verb includes the non-future
inflection.

9 Note that the initial consonant of the verb stem has been lenited to N. This lenition is regular in
reduplication; see §2.3.1.
I0 The reduplication of this form is a little complicated The stem is (w)ugbardi (note that the initial /w/ is
an orthographic convention only) and the first syllable of the stem plus the initial consonant of the
second syllable (i.e. the sequence (w)ugb-) is prefixed to the stem to form the reduplication. See §2.3.6
for a more detailed discussion of this reduplication pattern.
 Verbs 167

The verb ngajbi 'see', when reduplicated, often has a slightly different meaning, usually
being translated as 'look around':
(6-40) Ngajbî-ngaj-bi gin-a gayirra.
RDP-see-NF 3SG.M.A-PST cooking.site.IV(ACC)
He looked around the cooking site.
Although still transitive (as shown by the use of the transitive bound pronoun) ngajbî may
occur without an object NP, in which case it has a more general interpretion:
(6-41) Ngajbi-ngaj-bi gîn-a.
RDP-see-NF 3SG.M.A-PST
He looked around.
A dative indirect object can express the goal of the searching:
(6-42) Ngajbi-ngaj-bi ng-u janga-nka gunyi-nka.
RDP-see-NF 1 SG.A-FUT foot.IV-DAT other.I-DAT
I'll look around for someone else's tracks.

6.2 DERIVATIONAL MORPHOLOGY

6.2.1 VERB-TO-VERB MORPHOLOGY
6.2.1.1 CAUSATIVE SUFFIXES
There are three different causative suffixes that appear on verbs in Wambaya: -ardi,
-jirrimi, and -bulumi/-ulumi/--lumi. A verb only ever appears with one of these suffixes, and
there do not appear to be any conditioning factors as to which verb takes which causative
suffix. In all of the examples of these suffixes in the corpus they function to derive causative
verbs from intransitive verbs; there are no examples in which transitive verbs are
causativised. How such causative meanings would be expressed (e.g. I made her eat the
meat.) needs to be investigated in the field. I will discuss each causative suffix in turn.
(a) -ardi
This suffix is attached to the root of the verb. If the verb root is vowel-final -ardî replaces
the final vowel of the root. Some examples are: ii
Basic form Gloss Root Causative form Gloss
gugujbi shift places guguj- guguj-ardi push
gurijbi feel good gurif- gurij-ardî make feel good
barlaji be dead barlaji- barlaj-ardi kill
gulugbi sleep gulug- gulug-ardi make sleep, lay down
garlarli slip down garlarlî- garlarl-ardî drop something down
Verbs inflected with this suffix belong to the J conjugation class: they take the -0 non-
future suffix and include the thematic /j/ in their future tense form:
guguj-ardi shift-CAUS(NF)
guguj-ardi -j-ba shift-CAUS-TH-FUT

II Jane. Simpson (pers. comm.) points out that this causative suffix may be related to the verb yardi 'put'.
The semantics seem consistent with this relationship for all of the above forms, except perhaps for guru-
ardi 'make feel good'.
168 Chapter 6

(b) jirrimî
This suffix is found only with vowel-final roots and is attached to the root of the verb
followed by the thematic consonant (if applicable). Some examples are:
Basic form Gloss Root Causative form Gloss
bardgu fall bardgu- bardgu jirrimi fell something
lingba bathe lingba- lingba-jirrimi bathe someone
durra be frightened dun-a- durra-jirrimî frighten
gurda be sick gurda- gurda-jîrrimi make sick
Although the presence of the thematic consonant is not obvious in the above examples, it
can be shown to be underlyingly present by the fact that the initial consonant of the suffix is
not lenited. When this suffix is added to a vowel-final stem, such as the verb gannga 'return'
the initial stop is lenited to /y/: %gannga-jirrimi% >gannga-yirrimi 'bring/take back'. This
lenition does not occur with the J Class verbs above as the thematic consonant makes the verb
stem consonant-final, removing the conditioning environment for lenition (lenition occurs
only between vowels; see §2.3.1). Thus, the underlying form of a derived verb such as
bardgu-jirrimî is %bardgu j jirrimi%. The thematic /j/ is subsequently deleted according to the
morphophonemic process which deletes the first of two consonants in an impossible
consonant cluster; see §2.3.5. Note that this means that lenition must precede the process of
impossible consonant cluster reduction.
The future tense form of this causative suffix is jirrimal-yirrima :
gannga-yîrrîmî return-CAUS.NF
gannga-yirrima return-CAUS.FUT
(c) -bulumî/ ulumî/ lumî
This suffix has three allomorphs: -ulumi, which occurs with lateral-final stems; -bulumi,
which occurs with stems ending in other consonants; and -lumi, which follows vowel-final
stems. Some examples are:
Basic form Gloss Root Causative form Gloss
ngarlwî talk ngarl- ngarl-ulumi make talk
ngangbi be open ngang- ngang-bulumi open (trans)
yugu cry yugu- yugu-lumi make cry
manngurru be ashamed manngurru- manngurru-lumi make ashamed
The derived forms belong to the J conjugation class:
yugu-lumi cry-CAUS(NF)
yugu-lumî-j-ba cry-CAUS-TH-FUT
Some examples of the use of these causative verbs follow.
(6-43) Gulug-ardi ng-u îni alaji.
sleep-CAUS(NF) ISG.A-FUT this.I.SG.ACC boy.I(ACC)
I'm going to put this boy to bed.
(6-44) Ngaba g-u gurijbi gannga-yirrima irri.
THEN 3.SG.S-FUT feel.good return-CAUS-FUT 3.PL.A(NP)
When she is better they'll bring her back.
 Verbs 169

(6-45) Daguma irri-n jugulini-nî julaji bardgu-jirrimi.

hit(NF) 3PLA(NP)-PROG boomerang.I-LOC bird.l(ACC) fall-CAUS.NF
They hit the bird with a boomerang (and) make (it) fall.
(6-46) Yugu-lumi ngiy-a alajî.
cry-CAUS(NF) 3SG.NM.A-PST boy.I(ACC)
She made the boy cry.
In examples elsewhere in this work, I gloss the non-future tense form as the unmarked
form. Thus-ardii-jirrimi/-bulumî `-CAUS', rather than `-CAUS.NF'.

6.2.1.2 TRANSITIVISLNG SUFFIX

The form of the transitivising suffix is -barra and it is attached to the root of the verb.
While the causative suffixes discussed above also derive transitive verbs from intransitive
verbs, this suffix differs from causative suffixes as it does not add a meaning of causation.
There are only a few examples of this suffix in the corpus. These include:
(6-47) From ardbi `call out (to)' (semitransitive):
Gayinîni-ni=miji gîn-a ard-barra.
someone.I-LOC=INFER 3SG.M.A-PST call-TRANS.NF
Someone must have called her.
(6-48) From nguwajbi `be jealous' (intransitive):
Nguwaj-barra ngi-n naniyaga.
je alous-TRANS .NF I SG.A(PR)-PROG that.II.SG.ACC
I am jealous of her. (lit. `I'm jealousing her'.)
There are no examples in the corpus of verbs derived with this suffix inflected for future
tense.
The verb ngarlajarra 'chat', which is clearly derived from ngarlwi `talk', may contain this
suffix, although it is not clear that it is a transitive verb. The only example is in Text 5
(Appendix A):
(6-49) Ngarl-ajarra wurl-a.
talk-TRANS.NF? 3DU.A?-PST
They chatted.

6.2.1.3 OBJECT-PROMOTING SUFFIX

The suffix -(ba)bu promotes a NP of accompaniment to object and thus derives a transitive
verb from an intransitive verb. This suffix also expresses an anti-benefactive sense, usually
translated into English with `away'. The usual form of this suffix is -baba. However, with
one verb in the corpus, gannga `return', it has the form -bu (example (6-53)).122 Some
examples of the use of -(ba)bu follow.

12 Merlan (1983:47-50) discusses two `object promoting' verbal prefixes in Ngalakan, -bak- and -Bata-,
which have functions rather similar to -(ba)bu in Wambaya. Unlike -(ba)bu, these prefixes usually
function in transitive clauses to promote an animate indirect object NP to object. However, -hak- can also
be used to derive a transitive verb from an intransitive verb (p.47), and -baia- often has an anti-
170 Chapter 6

(6-50) Dingbari-j-babu ngiy-a gayangga wardangarringa-ni.

fly.off-TH-OP 3SG.NM.A-PST high moon.H-LOC
The moon flew off with (the sun's baby) up (into the sky).
(6-51) Mawula-j-babu ngiy-a ganjimi.
play-TH-OP 3SG.NM.A-PST finish.NF
She played all her money away.
(6-52) Ngarrî balamurru . gin-a bard-babu.
ISG.POSS.I(ACC) spear.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.A-PST run-OP
He ran off with my spear.
In the following example the anti-benefactive sense is not so obvious.
(6-53) Yabu gan-ala gunyarna alalangnti jî-ni, gannga-bu
take(NF) 3SG.M.A-HAB.NP other.II(ACC) hunt-TH-LOC return-OP
gan-ala yagu.
3SG.M.A-HAB.NP leave(NF)
He takes one (of his wives) hunting, then he comes back with her (and) leaves
her (then the next day he takes another one hunting).
The use of the transitive subject bound pronoun form in these examples demonstrates that
the verb derived with -(ba)bu is transitive. Unfortunately there are no examples in which the
promoted object NP is first or second person, so there are no examples in which it is
registered in the auxiliary (note that third person objects are not registered; see §5.1).
However, I expect that it would be.
It is interesting that the first syllable of this suffix, -ba-, is identical to the future tense
verbal suffix and that the only verb with which the object-promoting suffix has the reduced
form -bu (i.e. gannga in example (6-53)) is one which does not take this future tense suffix.
Thus, it appears at first as if the form of the object-promoting suffix is -bu and that it is
attached to the future tense form of the verb (e.g. dingbari-j-ba-bu `fly off-TH-FUT-OP',
gannga-bu `return(FUT)-013'). This analysis is clearly not plausible synchronically as the
examples given above are past tense (examples (6-50) to (6-52)) or present habitual tense (6-
53) and are therefore inconsistent with the future tense form of the verb. However, such an
analysis is probably correct historically, thus suggesting that what is now the future tense
form of the verb was, at one stage, the unmarked form to which derivational suffixes were
attached. Further evidence for this is the fact that the Garrwa verb forms corresponding to the
future tense Wambaya verb forms retain this unmarked function (see §6.1).

6.2.2 ADJECTIVE-TO-VERB MORPHOLOGY

6.2.2.1 INCHOATIVE SUFFIX
The suffix -j- derives from an adjective X a verb stem with the meaning `get X, become X'.
This stem then takes the usual inflectional endings for consonant-final stems: -bi `NF' and -ba
`FUT'.

benefactive sense, and is used in intransitive clauses to express association or accompaniment,

sometimes with a nuance of forced accompaniment (like -(ba)bu in Wambaya) (p.49-50).
Blake (1987:74) discusses derivational suffixes in a number of languages which advance a `possessed' NP
to direct object. However, he does not mention anything having the anti-benefactive sense of -(ba)bu.
 Verbs 171

(6-54) Mambulya j-bi ng-a nganjala ngarli-nka.

soft-INCH-NF ISG.S-PST tongue.IV(ACC) talk-DAT .
My tongue has become (too) soft to talk (clearly).
(6-55) Gaj-ba girri, bundurri-j-ba!
eat-FUT PLIMP.AWY full-INCH-FUT
Go and eat (and) get full!
There is one example in which this suffix appears with an adverb: jaburru `first, before'.
In this case the derived verb, jaburrajbî,13 has the meaning 'start, begin' and takes a verbal
complement inflected with the dative case.
(6-56) Nagarna g-a jaburra j-bî barla-nka.
that.one.H.SG.NOM 3SG.S-PST first-INCH-NF fight-DAT
The woman started to fight.
Note that while the prototypical meaning of this suffix is inchoative, this meaning is not
always obvious and in some cases it simply means `be X':
(6-57) Gunyinî-nka gî bundurrij-bi.
other.I-DAT 3SG.S(PR) full-INCH-NF
She's pregnant with another (child).
Another possible analysis is that, rather than -j- being a derivational suffix, it is simply
part of a verbal root which happens to have a corresponding nominal (adjectival) root. Thus
under this analysis, a form such as bundurrî-j-bi in example (6-57) is not derived from a
nominal root bundurru meaning `full', but is actually a simple verb: bundurrij-bi `be full-NF'.
It would then be necessary to determine the relationship between the verb roots (e.g.
bundumj-) and the corresponding nominal roots (e.g. bundurru-). Further investigation is
required.
Since the non-future form behaves like the unmarked form (as is also true for all other
verbs), I gloss it as such in examples elsewhere in this work. Thus, bundurri jbi `be full-
INCH' rather than bundurri-j-bi `be full-INCH-NF'.

6.2.2.2 FACTITIVE SUFFIX

The suffix -mi derives from an adjective X a transitive verb with the meaning `cause to be
X, make be X'. If the root of the adjective has final /j/, this becomes /ny/ under the influence
of the following bilabial nasal (see §2.3.4.2 for more examples of this morphophonemic
process). Thus, gurij- `good'+ -mi 'FAC.NF' becomes guriny-mi. The future tense form of
this suffix is -ma. Some examples are:
(6-58) From gurijbi `good' (I)
Ngunybulugini-ni gun-u guriny-ma.
doctor.i-LOC 3SG.M.A-FUT good-FAC.FUT
The doctor's going to make (her) better.

13 I have no explanation for this change in the final vowel of the stem.
172 Chapter 6

(6-59) From abajabajî `mad, crazy' (I)

Abajabaja-mi gînî-ng-a ngara-barlînî-ni.
crazy-FAC.NF 3SG.M.A-10-NF drink-AGNT.I-LOC
(That) drunk is making me crazy.
(6-60) From yarduga `strong' (IV)
Yarduga-mi nguyu-ny-u mijangga-ni.
strong-FAC.NF 3SG.NM.A-20-FUT medicine.IV-LOC
The medicine will make you strong.
(6-61) From mambulya `soft' (IV)
Mambulya-mi ngiy-a Jamba.
soft-FAC.NF 3SG.NM.A-PST ground.IV(ACC)
(The rain) softened the ground.
In one example in the corpus the factitive suffix appears to be used with a noun, rather
than an adjective. Thus from fabula `spittle' is derived jabula-mî `to spit at'. It remains to be
seen whether this is possible for other nouns also.
As with other verb forms, I treat the non-future form of this suffix as the basic form in
examples in this work, thus glossing -mi `FAC.NF' as simply `FAC'.
 CHAPTER 7

SYNTAX OF SIMPLE SENTENCES

Wambaya has two basic clause types (divided according to their predicators): verbal and
nominal (or verbless). A verbal clause has a finite verb as predicate and, except for under
certain discourse conditions (see §5.4), always requires the presence of the auxiliary.
Nominal clauses, on the other hand, have either nominal predicates or predicates consisting
of a purposive non-finite subordinate clause and cannot contain an auxiliary. A simple
sentence consists of a single clause of either type. I will begin with a discussion of verbless
clauses — those with nominal predicates — and will then discuss verbal clauses in §7.2. Non-
finite subordinate clauses are discussed in §8.1.

7.1 VERBLESS CLAUSES

For the purposes of this study I will assume verbless clauses to consist of a subject and a
(usually nominal) predicate.' Note that `subject' in this context, in which it is opposed to
`predicate', is used differently than in verbal clauses, in which it is opposed to `object'.
Verbless clauses do not contain an auxiliary, and therefore do not indicate tense. The tense
of these clauses is usually taken to be the same tense as the rest of the discourse or, if uttered
in isolation, present tense. If it is necessary for a verbless clause to be marked for past or
future tense, it can be made into a verbal clause with the use of mina `sit, be' and thereby
contain an auxiliary. The use of mina as a type of `copula' verb is discussed in §7.1.7.
As with other types of sentences, word order in verbless clauses is relatively free; the
subject can precede (example (7-1)) or follow (7-5) the predicate, or can be discontinuous (7-
4). The subjects of these clauses are often modified (or represented) by a demonstrative that
can mark definiteness and therefore emphasise the subject. In all verbless clauses, the subject
must be in the nominative case. In ascriptive and having/lacking verbless clauses, the
predicate must also be in the nominative case and agree with the subject in both gender and
number.

7.1.1 ASCRIPTTVE CLAUSES

The predicate of an ascriptive clause attributes a certain property to the subject. The
predicate can be an adjective (examples (7-1) and (7-2)); a full noun phrase (7-3); a nominal
inflected with an adnominal suffix, such as the `origin' suffix (7-4); or a nominal derived
with the agentive or pri vative suffixes ((7-5) and (7-6)). Both subject and predicate must
agree in case (nominative), gender and number.

In the descriptions of some other Australian languages, these clause types are analysed as being nade up
of a 'topic' NP and a 'comment' NP (e.g. Morphy (1983) on Djapu and Keen (1983) on Yukulta). Such a
division is easily justified in these languages by the appearance on the 'topic' NP ul' the 'prominence
marker' in Djapu and the 'stative clitic' in Yukulta, which are characteristic of topics in the respective
languages.

173
174 Chapter 7

(7-1) Iligirra yana buyurru.

river.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM dry.IV(NOM)
This river is dry.
(7-2) Bulyungurna ngarrima gagulinya, ngawurniji bayida
little.II(NOM) I SG.POSS.II(NOM) y.sister.II(NOM) I SG.NOM e.sister.II(NOM)
bugayirna.
big.11(NOM)
My younger sister is little, (but) I, the elder sister, am big.
(7-3) Gurijbirna marndanga ngîrrigarna maliyîrna.
good.II(NOM) white.woman.II(NOM) 1PL.EXC.POSS.II(NOM) boss.II(NOM)
Our boss was a good white lady.
(7-4) Igima manggur-înji garrgalyi-galyi.
that.one.I.SG.NOM plains-ORIG.I(NOM) plains.lizard.I(NOM)-RDP
The plains lizard is from the plains country.
(7-5) Ngaj-barli-marndarna nanagunya.
see-AGNT-PL.II(NOM) this.II.PL.NOM
Those women are staring. (lit. Those women are `starers')
(7-6) Iniyaga dawi-j-baji.
that.I.SG.NOM bite-TH-PRIV.I(NOM)
That (dog) won't bite. (lit. That (dog) is a `non-biter'.)
If the subject is clear from context or previous discourse it may be omitted, leaving just the
predicate.
(7-7) Gurda j-bajarna.
be. sick-TH-PRIV.II(NOM)
(She's) never sick.
(7-8) Gunju-waji-rdarra.
meat-PRIV.I-GROUP(NOM)
(They're) all skinny.
`Part-whole' clauses are a particular type of ascriptive clause in which the predicate refers
to a part of the subject. In these clauses the predicate, being referential itself, does not have to
agree with the subject in gender and number. An example from Hale's (1959) notes (adapted
into the orthography used here) is:2
(7-9) Iniya yangajî garnawuma wirdgîwirdgima.
that.I.SG.NOM meat.I(NOM) Iong.11I(NOM) tail.III(NOM)
That kangaroo has a long tail. (Hale 1959:51)
Another special type of ascriptive clause is that which attributes a function or purpose to
the subject. The examples of such clauses in the corpus contain a predicate that is a non-finite
purposive clause. Though not strictly verbless, these clauses are similar to verbless clauses in
that they do not contain a finite verb or an auxiliary. Note that this type of ascriptive clause is
exceptional in that the predicate, being a non-finite verb, does not inflect for case, gender or

2 Note the use of yangaji 'meat' to mean `kangaroo' in this example. This is fairly common in Wambaya
discourse.
 Syntax of simple sentences 175

number in agreement with the subject (see §8.1 for further discussion of such non-finite
clauses).
(7-10) Ngarlî-nka yanama.
talk-DAT that.IV.SG.NOM
That's for talking. (i.e. a tape recorder)
(7-11) Yaganta bujili yardi-ji-nka guriji-nka.
that.one.IV.SG.NOM bottle.IV(NOM) put-TH-DAT fat.IV-DAT
That bottle is for putting (goanna) fat (in).

7.1.2 HAVING/LACKING CLAUSES

These clauses are just a specialised type of ascriptive clause having as their predicate a
nominal inflected with either the proprietive or the privative suffix. Like other ascriptive
clauses they attribute a property to the subject (i.e. that of having or lacking a particular object
or quality), and must agree with it in case (nominative), gender and number.
(7-12) Ngawurniji gijilulu-wajarna.
I SG.NOM money-PRIV.II(NOM)
I've got no money. (lit. I am money-lacking.)
(7-13) Bulînja-ngujî înî galyurrîngî!
algae-PROP.I(NOM) this.I.SG.NOM water.I(NOM)
This water's got algae in it! (lit. This water is algae-having.)
In another example, a normal ascriptive clause takes a `having' construction as a
complement. In this example the subject has been omitted.3
(7-14) Wawunyg-ujî gurijbi ngabulu-nguji.
sugar.bag-PROP.I(NOM) good.l(NOM) milk-PROP.I(NOM)
It's good with milk and sugar.
There is another type of 'lacking' clause in which the predicate is the derived nominal
guyaliny- 'lacking'. This nominal is derived from the negative particle guyala and is inflected
for gender, agreeing with the subject of the clause.4 Guyaliny- can appear alone in the
predicate (example (7-15)), or be accompanied by a dative complement which expresses what
it is that is lacking ((7-16) and (7-17)). When there is no dative complement (as in (7-15)),
the object that is lacking is considered to be clear from context.
(7-15) Ngawurniji guyalinya!
1 SG.NOM Iacking.II(NOM)
I have nothing! (when asked for money)
(7-16) Guyalinjî manganymi-nka.
lacking.I(NOM) bread.IlI-DAT
(He) has no bread.

3 One would expect that this type of construction is possible only with certain types of adjectival
predicates. Thus one would expect it to be possible with predicates such 'full' (as in 'full with water'),
but not with predicates such as 'hot'. I have no more examples of this type of construction in the corpus,
so I cannot yet test these predictions.
4 See §4.4.13 for a more detailed discussion of this derived nominal.
176 Chapter 7

(7 - 17) Guyalinja darranggu-nka yaniyaga maga.

lacking.IV(NOM) tree.IV-DAT that.IV.SG.NOM camp.IV(NOM)
That country has no trees.
Guyaliny- is often used to negate existential clauses:
(7-18) Guyalinja yana janga-nka.
lacking.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM foot.IV-DAT
There are no tracks here.
See §7.1.6 for a more examples of existential clauses.

7.1.3 COMPARATIVE CLAUSES

These clauses are similar to ascriptive clauses; however, in these clauses attributes are
being compared rather than merely stated. Structurally, the only difference between this type
of clause and an ascriptive clause is that this clause requires an oblique NP (here ngarra)
representing the referent with which the comparison is being made.
(7-19) Bulyingi nyamirnijî ngarra, (ngawurniji bugayi).
little.I(NOM) 2SG.NOM ISG.OBL (1SG.NOM big.I(NOM))
You're littler than me, (I'm big).
Another type of comparative clause is that expressing similarity or resemblance. Such
clauses in Wambaya make use of the particle ngaba and are discussed in §8.2.2.1. One
example is provided here:
(7-20) Bamarra ngaba spoon.
mouth.IV(NOM) THEN spoon
(His) mouth is like a spoon.

7.1.4 POSSESSIVE CLAUSES

Possessive clauses have a subject that is the possessee, and a possessor predicate that
contains either a nominal inflected with the dative or genitive case (example (7-21)) or a
possessive pronoun (7-22).
(7-21) Bungmanya-nkat-naganka yaniyaga warnu.
old.woman.II-DAT/-GEN.IV that.IV.SG.NOM tobacco.IV(NOM)
That tobacco belongs to the old woman.
(7-22) Yana ngarrga!
this.IV.SG.NOM I SG.POSS.IV(NOM)
This (money) is mine!

7.1.5 LOCATIVE/ALLATIVE CLAUSES

These clauses contain a locative predicate describing the location of the subject. The
predicate is usually inflected with the locative case.
 Syntax of simple sentences 177

(7-23) Janji iniyaga jalyu-ni!

dog.I(NOM) that.I.SG.NOM bed.IV-LOC
The dog's on the bed!
(7-24) Garnguji-rdarra injani=miji alaji-rdarra.
many.I-GROUP(NOM) where=INFER boy.I-GROUP(NOM)
The kids are somewhere, I don't know where.
However, the predicate can also be inflected with the allative case, in which case it has the
meaning of `near' or `towards':
(7-25) Damangga ngangi-yili-nmanji.
head.N(NOM) 2SG.OBL-COMIT-ALL
(His) head is near (i.e. is pointing towards) you.

7.1.6 EXISTENTIAL CLAUSES

Existential clauses are similar to locative clauses (§7.1.5) in that they consist of a subject
an d a locative predicate. However, locative clauses specify the location of a specific referent
whereas existential clauses refer to a more general subject.
(7-26) Garnguji julaji-rdarra gayangga darranggu-ni,
many.I(NOM) bird.I-GROUP(NOM) high tree.IV-LOC
jibîlyawutna-rdarra jangi galyurringinî -ni.
duck.II-GROUP(NOM) down water.I-LOC
There are lots of birds up in the trees and lots of ducks down in the water.
Another important distinction between existential clauses and locative clauses is that in
locative clauses the focus is on the location whereas in existential clauses it is on the locatee.
Thus, the locative predicate of an existential clause can be deleted anaphorically (example (7
27)), but that of a locative clause cannot.5
(7-27) Garngujî warnnganji!
many.I(NOM) fly.i(NOM)
There's lots of flies (in here)!
Existential clauses are negated with the use of the derived nominal guyaliny- `lacking'.
Examples include (7-17) and the following:
(7-28) Guyalinja nyanyalu-nka.
lacking.IV(NOM) tea.I-DAT
There's no tea.

7.1.7 MIRRA `SIT' AS A `COPULA'

As in the examples above, it is possible for a clause to have a completely nominal predicate
and contain no verb at all. However, many of these clauses can also contain the verb, tnirra

5 We would expect that the converse would be the case for locative clauses: that it is the subject, rather
than the predicate. which can be deleted anaphorically. Thus, we would expect that (example (7-23)), if
given as a response to a question such as 'Where is the dog?', could be simply jalyu-ni 'on the bed'.
Unfortunately the corpus does not contain the data needed to exemplify this.
178 Chapter 7

`sit, be', and an auxiliary. The function of mirra in such examples is varied: only in a very
small number does it appear to have a `copula'-type function (example (7-34)); in others it
contributes further verbal meanings, as exemplified in the following.
With locative clauses, the use of mirra implies `staying', `residing':
(7-29) Yangula ng-a yarru alanga gunya-ni. Mirra ng-a
NEG 1SG.S-PST go girl.II(NOM) other.IV-LOC sit 1SG.S- PST
gandawugi-ni.
one.IV-LOC
I didn't move to another (place) (as a) little girl. I lived in one (place).
(7-30) Mirra ngirr-aji nganaarra-ni.
sit IPL.EXC.S-HAB.PST Brunette.Downs-LOC
We stayed at Brunette Downs.
With ascriptive verbless clause types it usually conveys a meaning of persistence (`is/was
still').
(7-31) Yarru g-amany îrda ngarradî g-a anki
go 3SG.S- PST.TWD father.I(NOM) ISG.POSS.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST alive.I(NOM)
mirra.
sit
He came (when) my father was still alive.
(7-32) Ngarrga gî-n mirra ganuaal
SG.POSS.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit long.IV(NOM)
My (hair) is still long!
Or it can have the meaning `become':
(7-33) Garnaa g-u mîrra irrîlyî.
long.IV(NOM) 3SG.S-FUT sit fingernail.IV(NOM)
The fingernail will become (i.e. grow) long (but it's short now).
In a few examples, mirra appears to function as a copula; since tense is marked in the
auxiliary and an auxiliary can occur only in a verbal clause, mirra is used when it is necessary
to specify the tense of the clause. However, even in these examples, the presence of mirra
seems to indicate that a situation, state or event is being referred to.
(7-34) Gurijbî g-ajî mirra, ngara-baji.
good.I(NOM) 3SG.S-HAB.PST sit drink-PRIV.I(NOM)
He used to be good (and) not drink (but now he drinks all the time).
(7-35) Bungmanya g-a6 mirra barla-ngunya ngarra.
old.woman.II(NOM) 3SG.S-PST sit fight-PROP.II(NOM) ISG.OBL
(That) old woman was cross with me.
(7-36) Ngawu ng-u bungmanya mîrra.
1 SG.NOM 1 SG.S-FUT old.woman.II(NOM) sit
I will (live to) be an old woman.

This example was actually given with the Gudanji form of the auxiliary (ganyi), but was accepted as
having the same meaning with the Wambaya form given here.
 Syntax of simple sentences 179

The 'copula' verb can also be used when the statement is emphatic, or one of exclamation
or contrast. In the following example, MG had just taken a drink of what she was expecting
would be tea:
(7-37) Ini gi-n galyurringi mirra!
this.I.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG water.I(NOM) sit
This is WATER!
Two adjectives, bagijbî 'bad' (I) and gurijbî 'good' (I), have an alternation in meaning
depending on whether they occur in a verbless construction or in a construction with the verb
mirra. When these adjectives occur in verbless clauses, without the copula verb, they must
have an objective (or evaluative) meaning (example (7-38)). Yet when they occur with the
copula verb they usually have a subjective (or experiential) meaning (7-39). Note that in both
types of clause the adjective, being a subject complement (see §7.2), must always agree in
gender with the subject7
(7-38) Gurijbilbagijbi Mi alaft
good.I(NOM)/bad.I(NOM) this.I.SG.NOM boy.i(NOM)
This boy is good/bad. (i.e. in terms of behaviour/temperament, etc.)
(7-39) Alaji gî gurijbi/bagijbi mirra.
boy.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR) good.I(NOM)/bad.I(NOM) sit
The boy feels good/bad.
The behaviour of these adjectives and related verbs was also discussed in §3.1.1.1.

7.2 VERBAL CLAUSES: BASIC ARGUMENT STRUCTURES

In this section I discuss basic verbal clauses in terms of their main verb and the core
arguments that it subcategorises for: subject, (direct and second) object, indirect object and
subject complements. In §3.2 I outlined the criteria by which these different argument types
can be identified in Wambaya. Some aspects of this discussion, namely the distinctions
between the different types of objects,. are worth reviewing here.
(i) Direct objects are distinguished from second objects and indirect objects as they are
registered on the auxiliary with an object bound pronoun.
(ii) Second objects are found with a very small set of ditransitive verbs which also take a
direct object (see §7.2.1.5). Like direct objects, second objects are always marked with
accusative case and are thereby distinguished from indirect objects. Unlike direct
objects, second objects can never be registered in the auxiliary.
(iii) Indirect objects are not registered with an object bound pronoun in the auxiliary. Nor
are they marked with accusative case. In fact, indirect objects are almost always marked
with the dative case, the one exception being the allative indirect object of yardi 'put'.
Like other core functions, indirect objects are semantically unrestricted: their
interpretation depends on the verb with which they occur. Furthermore, unlike other
complements and adjuncts, some indirect objects can feed reflexive and/or reciprocal

As has been pointed out to me by Bill McGregor and Lesley Stirling (pers comm.). it is not surprising
that a verbless clause will have an objective meaning and a verbal clause a subjective meaning. In
verbless clauses the speaker is imputing a quality upon the subject (i.e. 'objective') and in verbal clauses
the speaker is describing a situation, event or state (such as that of 'feeling').
180 Chapter 7

constructions, in which case the indirect object argument is registered on the auxiliary
with the reflexive/reciprocal pronoun (see §5.1.1 and below).
Table 7.1 shows the possible basic argument structures for verbs in Wambaya. Discussion
and examples of the different types follow the table. The finite clause complements of verbs
such as dîdîma `tell O that SCOMP', ngajbi `see that SCOMP', tunga `hear, remember that
SCOMP' are discussed in §8.2.1.3. Adjuncts and semantically restricted complements were
covered in the discussion of case marking in §4.4.
TABLE 7.1: BASIC ARGUMENT STRUCTURES8
Note: Arguments listed in the first column are those registered in the auxiliary with a
subject bound pronoun; those in the second column are registered with an object
bound pronoun; arguments in the third column are not registered in the auxiliary at all.

IMPERSONAL no arguments ngajirri `be cold'

INTRANSITIVE
1. Simple intransitive SNOM bardbi 'run'
2. With purp. complement9 SNOM VCOMP garrajbî 'want to VCOMP'
3. With Subj. complement SNOM SubjCOMP mirra 'be SubjCOMP'
4. ngarlwî `talk' SNOM (OACC) (ZODAT) ngarlwi `talk (language) (to Io)'
REFLEXIVE
1.Simple reflexive SNOM OREFL gurda `be sick'
2. With Subj. complement SNOM OREFL SubjCOMP manku `feel SubjCOMP'
SEMITRANSITIVE SNOM ZODAT ayani `look for IO'
TRANSITIVE
1.Simple transitive AERG °ACC ngajbî 'see O'
2. With cognate object AERG °ACC nijbi 'sing O (song)'
DITRANSITIVE
1. 02-theme AERG °ACC 02ACC jiyawu 'give 02 to 0'
2. 0-theme AERG OACC ZODAT janganja 'ask O for IO'
AERG °ACC I°ALL yardî 'put O on/in IO'
3. With cognate object AERG °ACC IODAT didima 'tell O (story) to IO'
4. With purp. complement AERG OACC VCOMPDAT dîrndirrînymi 'teach O to VCOMP'

7.2.1 IMPERSONAL VERBS

Impersonal verbs in Wambaya are characterised by the fact that they cannot co-occur with
an overt subject NP although a (third person singular) subject bound pronoun is always
present in the auxiliary. There are three impersonal verbs in the corpus. Two of these, ngajirri
`be cold' and ngarrangarra `be hot', are impersonal only when they are used with reference to
the weather. They have another use as simple intransitive verbs, in which case they take a
nominative subject NP and are not impersonal. An example of their impersonal use is:

8 Subject and object arguments are always registered in the auxiliary, and thus the argument NPS are often
omitted (especially if first or second person). Other arguments can also be ellipsed under certain discourse
conditions, although these conditions are not yet well understood.
9 This is a purposive non-finite subordinate clause. It usually consists of just a verb inflected with the
dative case, but can also contain NP arguments (see example (7-50)). A few verbs in the corpus can
optionally take a purposive complement instead of a nominal argument (see below).
 Syntax of simple sentences • 181

(7-40) Ngarrangarra/ngajirri gi-n jalanyi.

be.hot/be.cold 3SG.S(PR)-PROG today
It's hot/cold today.
The third impersonal verb in the corpus, barnamuluma 'flash lightning', is particularly
unusual as it also requires the presence of the reflexive/reciprocal bound pronoun in the
auxiliary:
(7-41) Barnamuluma ngiyi-ngg-a-n.
flash.lightning 3SG.NM.A-RR-NF-PROG
There was lightning.
Other inherently reflexive verbs are discussed in §7.2.3.

7.2.2 INTRANSITIVE VERBS

Intransi ti ve verbs are all characterised by the fact that they subcategorise for a nominative
subject NP and no object NP. The one exception to this is ngarlwi 'talk', which can take a
cognate object referring to the language spoken: see §7.2.2.4 below.

7.2.2.1 SLMPLE INTRANSITIVE VERBS

The most common type of intransiti ve verb is the simple intransitive verb which requires
only a nominative subject NP. This type includes verbs describing (i) movement, such as
yarru 'go', wuru 'dive down', bardbi 'run', baba 'fly', bardgu 'fall'; (ii) social activities,
such as ngarlu 'dance', mawula 'play'; (iii) bodily actions, as in bîrrirri 'shiver', bawurrbi
'snore', dirrbî 'fart'; (iv) postures, as in garranbî 'stand', mirra 'sit'; (v) physical or mental
states, such as nyagajbî 'be tired', garrankajbi 'be short of breath', murrî 'be sore', linjarrbi
'be hot', gurijbi 'feel good/happy', bagijbi 'feel bad', balijî 'be hungry, be angry';
dabudaburri 'be no good, feel weak' and others such as baji `grow', baja 'give off a smell',
ginganbi 'drown', gulugbi 'sleep', aradajbi 'be busy', laji 'be quiet, still', yugu 'cry' and
lumbulumbu 'swell'.
(7-42) M'agajbi ngi.
be.tired ISG.S(PR)
I'm tired_
(7-43) Baji gi-n bayiginga-nî jangi.
grow 3SG.S(PR)-PROG bag.II-LOC down
He (the baby kangaroo) grows down there in the pouch.
(7-44) Bardgu g-a.
fall 3SG.S-PST
He fell.
There is a small number of intransitive verbs which have an alternative case frame in
which they are semitransitive verbs, taking a dative argument. Examples of these verbs are
ardbi 'call out (to Io)', garni 'smile (at IO)', durra 'be frightened (of boy and bundu' rrijbi
'be/get full (of IO), be/get pregnant (with IO)'. Semitransitive verbs are discussed in *7.2.4.
182 Chapter 7

(7-45) A rdbi irri-n (nganga).

call.out 3PL.S(NP)-PROG (2SG.OBL)
They're calling out (to you).
(7-46) Garni gi-n (ngarra).
smile 3SG.S(PR)-PROG (1SG.OBL)
He smiling (at me).
(7-47) Durra ngi (janyi-nka).
be.frightened I SG.S(PR) (dog.I-DAT)
I'm frightened (of the dog).
(7-48) (Gunyînî-nka) gi bundurri jbî.
(other.-DAT) 3SG.S(PR) full-INCH
She's pregnant (with another (child)).
The intransitive verbs gurijbi `feel good/happy', bagijbî `feel bad' and dabudaburri `be no
good, feel weak' can also take a verbal complement; see §7.2.2.2.

7.2.2.2 INTRANSITIVE VERBS WITH VERBAL COMPLEMENTS

A few intransitive verbs subcategorise for a purposive non-finite subordinate clause, in
which the verb (along with any objects) is inflected with the dative case. For some verbs such
as garrajbi `to want to VCOMP' this is the only possible case frame. Other verbs, such as
dabudaburri `be no good at VCOMP, be unable to VCOMP', gurijbi `feel good, happy to
VCOMP' and bagijbi `feel bad, unhappy to VCOMP' can also function as simple intransitive
verbs; see §7.2.2.1.
(7-49) Garrajbî gî-n yarru-nka.
want 3SG.S(PR)-PROG go-DAT
She wants to go.
(7-50) Dabudaburri 10 gi-n nganga manku-nka.
be.unable 3SG.S(PR)-PROG 2SG.OBL hear-DAT
He can't hear you.
(7-51) Gurijbi ngi gannga-nka.
feel.good ISG.S(PR) " return-DAT
I'm happy to be going back.
The transitive verb gudijbi `lose, forget' has an alternative case frame in which it occurs
with a nominative subject and a dative-marked verbal complement. In this case it means
`forget about, forget to':

10 This verb has a few different case frames and its meaning is a little difficult to characterise succinctly. It
can occur with a verbal complement as in example (7-50), and can also occur with a dative NP argument:
(i) Dabudaburri nyi nganggi-nka ngariana-nka!
be.no.good.at 2SG.S(PR) 2SG.POSS.IV-DAT language.iv-DAT
You're no good at your own language!
or with only a subject NP. In these examples it is usually translated as `feel weak, no good':
(ii) Dabudaburri ngi.
be.no.good ISG.S(PR)
I feel weak/no good.
Thus the omission of the verbal complement in example (7-50) would change the meaning of the phrase
to something more like `he's no good' or `he's weak'.
 Syntax of simple sentences 183

(7-52) Gudijbî g-a înîyaga yugu-ji-nka.

forget 3SG.S-PST that.I.SG.NOM cry-TH-DAT
He forgot about crying. (re a child who stopped crying to play)
There is one verb in the corpus which subcategorises for a verbal complement in the
locative case. This verb, aradajbî `be busy', can also appear as a simple intransitive verb, in
which case the activity that is being engaged in is left unexpressed.
(7-53) Aradajbî gî-n mawula-nî.
be.busy 3SG.S(PR)-PROG play-LOC
She's busy playing (cards).
Another verb, gannga `return', can take a verbal complement in the ablative case
expressing the activity that the subject returned from doing.
(7-54) Gannga g-a alalangmi-ji-nnga Jabiru.
return 3SG.S-PST hunt-TH-ABL jabiru(NOM)
The Jabiru returned from hunting.

7.2.2.3 INTRANSITIVE VERBS WITH SUBJECT COMPLEMENTS

Subject complements are second predicates on the subject that are subcategorised for by a
verb. Most second predicates are adjuncts: those of manner, for example, can combine with
almost any type of verb (see §7.4.2 below). A very small number of verbs, however,
actually subcategorise for a second predicate, in which case it is considered a subject
complement.
The only intransitive verb in the corpus that subcategorises for a subject complement is
mirra in its meaning of `be, become'. In this use, mîrra links an entity (the subject), with a
property (the subject complement). The subject complement must agree with the subject in
gender, number and case (nominative).
(7-55) Ngarrga gi-n mirra gamaal
ISG.POSS.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG be long.IV(NOM)
My (hair) is still long!
(7-56) Gurijbi g-aji mirra, ngara-baji.
good.I(NOM) 3SG.S-HAB.PST be drink-PRIV.I(NOM)
He used to be good (and) not drink (but now he drinks all the time).
(7-57) Ngawu ng-u bungmanya mirra.
ISG.NOM ISG.S-FUT old.woman.II(NOM) be
I will (live to) be an old woman.
For examples of subject complements with other verbs, see §7.2.3.2.

7.2.2.4 NGARLWI `TALK (LANGUAGE) (TO IO)'

Ngarlwi is unique in that it subcategorises for a nominative subject NP and two optional
object arguments: an accusative object referring to the language spoken (usually called a
cognate object, e.g. Austin 1982) and a dative indirect object. It can, therefore, appear in four
different case frames, the most of any verb in the corpus: simple intransitive (example (7-
184 Chapter 7

58)), intransitive with cognate object (7-59), semitransitive (7-60), and semitransitive with
cognate object (7-61).11
(7-58) Ngarlwî ngurru-n.
talk 1PL.INC.S(NP)-PROG
We're talking.
(7-59) Ngarlwî gi ngarlana.
talk 3SG.S(PR) language.IV(ACC)
He talks (the Wambaya) language.
(7-60) Ngarlwi ngi-n nganga.
talk ISG.S(PR)-PROG 2SG.OBL
I'm talking to you.
(7-61) Ngarlwi wurl-aji jingulu irra, gujinya irda.
talk 3DU.S-HAB.PST 3PL.OBL mother.II(NOM) father.I(NOM)
My mother and father always spoke Jingulu to them.
While there are other other verbs that occur with cognate objects (see §7.2.5.2), ngarlwi is
unique in that in clauses with the cognate object, the subject remains nominative and is
registered by an `intransitive subject' bound pronoun in the auxiliary. Other verbs taking
cognate objects, such as nijbi `sing (a song)' take ergative subjects which are registered by
`transitive subject' bound pronouns, when they occur in that case frame.

7.2.2.5 INTRANSITIVE VERBS IN NOUN + VERB IDIOMS

Two intransitive verbs belong to idioms in which they are combined with a nominative
noun which has an adverbial-type function. The two such noun + verb idioms found in the
corpus are:
yarru janga walk
go foot.IV(NOM)
mirra murlu be awake
sit eye.IV(NOM)
Examples of their use follow. Note that the two members of the idiom do not have to be
contiguous.
(7-62) Janga irr-aji yarru marndija, narunguja-aji.
foot.IV(NOM) 3PL.S-HAB.PST go long.ago car-PRIV.I(NOM)
They used to walk in the old days, (they) didn't have cars.
(7-63) Murlu gî-n mirra.
eye.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit
He's awake.

11 Ngarlwi also allows a fifth case frame in which it occurs with a nominative subject and a finite
subordinate clause complement expressing what was said. Finite subordinate clause complements are
discussed in §8.2.1.3.
 Syntax of simple sentences 185

7.2.3 REFLEXIVE VERBS

In this section I discuss verbs that are inherently reflexive. In §7.3 below I discuss derived
reflexive verbs.

7.2.3.1 SIMPLE REFLEXIVE VERBS

Reflexive verbs subcategorise for a nominative subject NP and the reflexive object bound
pronoun in the auxiliary. Although the subject of such verbs is in the nominative case, the
auxiliary must contain a transitive subject bound pronoun. This is the only situation in which
a transitive subject bound pronoun does not represent an ergative NP. The simple inherently
reflexive verbs found in the corpus are gurda `be sick' and jagina `lie with one leg resting on
other bent knee'.
(7-64) Gurda ngiyi-ngg-a bungmanya.
be.sick 3SG.NM.A-RR-NF old.woman.II(NOM)
The old woman is sick.
(7-65) Jagina gini-ngg-a.
lie.on.back 3SG.M.A-RR-NF
He lay on his back with one leg across the other.
Another reflexive verb is the impersonal verb barnamuluma `flash lightning'. An example
of this verb was given in (7-41) above, repeated here:
Barnamuluma ngiyî-ngg-a-n.
flash.lightning 3SG.NM.A-RR-NF-PROG
There was lightning.

7.2.3.2 REFLEXIVE VERBS WITH SUBJECT COMPLEMENTS

There are two reflexive verbs which subcategorise for subject complements: manku `feel
SubjCOMP' and yardî `turn into SubjCOMP'. With manku the subject complement expresses
the mental or physical state attributed to the subject; with yardi it refers to the entity that the
subject `turned into'. Examples include:
(7-66) Manku ngi-ngg-a gurijbirna.
hear I SG.A-RR-NF good.II(NOM)
I feel good.
(7-67) Yardi gini-ngg-a barnanggi.
put. 3SG.M.A-RR-NF bird.sp.I(NOM)
He turned himself into a barnanggi
Each of these verbs has an alternative case frame which is non-reflexive: nwnku is also a
simple transitive verb meaning `hear, think about'; and yardî is also a ditransitive verb
meaning `put'. However, the reflexive use discussed here is considered to be basic rather
than derived (at least, synchronically) as the meanings are sufficiently different from the non-
reflexive forms to consider them to be different lexemes synchronically. A derived reflexive
form of transitive manku, for example, would mean `hear oneself, think about oneself' and
would not subcategorise for the type of subject complement present in example (7-66) above.
186 Chapter 7

7.2.4 SEMITRANSITIVE VERBS

Semitransitive verbs require an nominative subject and a dative indirect object. The indirect
object is not cross-referenced in the auxiliary. The semitransitive verbs in the corpus include
those describing (i) actions of searching or anticipation, such as ayani `look for IO', yandu
`wait for IO' and maranbi `feel around for I0'; (ii) verbal or non-verbal communication
towards or about entities, such as ardbi `call out to I0', ngarlwi `talk to IO, talk about I0',
garni `smile at 10'; and others such as kiji 'be gone for a long time from I0', durra `be
frightened of IO' and bundurrijbi `be/get full of IO, be/get pregnant with IO'.
(7-68) Juwa-nka gi-n ayani babanya.
man.I-DAT 3SG.S(PR)-PROG look.for sister.II(NOM)
(My) sister's looking for a man.
(7-69) Bungmajî g-a yandu nganga.
old.man.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST wait 2SG.OBL
The old man waited for you.
(7-70) Laji wurlu-n ngarra îguwulu.
be.absent 3DU.S(NP)-PROG ISG.OBL that.one.I.DU.NOM
They've been gone from me for a long time.
Some of these semitransitive verbs can also occur as intransitive verbs, without the
indirect object. Examples were given in §7.2.2.1 above, of which two are repeated here.
(7-71) Garni gî-n (ngarra).
smile 3SG.S(PR)-PROG (1SG.OBL)
He smiling (at me).
(7-72) Durra ngî (janyî-nka).
be.frightened 1 SG.S(PR) (dog.I-DAT)
I'm frightened (of the dog).
Although these indirect objects are not cross-referenced with an object bound pronoun in
the auxiliary (example (7-73)), they can feed reflexive/reciprocal constructions, in which case
they are represented with the reflexive/reciprocal bound pronoun (7-74). This is one way in
which they can be distinguished from dative marked adjuncts (7-75) (see §3.2 for further
discussion).
(7-73) Ayanî ngîl*ngi-ny-a nganga.
look.for ISG.S(PR)/1SG.A-20-NF 2SG.OBL
I' m looking for you.
(7-74) Ayanî ngurlu-ngg-a.
look.for I DU.EXC.A-RR-NF
We're looking for each other.
(7-75) *Wugbardi ngurlu-ngg-a.
cook 1 DU.EXC.A-RR-NF
We're cooking for each other. (The only possible meaning is `We're cooking
each other'.)
The interaction of indirect objects and adjuncts with reflexive/reciprocal constructions has
not yet been fully explored: it may be that only some indirect objects can feed such
contructions and/or that some adjuncts can do so as well. Further investigation is required.
 Syntax of simple sentences 187

7.2.5 TRANSITIVE VERBS

Transitive verbs are characterised by the fact that they subcategorise for an ergative subject
argument and only one other obligatory object argument (in this respect they differ from
ditransitive verbs which require two object-type arguments).

7.2.5.1 SIMPLE TRANSITIVE VERBS

Most of the transitive verbs are of this type; they subcategorise for an ergative subject NP
and an accusative object NP. It is very difficult to generalise about the semantic characteristics
of simple transitive verbs as they are great in number and varied in meaning. Some examples
are verbs of (i) physical impact or effect (whether desirable or undesirable), such as daguma
'hit O', anmurru `cuddle o',: burlurlandu `blow o away, blow O about', dudiyarri `spear 0',
jarungbî 'kiss O', angbardî 'build O', wugbardi `cook O' mujumi 'gather O'; (ii) perception,.
such as bujanga 'perceive smell of O', ngajbi 'see O, look at O', manku 'hear o, listen to o,
remember O'; (iii) transport, as in didija `carry O on hip', nyanyuwa `collect 0'; (iv)
movement, in which the verb describes the relationship between the movement of two
referents, such as nyurrunyurru `chase O', bardganyî 'follow O', jarrgi 'track O', dunkala
'chase O away', lurrgbanyi 'grab O'; and others such as yabu 'take O, have O', jiyanggi
`know O', gamijanga laugh at', janyî `answer O' and gurdumî 'be too noisy for O'.
(7-76) Gurdumi irri-ng-a ngurra.
be.noisy 3PL.A-10-NF 1PL.INC.ACC
They're too noisy for us.
(7-77) Wugbardi ngiy-a manganyma.
cook 3SG.NM.A-PST bread.11l(ACC)
She cooked some bread.
(7-78) Lurrgbanyi irri-ng-agba.
grab 3PL.A-10-HYP
They might grab me.
(7-79) Muju-mujumi gin-a galaa-rdarra.
RDP-gather 3SG.M.A-PST bone.IV-GROUP(ACC)
He joined all the bones together.
One transitive verb, ganjimi 'finish o', can take a non-finite subordinate clause in place of
the object argument (i.e. 'finish doing'). In this case the subordinate verb is inflected with the
locative case suffix, which is usually used in simultaneous clauses to mark same subject {see
§8.1)
(7-80) Yangulu irr-a ganjimi mawula-ji-nî?
when 3PL.A-PST finish play-TH-LOC
When did they finish playing?
A few transitive verbs have alternative ditransitive case frames in which they appear with
an additional indirect object. Such verbs in the corpus include ngirra `steal O (from 10)'
andajarri 'hide o (from IO)', inma `side with O (against IO)", and didbidbun,ga 'argue with O
(about 10)'. Examples are:
188 Chapter?

(7-81) Ngirra irr-agba (ngarra).

steal 3PL.A-HYP (1SG.OBL)
They might steal it (from me).
(7-82) Andajarri irr-a (nganga).
hide 3PL.A-PST (2SG.OBL)
They hid it (from you).
(7-83) Juwa gurijbî ngaba gunu-ng-u inma
man.I(NOM) good.I(NOM) THEN 3SG.M.A-10-FUT side.with
(barlî-ngunya-nka).
(fight-PROP.I-DAT)
A man is good (to have) so that he can side with me (against a `cheeky'
woman).
(7-84) Didbidbunga ngîrri-ngg-a-n (gijilulu-nka bungmanya-nka).
argue.with I PL.EXC.A-RR-NF-PROG (money.IV-DAT old.woman.II-DAT)
We're arguing with each other (about the old woman's money).
Ditransitive verbs are discussed in more detail in §7.2.6.
The simple transitive verb ngajbî `see O, look at 0' has an alternative use in which it
occurs with a dative indirect object and conveys the meaning `watch O for IO, look out/around
for I0'. In this use, ngajbî can also have an accusative object, usually referring to the road, or
the ground (example (7-85)). However, it is also possible for this object to be left
unexpressed (7-86).
(7-85) Ngaj-ba gurl garrinyma baba-wuli-janka.
see-FUT DU.IMP road.III(ACC) sibling-DU-DAT
(You two) watch the road for your two brothers.
(7-86) Ngajbî-ngajbî ng-u janga-nka gunyînî-nka.
RDP-see 1 SG.A-FUT track.w-DAT other.I-DAT
He looked around (the ground) for another's tracks.
This alternation of ngajbi may be of the type that has been reported for languages such as
Warlpiri (e.g. Hale 1982) in which there is a productive pattern of replacing the direct object
of many transitive verbs with a dative indirect object, denoting a failed object or a goal. This
use of ngajbî is the only example in the corpus of this type of alternation in Wambaya; further
investigation is required.

7.2.5.2 TRANSITIVE VERBS WITH COGNATE OBJECTS

The transitive verbs nijbi `sing o' and ngarlu `dance O' can occur only with a single type
of object: namely one referring to a song and a dance, respectively. Such objects are usually
referred to as cognate objects (e.g. Austin 1982).
(7-87) Juwa-ni gini-n nijbi jawala.
man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG sing name.of.ceremony(ACC)
The man is singing the jawala ceremony.
 Syntax of simple sentences 189

(7-88) Ngarlu ngirr-aji wangarra.

dance IPLEXC.A-HAB.PST corroboree.IV(ACC)
We used to dance corroborees.
Nijbi can also be used intransitively; see §7.2.7.
Other verbs in the corpus also take cognate objects. These include ngarlwî `speak
(language)'; which differs from ngarlu and nijbi in taking a nominative subject despite the
presence of the object (see §7.2.2.4), and didima `tell O (story) to I0' which is exemplified in
the discussion of ditransitive verbs below.

7.2.6 DITRANSITIVE VERBS

Ditransitive verbs are those which subcategorise for two obligatory arguments other than
the ergative subject NP.

7.2.6.1 SIMPLE DITRANSITWE VERBS

Simple ditransitive verbs require three argument NPs and fall into two types: those with
two accusative object arguments and those with one accusative object argument and one
indirect object argument. Verbs of the former type include ngarringga `take 02 from 0',
jiyawu 'give 02 to 0', and dirndirrinymi `teach 02 to 0'. The argument registered in the
auxiliary is the recipient NP of jîyawu and dîrndirrinymi and the source NP of ngarrîngga;
hence it is this argument that is considered to be the direct object in both cases.12
(7-89) Darranggu gin-a ngarringga alaji.
stick.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.A-PST take.from boy.I(ACC)
He took the stick from the boy.
(7-90) Jîyawu ngirr-aji nyanyalu marndanga.
give IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST tea.I(ACC) white.woman.II(ACC)
We used to give tea to the white woman.
(7-91) Jiyawu gini-ng-a manganyma.
gi ve 3SG.M.A-10-NF tucker.111(ACC)
He gave me some tucker.
(7-92) Dirndirrinymi gin-aji ngarlana irdina-yi.
teach 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST language.IV(ACC) father.I-LOC
(My) father used to teach (him) language.
Verbs of the second ty pe take an accusative object and an indirect object usually inflected
with the dative case. Such verbs include janganja 'ask O for I0', ngirra `steal O from IO',
didbidbunga 'argue with o about 10' (the latter two have alternative transitive case frames: see
§7.2.5).
(7-93) Janganja girri-ng-ala warnu-nka.
ask 2PL.A-I0-HAB.NP tobacco.IV-DAT
You mob always ask me for tobacco.

12 As Rumsey (1982:144) points out 'give' may not be the best gloss for verbs such as jiyawu something
like 'begift someone by means of something' may be more appropriate.
190 Chapter 7

(7-94) Ngirra irr-agba ngarra.

steal 3PL.A-HYP ISG.OBL
They might steal it (from me).
(7-95) Didbidbunga ngîrrî-ngg-a-n gijilulu-nka bungmanya-nka.
argue.with I PL.EXC.A-RR-NF-PROG money.IV-DAT old.woman.II-DAT
We're arguing about the old woman's money.
When the indirect object of janganja is clear from context or previous discourse it can be
omitted:
(7-96) Janganja irri-ny-i, nyunmi-j-ba irra!
ask 3PL.A-20-FUT refuse-TH-FUT 3PL.ACC
(When) they ask you (for tobacco), knock them back!
A few ditransitive verbs, however, take an indirect object inflected with the allative case;
these are yardi `put O in/on I0',13 burlugardi `soak O in IO' and garnarnda `send O to I0'.
(7-97) Garnguja ng-a yardi manganyma ngangarrgi-nmanji.
many.IV(ACC) 1 SG.A-PST put tucker.11l(ACC) mouth.IV-ALL
I put too much food in my mouth.
(7-98) Burlugardi ngî-n galyurringini-nmanji.
soak 1 SG.A(PR)-PROG water.I-ALL
I'm soaking it in water.
(7-99) Guyala ng-udi garnanuia gunyanga-nmanji.
NEG ISG.A-NACT.PR send other.II-ALL
I won't send her to another (girl).
In some contexts, where the location is either clear or irrelevant, the indirect objects of
yardî and burlugardi may be omitted. In this case, yardî is interpreted as meaning `put O
down':14
(7-100) Yardi ng-a.
put ISG.A-PST
I put it down.
(7-101) Burlugardî ngi-n.
soak IGG.A(PR)-PROG
I'm soaking it.
Like some dative-marked indirect objects, the allative indirect object of yardi can feed
reflexive/reciprocal constructions.15 In the following example, taken from Text 2 in

I3 There is one example, from Text 5 in Appendix A, in which yardi appears with a complement inflected
with the locative case, rather than the allative case:
llvirrga gin-aji yardi gayangga-ni.
leaf.IV(NOM) 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST put high-LOC
He'd put the leaves on top.
14 Note that this use of yardi, in which the indirect object has been ellipsed, must be distinguished from the
transitive use of yardi, in which it means 'make'. In this latter use yardi does not take an indirect object.
Consider the following example from Appendix A, Text I:
Yangula ny-a jundurra bajbaga yardi.
NEG 2SG.A-PST dust.IV(ACC) big.IV(ACC) make
You didn't make much dust.
 Syntax of simple sentences 191

Appendix A, the fact that the reflexive bound pronoun represents an allative argument is
shown by the presence of allative case on the secondary predicate wara 'face', which agrees
with the allative indirect object.
(7-102) Wara-nmanji gini-ngg-a yardi bulinja.
face.IV-ALL 3SG.M.A-RR-NF put algae.IV(ACC)
He put algae on his face.
One verb, dîdima 'tell 02 to O, tell O to I0', can appear in either type of simple ditransitive
frame. In both cases it subcategorises for an (accusative) cognate object referring to the story
told. However, the recipient can be expressed by either an accusative object (example (7-
103)) or by a derive indirect object ((7-104), (7-105)). As with the other ditransitive verbs
discussed above, only in the former case is the recipient registered in the auxiliary.
(7-103) Didima ngiyi-ng-a marranya.
tell 3SG.NM.A-1O-NF yarn.IV(ACC)
She told me a yam.
(7-104) Buwarraja ngiy-a didima ngarra.
dreaming.IV(ACC) 1SG.A-PST tell ISGOBL
She told me a dreaming story.
(7-105) Buwarraja ng-a didima alangî-nka.
dreaming.IV(ACC) ISG.A-PST tell boy.I-DAT
I told the boy a dreaming story.
The 'o2-theme' case frame, as in (7-103), is the most common and is pragmatically less
marked. The effect of using the '0-theme' case frame, as in (7-104) and (7-105), appears to
be to focus more on the recipient of the telling. However, more research is needed.
Both didima and janganja have alternative case frames containing clausal arguments,
discussed in §8.2.1.3. Didima, dîrndirrinmyî and garnarnda also allow case frames with
verbal complements; see below.

7.2.6.2 DITRANSITIVE VERBS WITH VERBAL COMPLEMENTS

There are three ditransitive verbs which have alternative case frames in which they take a
verbal complement in place of one of their non-subject arguments. There are no ditransitive
verbs for which this is the only case frame. The ditransitive verbs that can take a verbal
complement are didima 'tell O to VCOMP', dirndirrînymî 'teach O to VCOMP' and gamamda
'send O to. VCOMP'.
(7-106) Wardangarringa-ni ngiy-a didima ngaragi-nka.
moon.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST tell drink-DAT
The moon told (the sun) to drink.
(7-107) Ngarringa-ni guguga-yî ngiyi-ng-a ngarli-nka.
ISG.POSS.II-LOC MM.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-10-NF teach talk-DAT
My grandmother taught me to speak (Binbinka).

15 _ This may be possible for the allative indirect objects of burlugardi and gamamda also, hut the data
necessary to determine this is not present in the corpus.
192 Chapter 7

(7-108) Gamarnda gini-ng-a lingba-lingba-ji-nka.

send 3SG.M.A- I 0-NF RDP-swim-TH-DAT
He let me go swimming. (lit. He sent me to swim.)

7.2.7 VERBS WITH ALTERNATIONS IN TRANSITIVITY

As is clear in the above discussion, it is not uncommon for verbs in Wambaya to have
both transitive and intransitive case frames, without the existence of formal marking
distinguishing the two. Such a situation has been claimed to be unusual among Australian
languages (e.g. Dixon 1980:378), although more recent work has shown it to be less unusual
than first thought. Evans (1995a:344) shows that a large number of Kayardild verbs may
appear in either transitive or intransitive case frames, pointing out that this is true also for
other accusative Australian languages such as Lardil and Martuthunira. Transitivity
alternations are also common among verbs in the non-Pama-Nyungan (ergative) languages of
the Kimberley (Bill McGregor, pers.comm). Thus, strict transitivity appears to be a property
of Pama-Nyungan ergative languages (e.g. Dyirbal (Dixon 1972), Diyari (Austin 1981a),
Ngiyambaa (Donaldson 1980)) rather than holding of Australian languages more generally.
Two Wambaya verbs which show such transitivity alternations clearly are najbi `burn/
burn 0', and barndanyî `swear/swear at 0'. Najbi is a verb having what has been called a
`cognate subject' (Wilkins 1989), in that the semantics of the verb greatly restricts its possible
subjects. Such verbs constitute one restricted class of exceptions to the tendency for fixed
transitivity in many ergative (Pama-Nyungan) Australian languages (Evans 1995a: 344-345).
Examples of these verbs in each case frame follow. Note that the transitivity of the verb is
shown both by the case marking of the subject NP (when present) and by the form of the third
person singular subject bound pronoun: gi- registers intransitive subjects and gini-/ngiyî- are
used with transitive subjects.
(7-109) a. Najbî gi-n manganyma.
burn 3SG.S(PR)-PROG bread.m(NOM)
The bread is burning.
b. Gambanga-ni ngiyî-ng-a-n najbî.
sun.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-10-NF-PROG burn
The sun is burning me.
(7-110) a. Barndanyî gî-n!
swear 3SG.S(PR)-PROG
He's swearing!
b. Barndanyi ngiyi-ng-a.
swear 3SG.NM.A-IO-NF
She swore at me.

7.3 VERBAL CLAUSES: DERIVED ARGUMENT STRUCTURES

These basic verbal argument structures can be altered in a number of different ways:
intransitive verbs can be made transitive with the use of the causative suffixes, the
transitivising suffix or the object-promoting suffix; or the valence of a verb can be reduced
with the use of the reflexive/reciprocal construction. Of these, all but the latter possibility
 Syntax of simple sentences 193

have been covered in detail in the discussion of verbal derivational morphology in §6.2.1 and
so will not be repeated here. A discussion of derived reflexive/reciprocal clauses follows in
§7.3.1.

7.3.1 REFLEXIVE/RECIPROCAL CONSTRUCTIONS

These clauses have the same characteristics as the inherently reflexive verbs discussed in
§7.23 above: they require a nominative subject and the reflexive object bound pronoun in the
auxiliary. Reflexive and reciprocal clauses are semantically alike as in each case there is some
sort of identity between the agent and the patient: in reflexive clauses the two have the same
referent, and in reciprocal clauses (which necessarily have non-singular subjects) each
participant is both the agent and the patient.
(7-111) a. Daguma irr-a janji alangmiminyi-ni.
hit 3SG.A-PST dog.I(ACC) children.I-LOC
The children hit the dog.
b. Daguma irri-ngg-a alangmîminjî.
hit 3PL.A-RR-NF children.I(NOM)
The children are hitting themselves/each other.
As be seen in example (7-111), the effect of reflexive/reciprocal construction can be to
derive an intransitive verb, from a transiti ve one; the reflexive/reciprocal bound pronoun
replaces the transitive object, and the form of the verb remains unchanged. That the verb is
intransitive in (7-111b) is demonstrated by the fact that the subject NP is in the nominative
case, rather than in the ergative/locative as in (7-111a), and that it is not possible to have an
overt object NP:
(7-112) *Alangmiminji irri-ngg-a daguma alangmiminji.
children.I(ACC) 3PL.A-RR-NF hit children.I(ACC)
The childreni are hitting the childreni.
More generally, the reflexive/reciprocal construction reduces the valency of a verb by one,
deriving intransitive verbs from, semitransitives and transitives (examples (7-113) and (7-114)
respectively), and transitive verbs from ditransitives (7-115). Irrespective of the valency of
the derived verb, however, the subject must be registered in the auxiliary with a transitive
subject bound pronoun.16 The reflexive/reciprocal pronoun replaces the direct object of
transitive and ditransitive verbs and the indirect object of semitransitive verbs. Examples
include:
(7-113) a. Ngarlwi irri-n ngarra nanagunya.
talk 3SG.S(NP)-PROG 1SG.OBL this,II.PL.NOM
The women are talking to me.
b. Ngarlwi irri-ngg-a-n nanagunya.
talk 3PL.A-RR-NF-PROG this.I1.PL.NOM
The women are talking to each other.

16 There are no examples in the corpus of reflexivised ditransitive verbs (such as jivznru in example (7-I 15))
co-occuring with an overt subject NP. Since such reflexive clauses are actually transitive we may expect
the subject NP to appear in the ergative/locative case, unlike all other reflexive constructions, in which it
must be in the nominative. This needs to be checked in the field.
194 Chapter 7

(7-114) Janjî gîni-ngg-a wagardbi.

dog.I(NOM) 3SG.M.A-RR-NF wash
The dog is washing himself.
(7-115) Jiyawu wurlu-ngg-a gijilulu.
give 3DU.A-RR-NF money.IV(ACC)
They're giving each other money.

7.4 COMPLEX PREDICATES

7.4.1 PREDICATES WITH TWO VERB
There are many examples in the corpus in which two verbs appear in the same clause. In
some of these it is quite clear that one verb has an adverbial function; the most common
examples of this type being clauses containing the verbs gurinymî `make good' and ganjimî
`finish'. When functioning adverbially these verbs have the meanings `well, properly' and
`all' respectively and appear in the non-future form regardless of the inflection of the main
verb (example (7-117)):17
(7-116) Gajbi irr-a ganjimi.
eat 3PL.A-PST finish
They ate (it) all.
(7-117) Ngarl-wa guriny-mi!
talk-FUT good-FAC
Talk properly!
Examples of complex predicates involving other verbs are more complicated. In these
examples, all of which are in the non-future tense, it is not possible to clearly identify one
verb as being the main verb, and the other as a modifier. In fact, it may be that the verbs in
these examples are serialised. Examples include the following. Note that, in all examples, the
verbs have the same transitivity and share the same arguments.
(7-118) Gayini g-a yarru gînkanyi nanganangali?
what.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST go this.way sneak.away
Who was it that snuck off this way?
(7-119) Jirrbali gi-n naniyaga gulugbi.
lie.on.stomach 3SG.S(PR)-PROG that.II.SG.NOM sleep
She's sleeping on her stomach.
(7-120) Mirra ngi barngala.
sit ISG.S(PR) have.crossed.legs
I'm sitting with my legs crossed.

17 I have no examples of these predicates in non-finite subordinate clauses, and so do not know whether the
modifying verb would remain in the non-future form there as well.
It is also possible that ganjimi `all' and gurinymi `well, properly' are simply separate lexemes, although
homophonous with and derived from the verbs ganjimi `finish' and gurinymi `make good' respectively.
Under this analysis, constructions as in (7-116) and (7-117) above are not complex predicates but simply
contain a verb and a modifying adverb.
 Syntax of simple sentences 195

(7-121) Durra gî-n, ngirra îrr-agba jananmi narunguja.

be.frightened 3SG.S(PR)-PROG steal 3PL.A-HYP takeoff car.IV(ACC)
He's frightened (that) they might strip (things) off the car.
(7-122) Guruburr-ardi ng-a daguma.
be.unconscious-CAUS ISG.A-PST hit
I knocked him out (by hitting).
(7-123) Nawunawu ngu-ngg-u dirndiny-mi.
stretch ISG.A-RR-FUT straight-FAC
I'll stretch my legs (by straightening them).
(7-124) Yugu y ugu-lumi gin-a irra bard-babu.
cry-RDP-CAUS 3SG.M.A-PST 3PL.ACC run-OP
He took them away (from their mothers) and made them cry.
These examples appear to have the intonational contour of single clauses and thus, are not
analysable as coordinate clauses along the lines of those discussed in §8.2.2. However, at
this stage of the investigation, such a distinction is based on purely impressionistic grounds
and needs to be confirmed by structural and semantic evidence that these examples contain a
single clause while those in §8.2.2 do not. For example, future tense examples are needed in
order to find out which verb (if not both) is inflected with the verbal future tense suffix. If
only one verb can be inflected, this would be strong evidence that the two belong to a single
clause; conversely if both verbs are inflected, this may suggest that they are in separate
clauses. Further research is also needed into the semantics of these constructions. For
example, if it is discovered that there a re semantic restrictions on the verbs which can appear
in these constructions, this may be evidence that there is only one clause involved, since we
would be less likely to expect co-occurrence restrictions to exist across clause boundaries.
Furthermore, if these constructions do involve only a single clause, it remains to be
determined what the semantic difference is between these clauses and coordinate clauses,
such as the following.
(7-125) Gayinini-ni gin-a wurrudbanyi îrra, ginganj-ardi.
what.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST pull 3PL.ACC drown-CAUS
Something pulled them (under the water), (and) drowned (them).
Unfortunately, all of these questions remain to be answered by further research.

7.4.2 SECONDARY PREDICATES

An ascriptive NP can function as a secondary predicate (Nichols 1978) for the subject or
object of a finite clause, in which case, like all nominal modifiers, it must agree in case and
gender (and presumably number, although there are no relevant examples) with the nominal it
modifies. This secondary predicate provides information about the manner or state of the
argument during the time of the main predicate. Theoretically, since these secondary
predicates are adjuncts, any nominal could se rve as a secondary predicate co-occurring with
any verb. Examples of secondary predication follow.
(7-126) Ilijbîrna g-a gulugbi.
alone.II(NOM) 3SG.S-PST sleep
She slept alone.
196 Chapter 7

(7-127) Yangula ng-a yarru alanga banggajarra-ni.

NEG 1SG.S-PST go gir1.II(NOM) another.place-LOC
I grew up in just the one place. (lit. I didn't go to another place as a girl.)
(7-128) Bardgu g-a ilirri-ngunya.
fall 3SG.S-PST blood-PROP.II(NOM)
She fell down bleeding.
(7-129) Gurda-j-bajî gi-n yugu.
be.sick-TH-PRIV.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG cry
He's crying without being sick.
(7-130) Bundurri gi-n mina gurijbi.
full.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit good.I(NOM)
He's happy (when he's) full.
(7-131) Ngarabi gin-aji ilijbini-ni nunku=nima.
drink 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST alone.I-LOC that.I.SG.LOC=NST
He used to drink (it) all himself.
(7-132) Gurdanymîla gini-ng-a-n yandu.
sick.one.II(ACC) 3SG.M.A-10-NF-PROG look.after
He looks after me, the sick one.
In the following example, the secondary predicate (bugayirna ngabulungunya) is in the
nominative case, even though the clause is transitive and the subject is registered with a
transitive subject bound pronoun (and must, therefore, have ergative/locative case). This is
presumably because ergative NPs do not take ergative/locative case marking when fronted
(see §4.4.3).
(7-133) Bugayirna ngabulu-ngunya, yagu ng-a ngarri
big.Il(NOM) breast-PROP.II(NOM) leave 1 SG.A-PST I SG.POSS.I(ACC)
irda.
father.I(ACC)
(When I was) grown up, having breasts, I left my father.
True secondary predicates, such as those above, are characterised by the fact that the
clause can be seen as the conjunction of two separate predications: one without the secondary
predicate, and the other a nominal clause with the secondary predicate as the nominal
predicate. For example, (7-126) consists of the two propositions Gulugbi ga `She slept' and
Ilijbirna (nagarna) `(She) was alone'. Such constructions can thus be distinguished from the
syntactically similar use of (usually body-part) NPS in constructions of inalienable
possession. Consider the following examples:
(7-134) Bagijbi ngi-n juruma.
feel.bad I SG.S(PR)-PROG stomach.iV(NOM)
I feel sick in the stomach.
(7-135) Warima gini-ng-a labirra.
hold 3SG.M.A-10-NF hand.IV(ACC)
He held my hand.
The modifying NP in these examples, like those functioning as secondary predicates, must
agree with the head noun in case. However, unlike example (7-126), (7-134) is not an
 Syntax of simple sentences 197

example of a true secondary predicate construction since an attempt to decompose it into two
propositions would give Bagijbi ngin 'I feel sick' and the non-sensical (Ngawurniji) juruma
`I am a stomach'. A further difference between the two constructions in Wambaya is that,
while the modifying NP in secondary predicate constructions must agree with the head noun
in gender and number as well as case, this is not true for examples such as (7-134) and (7-
135) above. For example, the subject in (7-134) (taken from Text 4 in Appendix A) has
masculine gender, while the nominal juruma `stomach' has vegetable gender. Therefore,
following Evans (1995a), I distinguish between true secondary predicate constructions and
subject/object-construed body-part constructions such as those in (7-134) and (7-135)
respectively.
A small number of verbs subcategorise for secondary predicates on the subject, in which
case the modifying NP is referred to as a subject complement. Verbs requiring subject
complements were discussed in §7.2. For convenience, one example of the reflexive verb
manku `to feel', which subcategorises for a subject complement expressing the emotion
attributed to the subject, is repeated here.
(7-136) Manku ngi-ngg-a baginga.
feel ISGA-RR-NF bad.II(NOM)
I feel no good.

7.5 QUESTIONS
7.5.1 YES/NO QUESTIONS
Yes/no questions usually have the same form as the corresponding declarative sentence,
but are said with a rising, questioning intonation:
(7-137) Gajbi murnd-u yana manganyma?
eat IDU.INC.A-FUT this.IV.SG.ACC tucker.Ili(ACC)
Can we eat some of this food?
(7-138) Yagu ny-a nagatna ngayijinya ngangirna?
leave 2SG.A-PST that.one.1I.SG.ACC FM.II(ACC) 2SG.POSS.II(ACC)
Did you drop your grandmother off (at the hospital)?
(7-139) Yana ngarrga?
this.IV.SG:NOM ISG.POSS.IV(NOM)
Is this mine?
Hale's corpus contains examples in which an interrogative particle gayi is used in such
polar yes/no questions. Note that this particle appears in the auxiliary in examples (7-140)
and (7-141), and alone in second position in the verbless clause (7-142):18
(7-140) Duditiarri gayi-ny-u iniyawulu?
spear INT-2SG.A-FUT that.I.DU.ACC
What, you are spearing them (du)? (Hale 1959:13)

18 In the following examples I have used the orthography and glossing conventions of this work, hut have
retained Hale's translations.
198 Chapter 7

(7-141) Balijî gayi-nyi?

hungry INT-2SG.S(PR)
Are you hungry? (Hale 1959:19)
(7-142) Gudayi-barli gayi inîya janji?
bite-AGNT.I(NOM) INT that.I.SG.NOM dog.I(NOM)
Is that dog cheeky? (Hale 1959:29)
This interrogative particle is not present in my corpus and, since the dialect that Hale
recorded appears to be closer to Gudanji than Wambaya,19 it is possible that the interrogative
particle gayi is present only in Gudanji. However, there is a negative interrogative particle in '
Wambaya present in both my corpus and Hale's notes, and also reported by Chadwick
(1978:99). The form of this particle is wayi and, like the negative particle guyala, it requires
the presence of irrealis marking in the auxiliary. There is some variability as to how sentences
containing this particle are translated into English: either as negative yes/no questions
(examples (7-143), (7-144)); information questions meaning `why not' (7-143); or as simple
positive yes/no questions ((7-145), (7-146)):
(7-143) Wayî ny-uda îlînga?
NEG.INT 2SG.A-NACT.PST hear
Aren't you listening?/Why aren't you listening?
(7-144) Wayi ny-uda yabu balanucrru?
NEG.INT 2SG.A-NACT.PST have spear.IV(ACC)
Don't you have a spear? (Hale 1959:31)
(7-145) Wayî ny-udi ngarlwî Wambaya?
NEG.INT 2SG.S-NACT.PR talk
Can you talk Wambaya? (Hale 1959:31)
(7-146) (W)ayî ny-udî yabu guyiga?
NEG.INT 2SG.A-NACT.PR have fire.IV(ACC)
Have you got firewood? (Chadwick 1978:99)
I suspect that the basic use of wayî is in yes/no questions when the speaker is anticipating
a negative reply, and that examples such as (7-145) and (7-146) could probably have been
explained in this way in the contexts in which they were given. The information question
associated with (7-143) could arise for pragmatic reasons: if the speaker asks the question
Aren't you listening? then it might be expected that he/she is also looking for an explanation
why. However, further research is required in order to test this hypothesis and more
accurately determine the meaning of this particle and the contexts of its use.

7.5.2 INFORMATION QUESTIONS

These questions involve the use of an indefinite/interrogative, usually initial in the clause,
that indicates the nature of the information being sought. As in many Australian languages,
indefinite/interrogatives in Wambaya can be used either in interrogative function (e.g. `who',
`what') or as indefinite pronouns (e.g. `someone', `something'). They contain one of five
basic roots: gayinî- `what, who'; inja- `where, which'; yangula `when'; yangulanji `how

19 Based on the forms of the auxiliaries and the negative particles he recorded, as well as some of the lexical
items.
 Syntax of simple sentences 199

much'; and wunjugu `how'. Of these, the first two are inflected with regular gender and case
marking in order to cover such meanings as `who, what, with what, for what' and `which,
where to, where from' respectively. Some examples of the interrogative uses of these forms
follow; indefinitermterrogatives are discussed in more detail in §4.7.
(7-147) Gayina-ni ng-u daguma?
whatjV-LOC ISG.A-FUT hit
With what will I hit (him)?
(7-148) Inigunji irr-a gayini-gunji gulugbi?
this.I.PL.NOM 3PL.S-PST who-PL.I(NOM) sleep
Who are these people sleeping (here)?
(7-149) Gayinini-nka gî-n ayant lunggajî?
who.I-DAT 3SG.S(PR)-PROG look.for policemanI(NOM)
Which boy is the policeman looking for?
(7-150) Gayînanka gi-n yugu nanama?
why, 3SG.S(PR)-PROG cry that.II.SG.NOM
Why is she crying?
(7-151) Injani darranggu ngarrga?
where stick.N(NOM) ISG.POSS.IV(NOM)
Where is my stick?
(7-152) Yangulu g-uba yarru, gujînya?
when 3SG.S-NP.AWY go(FUT) mother.Il(NOM)
When will you go, mother?
(7-153) Yangulanja ngarkvta nyi nyamîrniji ngarlwi?
how.many.IV(ACC) language.IV(ACC) 2SG.S(PR) 2SG.NOM talk
How many languages do you speak?
(7-154) Ngurruwani ngurr-ala nijbi wunjugu?
IPLINC.NOM IPL.EXC.S-HAB.NP sing how
How do we say it?

7.6 NEGATION
7.6.1 SENTENTL&L NEGATION
7.6.1.1 NEGATION OF INDICATIVE CLAUSES
There are two alternative constructions available for negating an indicative clause, each
containing a different negative particle (glossed NEG). Although speakers claim that the two
constructions have the same meaning, the distribution of each construction in the corpus
suggests that there is in fact a difference in usage between the two I will discuss this
difference below, but first I will explain and exemplify the structural characteristics of the
constructions.
200 Chapter 7

The constructions are primarily distinguished by the form of the negative particle —
yangula or guyala — which appears in initial position in the clause.20 Guyala is also used
alone to mean `no, nothing'; yangula is never used in this function. There is one other respect
in which the two constructions differ: while both particles (usually) require the presence of
the hypothetical suffix in the auxiliary in future clauses, only guyala has the further
requirement that the auxiliary contain an irrealis mood suffix in past and present tense
clauses. In past and present tense clauses with yangula the auxiliary has the same form that it
would in the corresponding positive sentence. Examples include the following. Note that in
future tense negative clauses the verb does not inflect for future tense (see §6.1.2):
(7-155) Guyala ng-uda gajbî manganyma.
NEG ISG.A-NACT.PST eat tucker.Ill(ACC)
I couldn't eat any dinner.
(7-156) Guyala ngurr-uji ngajbi irra.
NEG 1PL.INC.A-NACT.PR see 3PL.ACC
We never see them.
(7-157) Yangula îrri-ng-a jiyawu.
NEG 3PL.A-l 0-NF give
They didn't give me (my country).
(7-158) Yangula îrri-n nananga guri-guriny-mi.
NEG 3PL.A(NP)-PROG care.for RDP-good-FAC
They're not looking after her properly.
(7-159) Yangula gurl-agba ganmami.
NEG 2DU.S-HYP get.close
You can't get close.
(7-160) Guyala ng-agba yandu bungmanya-nka.
NEG ISG.S-HYP wait old.woman.II-DAT
I'm not going to wait for the old woman.
(7-161) Yangula nga-ngg-agba duga-jirrimi.
NEG 1 SG.A-RR-HYP sit.down-CAUS
I'm not going to sit (myself) down.
It seems that when a negative indicative clause has immediate future tense, the auxiliary
does not contain the hypothetical suffix. In this case yangula clauses usually have simple
future tense marking (example (7-162)) and guyala clauses often have present tense irrealis
marking (7-163).
(7-162) Yangula ngu-ny-u daguma.
NEG 1 SG.A-20-FUT hit
I'm not going to hit you.
(7-163) Guyala ng-udi gamanula gunyanga-nmanji.
NEG 1 SG.A-NACT.PR. send other.Il-ALL
I won't send her to another (girl).

20 The Gudanji negative particle is gabi. It behaves like guyala in requiring irrealis marking in the auxiliary
and in being used as an interjection meaning `no, nothing'.
 Syntax of simple sentences 201.

As mentioned above, speakers say that there is no difference in meaning between guyala
and yangula constructions and there are cases in which two sentences, one of each type of
negative construction, are said to have the same meaning. Thus:
(7-164) Guyala ng-udî yarru.
NEG 1SG.S-NACT.PR go
I'm not going.
(7-165) Yangula ng-u yarru.
NEG 1SG.S-FUT go
I'm not going.
However, despite seemingly equivalent examples such as these, there does appear to be a
semantic difference between the two particles. While yangula seems to be more of a general,
unmarked negation marker, the use of guyala implies that there are external factors, beyond
the actor's control, that prevent (or at least, make unlikely) the execution of the act described
by the proposition.221 Thus, guyala appears to be a negative modal22 indicating
`impossibility' or `unlikelihood', similar to English `can't'. Yangula, on the other hand,
denotes simple propositional negation and is therefore unmarked; it can be used either in
situations in which guyala would be inappropriate (i.e. there are no external forces which
prevent the action from being carried out) or in situations where the existence or absence of
such forces is simply not relevant.23 Some examples illustrating this semantic difference
follow.
(7-166) Guyala ng-uda gajbi manganyma.
NEG 1 SG.A-NACT.PST eat tucker.III(ACC)
I couldn't eat tea (because I kept vomiting).
(7-167) Guyala wurlu-ny-uda manku.
NEG 3DU.A-20-NACT.PST hear
They didn't hear you (because they were sleeping).
(7-168) Guyala ng-udi ilinga.
NEG 1 SG.A-NACT.PR remember
I can't remember (it).
(7-169) Guyala ng-udi ngunjulanyi.
NEG 1SG.A-NACT.PR lift
I can't lift (it).
(7-170) Yangula ngi-ny-a-n ngajbi nyamirniji.
NEG 1SG.A-20-PST-PROG see 2SG.ACC
I wasn't looking at you.
(7-171) Yangula ng-a banjarri.
NEG 1 SG.A-PST throw
I didn't throw it.

21 . These reasons could be: a physical or mental inability to; the fact that doing so may he contravening
social rules or norms; the fact that someone else won't allow you to, ctc.
22 I am indebted to Jane Simpson for this observation.
23 Interestingly, as drawn to my attention by Tracy King, Georgian also has a similar lexicalised distinction
between two negative particles (Aronson 1989:145).
202 Chapter 7

(7-172) Yangula îrri-ng-a jiyawu.

NEG 3PL.A-10-PSTgive
They didn't give me (my country).
Apparent counterexamples, such as (7-163) repeated below, in which guyala is translated
with English `won't' rather than `can't', can probably be explained in terms of social/cultural
expectations and notions of appropriateness. Thus, in this example the speaker may be
indicating that she will not send the girl (her granddaughter) to live with another woman,
since she would consider this to be inappropriate for cultural, social, or personal reasons.
Guyala ng-udi gamarnda gunyanga-nmanji.
NEG 1 SG.A-NACT.PR send other.II-ALL
I won't send her to another (girl).
This semantic difference between the two particles helps to explain their different
behaviour with respect to the irrealis markers in the auxiliary. If guyala is a negative modal
expressing `unlikelihood' then it is not surprising that it should require an irrealis marker in
the auxiliary, since these markers are often used to express modal meanings of `should' and
`would' in positive (usually counterfactual) sentences (see §5.2.4).24
Verbless clauses are also negated with either guyala or yangula, although of the few
examples in the corpus most contain guyala. As shown in the following examples, the
negative particle may be either initial in the clause (example (7-173)) or initial in the predicate
(7-174).
(7-173) Guyala Mama ngangi jugu, Mama
NEG that.I.SG.NOM 2SG.POSS.I(NOM) MB.I(NOM) that.LSG.NOM
ngangî gugu.
2SG.POSS.I(NOM) MMB.I(NOM)
That's not your uncle, that's your great uncle.
(7-174) Yana janga yangula ngarrga.
this.IV.SG.NOM foot.IV(NOM) NEG I SG.POSS.IV(NOM)
That's not my foot.

7.6.1.2 NEGATION OF IMPERATIVE CLAUSES

Imperative clauses are negated with the use of the negative imperative particle alyu
(glossed `NEG.IMP') which must always be initial in the clause.25 In negative imperative
clauses the auxiliary (when present) appears in the non-future tense form and the verb can

24 It is interesting that, given this semantic difference, it isguyala rather than yangula that is used as an
interjection with the meaning 'no, nothing'. This may be due to politeness: in the face of a request. it is
more polite to suggest that the reason for saying 'no' is beyond one's control than to simply refuse (e.g.
I can 't versus I won't).
25 The Gudanji negative imperative particle is durdami. Note that, unlike in Wambaya (see §5.5).
imperative clauses in Gudanji always have an auxiliary even when singular. Thus in a typical singular
negative imperative clause, durdami is followed by the auxiliary nya.
Durdami nya nijbi!
NEG.IMP SG.IMP sing
Don't sing!
This is equivalent to the Wambaya Alyu nijbi!
 Syntax of simple sentences 203

appear either with or without future tense marking. For a discussion of auxiliaries and verbs
in imperative clauses see §5.5 and §6.1.2 respectively. Some positive and negative pairs are:
(7-175) a. Daguma j-ba nyî-ng(-a)!
hit-TH-FUT 2SG.A-10(-NF)
Hit me!
b. Alyu nyi-ng-a dagurnaldaguma j-ba!
NEG.BIP 2SG.A-10-NF hit/hit-TH-FUT
Don't hit me!
(7-176) a. Ngara-ba ini galyurringi!
drink-FUT this.I.SG.ACC water.I(ACC)
Drink the water!
b. Alyu ngarabiingara-ba îni galyurringi!
NEG.IIP drink/drink-FUT this.I.SG.ACC water.I(ACC)
Don't drink the water!
(7-177) a. Jiya j-ba irra warnu!
give-TH-FUT 3PL.ACC tobacco.IV(ACC)
Give them (some) tobacco!
b. Alyu irru warnu jiyawu/jiya j-ba!
NEG:IMP 3PL.ACC tobacco.IV(ACC) give/give-TH-FUT
Don't give them (any) tobacco!

7.6.2 CONSTITUENT NEGATION

7.6.2.1 THE USE OF THE PRIVATIVE SUFFIX
The privative suffix can be added to a verb X to derive a nominal with the meaning `one
who doesn't or is unable to x'. Thus, this suffix is used to negate a quality or action.
Examples of the use of this suffix with verbs are given in §4.4.12. Some others are given
here for further exemplification.
(7-178) Yugu-waji, mirrang-ba g-u mama ayigurrajbi
cry-PRIV.I(NOM) sit-FUT 3SG.S-FUT that.I.SG.NOM all.day
ngaji-ni ngurra.
see-LOC IPL.INC.ACC
He doesn't cry, he'll (just) sit there all day looking at us.
(7-179) Baralala ng-a mîrra gulug-bajarna
all.night ISG.S-PST sit sleep-PRIV.II(NOM)
I couldn't sleep all night (lit. I was sleepless all night).

7.6.2.2 NP NEGATION
There are a few different techniques for negating the presence or existence of an entity.
Most commonly, the derived nominal guyaliny- is used, taking the negated entity as its dative
argument. The use of this nominal is discussed in detail in §4.4,13.1. An example is:
204 Chapter 7

(7-180) Guyalinya ngawurniji manganymi-nka.

lacking.II(NOM) 1 SG.NOM tucker.III-DAT
I've got no tucker.
In other examples, the negative particle guyala is used in its basic form and the negated NP
appears in the dative case. In this constuction guyala appears to function as an existential
negator:
(7-181) Guyala gaguluna-nka, gagulinya ngi yabu.
NEG y.brother.I-DAT y.sister.II(ACC) 1SG.A(PR) have
No brothers, (but) I have a younger sister.
In a small number of examples guyala is used, but the negated NP is not in the dative case.
In this construction guyala appears to function as an argument negator. This construction
differs from that in which guyala is used to mark sentential negation as the negative particle is
not in initial position and there is no irrealis marking in the auxiliary. Furthermore, it seems
that guyala in these examples does not have the modal meaning that is associated with its use
as a sentential negator (see §7.6.1).
(7-182) Jiyawu irr-a manganyma guyala.
give 3PL.A-PST tucker.III(ACC) NEG
They didn't give her any breakfast. (lit. They gave her no breakfast.)
(7-183) Nanagunyani îrr-aji ngarabî, ngawurniji guyala.
this.II.PL.LOC 3PL.A-HAB.PST drink IGG.NOM NEG
They (my friends) used to drink, but not me.

7.7 CLITICS AND PARTICLES

7.7.1 CLITICS
7.7.1.1 =MIJT `INFERential'
The clitic =mijî is used to mark epistemic mood and is encliticised to the first word of the
clause. Like the epistemic uses of the modals `must' and `might' in English, the use of =miji
indicates that the speaker has drawn an inference or conclusion as to the truth of the
proposition on the basis of available information.26 The most common usage of =miji in
Wambaya is as in examples (7-184) to (7-186), in which it denotes probability; the
information available to the speaker suggests that the proposition is likely to be true. In these
examples =mijî is translated by speakers into English as `must be'.
(7-184) Ngangaba yana gi-n najbî. Garnguji=miji
fire.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG burn many.I(NOM)=INFER
irrî-n mirra.
3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit
There's a (big) fire burning (over there). There must be a big group (of people).
(7-185) Mugunjana=miji gi-n mirra.
Iouse.II(NOM)=INFER 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit
It must be a louse (because I keep scratching my head).

26 See Lyons (1977), Palmer (1986) and Chung and Timberlake (1985), among many others, for a detailed
discussion of epistemic modality.
 Syntax of simple sentences 205

(7-186) Ngajîrri=miji gi-n.

be.cold=LLFER 3SG.S(PR)-PROG
He must be cold (because he's only wearing shorts).
However, =miji can also be used where the conclusion drawn is more tentative. In this use
=mijî expresses possibility, rather than probability, and is more like the English modal
'might'.
(7-187) Gurijbirna=miji gi-n mirra.
good.II(NOM)=INFER 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit
She might be feeling better. (In response to the question 'Do you think MN will
be better yet?')
(7-188) Wugbardi=miji îrri-n..
Cook=INFER 3PLA(NP)-PROG
Perhaps they're cooking. (In response to an inquiry as to some people's
whereabouts.)
The clitic =miji is often used with indefinite/interrogatives in their indefinite function, in
which they indicate a lack of knowledge without asking that the information be supplied. This
function is discussed and exemplified more fully in §4.7. Examples include:
(7-189) Gayinirna=miji nayida ng-u yany-ba agardi-nka.
what.II(ACC~INFER woman.II(ACC) 1 SG.A-FUT get-FUT wash-DAT
I don't know which girl I'll get to wash (my clothes).
(7-190) Wunjugu=miji irr-a ginganbi garnguji-rdarra.
somehow=LNFER 3PL.S-PST drown many.I-GROUP(NOM)
Somehow they all drowned (but I don't know how).
In the only example in the corpus where =mijî is not encliticised to the initial element in the
clause, it has this function:
(7-191) Darrgulumî îrr-a ngarra banjangani gayinini-ni=miji.
crack 3PL.A-PST 1SG.OBL behind someone.I-LOC=INFER
Someone must have let the water out behind me.
The use of =miji with indefinites is similar to that of the particle /pangkal/ `might be, may
be' in Warumungu, which is used to create indefinites from interrogatives (Jane Simpson
pers.comm.). It is also similar to the use of the ignorative clitic =ga in Ngiyambaa
(Donaldson 1980:258ff).27 Note that 'might be' can be used in Aboriginal English in the
same way: Where is X? Might be somewhere.28

73.1.2 =-- NIMA 'JUST'

The clitic =nima is a restricted clitic that has a number of related emphatic functions,
translating English words such as 'just', 'only' and 'still'. It is most commonly used with
nouns and adjectives, but can also be used with other parts of speech such as verbs (example

27 However, the clitic =ga in Ngiyambaa has a different meaning than =miji in wamhaya. as its use with
other word classes is inferred to be a request for the hearer to affirm or deny the correctness of the
statement (Donaldson 1980:260). The use of =miji has no such implicature.
28 Thanks to Jane Simpson for this observation.
206 Chapter 7

(7-195)), locational nominals (7-196) and pronouns (7-197). As is clear in the following
examples, the constituent carrying =nima is usually, but not always, clause-initial.
(7-192) Gunju=nima ngiyi-ng-a jiyawu. Guyalinja manganymi-nka.
meat.IV(ACC)=JUST 3SG.NM.A-10-NF give lackingiv(NoM) bread.HI-DAT
She only gave me meat. There's no bread.
(7-193) Daguma irri-ngg-a; nagagunya nujungama=nima,
hit 3PL.A-RR-NF that.one.II.SG.NOM alone=JUST
îgigunji nujungama=nima.
that.one.I.SG.NOM alone=JUST
They fought each other; the women with the women and the men with the men.
(7-194) Ngurraramba=nlma ngîrr-aji duwa.
nighttime=JUST I PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST get.up
It was still dark (when) we'd get up.
(7-195) Yarru=nîma irri-n bibi.
go=JUST 3PL.S(NP)-PROG little.while
They'll be still going for a little while yet (i.e. it's a long way).
(7-196) Gayangga=nima gambada.
high=JUST sun.II(NOM)
The sun is still high (i.e. it's not afternoon yet).
(7-197) Mirndiyani=nima mirndi-n mîrra.
I PL.INC.NOM =JUST 1 PL.INC.S(PR)-PROG sit
There's just you and me here.
It is possible for both the head noun and a modifier to host =nîma:
(7-198) Ngarrga=nîma warnu=nîma ngi di-didija.
ISG.POSS.IV(ACC)=JUST tobaccodV(ACC)=JUST ISG.A(PR) RDP-carry
I carry around my own tobacco.
In one example =nîma appears within the word giliyaga 'there'. This word is made up of
gilî `here' and the remote suffix -yaga (this suffix is found on most remote demonstratives;
see §4.6).
(7-199) Mirra g-a gili=nîma-yaga.
sit 3SG.S-PST here=JUST-remote
I stayed right there.
The different uses of =nima are related by the fact that they all se rve to modify
presupposed expectations; the clitic functions as an expectation modifier (McConvell 1983),
highlighting deviation from a presupposition that something more or different would be
expected. In example (7-192), for instance, =nima denies the presupposition that the speaker
would have been given both meat and bread; in (7-195), it denies an expectation that the
travellers would have arrived at their destination already; and in (7-199) the function of =nima
is to deny the presupposition that the speaker went anywhere else. The 'counter-expectation'
meaning of (7-198) is not so obvious. However, this utterance was given in a context in
which the speaker was complaining about the fact that people always come and ask her for
 Syntax of simple sentences 207

tobacco. Thus, =pima seems to be used to assert that the tobacco she carries is for her use
only, and not for anyone else' s 29

7.7.1.3 =MINY/ `AGAIN'

The clitic -minyi `AGAIN' is used only with verbs. It is attached to the verb over which it
has scope. There are only a few examples of this clitic in the corpus, including:
(7-200) Bardgu-j-ba=minyi g-u galyurrungurna.
fall-TH-FUT=AGAIN 3SG.S-FUT rain.II(NOM)
It'll rain again.
(7-201) Gannga=minyi g-ulama.
re turn(FUT)AGAIN 3S G. S-NP.T W D
She'll come back again.
(7-202) Gulugi-nka=minyi gi-n yugu.
sleep-DAT=AGAIN 3SG.S(PR)-PROG cry
He's crying to go back to sleep (i.e. because he's tired).
As can be seen in the examples above, =minyî can be used with either of the two senses
that McConvell (1983) identi fies for English `again': (i) repetition of an action or situation
and (ii) return to a former position or state. In example (7-200) =minyi indicates repetition of
the full situation: it is true that the event of raining will be repeated. In (7-201) and (7-202) on
the other hand, =minyi indicates only a return to a former state or position, rather than a
repetition of the whole event. Thus (7-202), for example, means that `he' was asleep before
and that he is crying in order to return to that former state of sleeping. It does not mean that
the event of his crying has happened before and is now being repeated. Similarly, (7-201)
describes the situation in which `she' was here and will return to this former position. It does
not refer to a repetition of the event of returning.

7.7.2 PARTICLES
There are seven particles in the corpus: the negative particles guyala, yangula and alyu; the
negative interrogative wayi; the exclamative marker gubi and the conjunctions ngaha `THEN'
and gaji `LEST'.30 In addition there are three particles present in Hale's (1959) notes, but not
found in my corpus. These are the interrogative particle gayi and the conjunctions ngabayi
`admonitive' and marda `when'. The two interrogative particles and the three negative
particles were discussed above in §7.5 and §7.6 respectively. The other five particles are
discussed below_

7.7.2.1 GUB! 'EXCLAM'

There are only a few examples of this particle in the corpus and so it is difficult to
determine its exact meaning. However, in the small number of examples in which it is found.

29 See McConvell (1983) and McGregor (1990:459ff) for detailed discussions of the semantics of enclitics
meaning 'only' and 'just' in other Australian languages.
30 The latter is found in the speech of only one consultant and so may not actually belong to Wambaya: see
§7.7.2.3 below.
208 Chapter 7

it appears to functioning as a type of exclamative marker31 and thus, in lieu of further

research, I will treat it as such. There appears to be a strong tendency for gubi to appear
clause-finally. The examples of its use are:
(7-203) Bungmanya ngi-n mirra gubi.
old.woman.II(NOM) 1SG.S(PR)-PROG sit EXCLAM
I'm getting old.
(7-204) Gajbî irri-n garngunyî-ni gubi.
eat 3PL.A(NP)-PROG many.I-LOC EXCLAM
There's too many of them eating (all) the food.
(7-205) Gayîna gubi irr-ala yardi?
what.IV(ACC) EXCLAM 3PL.A-HAB.NP put
What do they call it? (The speaker was trying to remember a particular word in
another language.)
The following example was uttered in the context of telling me what I should call an old
woman who, according to her subsection, is my daughter.
(7-206) Ngayijinya ngangirna, bungmanya gubi!
FM.II(NOM) 2SG.POSS.II(NOM) old.woman.Il(NOM) EXCLAM
(Call her) your grandmother, she's too old (to be your daughter)!

7.7.2.2 NGABA 'THEN'

Ngaba is used to link two finite clauses with the meaning that the second clause follows
from the first clause, either as the purpose (examples (7-207), (7-208)), or the consequence
or result (7-209). Thus ngaba indicates that, given the event described in the first clause, that
of the second clause can/wilUshould occur. Ngaba is usually translated into English as `and
then' or `so that' and is glossed `THEN'. Note that ngaba counts as a constituent of the
subordinate clause for the purposes of auxiliary placement. Some examples of its use are:
(7-207) Yarns g-a ginmanjî ngaba murnd-u ngarlwi.
go 3SG.S-PST this.way THEN 1DU.INC.S-FUT talk
She came here so that we can talk.
(7-208) Yardi -j-ba ngurru magi-nmanjî ngaba nguy-u
put-TH-FUT IPL.INC.A(NP) camp.I-ALL THEN 3SG.NM.A-FUT
marndanga-nî nananga j-ba.
white.woman.II-LOC care.for-TH-FUT
We're going to put her in a home so that the white woman will take care of her.
(7-209) Gajigajirra gani 32 gannga ngaba ngurru janganja. Yardi
quickly 3SG.S(PR) return THEN 1PL.INC.A(PR) ask put
nguy-u ngurra ngaba ngurru-ngg-u manku ngarli-ni
3SG.NM.A-FUT 1 PL.INC.OBL THEN 1 PL.INC.A-RR-FUT hear talk-LOC
ngarlana.
language.IV(ACC)

31 This was suggested to me by Bill McGregor.

32 This is the Gudanji form of the auxiliary.
 Syntax of simple sentences 209

She'll come back soon and then we'll ask (her to play the tape). She'll put (the
tape) on for us and then we'll hear ourselves talking language.
The following example demonstrates that ngaba can also be used to link utterances. In this
case another speaker had just stated that someone had needed a lift the day before, to which
this speaker replied:
(7-210) Ngaba ny-uda yarru banganîga dîdima nyi-ng-uda.
THEN 2SG.S-NACT.PST go this.way tell 2SG.A- 1 0-NACT.PST
Then you should have come (and) told me.
In one example, the use of ngaba is hard to explain: here the clause introduced by ngaba is
temporally prior to the other clause, rather than following it as in most ngaba clauses (such as
examples (7-207) to (7-210)). I have no explanation for this use of ngaba; further research is
needed.
(7-211) Ngaba g-u gurzjbi gannga-yirrima irri.
THEN 3SG.S-FUT feel.good return-CAUS.FUT 3PL.A(NP)
When she is better they'll bring her back.
Complex clauses, including the use of ngaba as a conjunction, are discussed in detail in
Chapter 8.
Ngaba has another function, in which it is used as an equative in constructions of
comparison.33 Some examples of ngaba in this function follow.34
(7-212) Nana ngiyi-ngg-a-n manku gurijbirna, ngaba
this.II:SG.NOM 3SG.NM.A-RR-NF-PROG hear good.Il(NOM) THEN
ngî-n ngawurniji gurijbirna mirra.
ISG.S(PR)-PROG ISG.NOM good.II(NOM) sit
She feels really good, like I feel. good (now) too.
(7-213) Ngarrangarra ngî-n ngaba nyatnirmji.
be.hot ISG.S(PR)-PROG THEN 2SG.NOM
I'm hot like you.
(7-214) Buja gi-n ngaba Vicks.
smell 3SG.S(PR)-PROG THEN Vicks
It smells like Vicks.

7.7.2.3 GAJI `LEST'

Gajî is used to link two clauses with the meaning that the action described by the first
clause is carried out in order to prevent that of the second clause. This particle is found in the
speech of only one speaker (MH) and, since this speaker's dialect appears to consist primarily

33 . The use of ngaba: in this function may be an example of the pragmatic ambiguity of conjunctions
discussed by Sweetser (1990:76ff). I am indebted to Nick Evans for this observation. Although Sweetser
does not discuss 'so that, so then' conjunctions such as ngaba, the fact that she finds that other
conjunctions function not only to link content items or logical premises. hut to link speech acts as well
(as in 'Where were you last night(?), and don't give me any nonsense about staying late at the officer
(p.112)), makes this polysemy of ngaba less surprising.
34 MH, whose dialect is closest to Gudanji, uses the particle gardaji in this construction, rather than ngaba.
210 Chapter7

of Gudanji, it is likely that gaji actually belongs to Gudanji rather than Wambaya. Examples
of this particle in the corpus include the following:
(7-215) Corner-ni bangani ng-ala-n mirra gaji gini
corner-LOC here 1SG.S-HAB.NP-PROG sit LEST 3SG.M.A(PR)
gajbî maga.
eat ground.IV(ACC)
I always sit here on the corner (of the verandah) in case he eats dirt. (i.e. so that
she can watch her toddler grandson and prevent him from eating the dirt)
(7-216) Ngajbi ng-u irra gijilulu gaji irrî warrawarra.
see ISG.A-FUT 3PL.OBL money.IV(ACC) LEST 3PL.S(PR) drunk
I'm going to go see what money they've got in case they're drunk (and therefore
spend it all).
In the speech of the other speakers such admonitive meanings are expressed with two
separate finite clauses, with the `lest' clause marked by the presence of the hypothetical suffix
in the auxiliary. Thus:
(7-217) Alyu lingba-j-ba! Ginganbi ny-agba!
NEG.IMP bogey-TH-FUT drown 2SG.S-HYP
Don't swim! You might drown!

7.7.2.4 NGABAY/ `LEST'

This particle is present in Hale's (1959) notes, but is not present in my corpus. Hale
describes it as an admonitive complementiser and it appears to be used in much the same way
as gaji, discussed in §7.7.2.3 above. Its resemblance to the particle ngaba, which is also
contained in Hale's data, is noteworthy, but more research is needed to determine what the
relationship may be between the two forms. An example from Hale's notes is:
(7-218) Ilagbi ngî nganga ngabayi nyi-ng-a majbi.
frightened 1SG.S(PR) 2SG.OBL LEST 2SG.A-10-NF hit
I'm afraid you might hit me. (1959:55)
Hale notes that ngabayî can also be used in conditional constructions with the irrealis
marker in the auxiliary, as in the following example:
(7-219) Ngabayi ng-uda yabu balamurru dudiyarri ng-uda
LEST(?) ISG.A-NACT.PST have spear.IV(ACC) spear I SGA-NACT.PST
iniya marndija=nima.
that.I.SG.ACC before=NST
If I had had a spear, I would have speared him then. (1959:54)

7.7.2.5 MARDA `WHEN'

Marda is another particle which is present in Hale's (1959) corpus, but not in mine
(although Hale does not list marda in the sketch grammar at the beginning of his notes).
There are only a couple of examples in his corpus in which marda appears; in both of these it
introduces a clause temporally prior to the main clause and can be translated as `when':
 Syntax of simple sentences 211

(7-220) Marda ngi-ma35 gubaji ngarlwi ngi-ma ngarrga

WHEN ISG.S-PST small.I(NOM) talk ISG.S-PST ISG.POSS.IV(ACC)
ngarlana Wambaya.
language_IV(ACC)
When I was young, I spoke my language Wambaya. (1959:55)
(7-221) Marda ngu-ny-u ngajbî jiyawu ngu-ny-u manganyma.
WHEN 1SGA-2O-FUT see give 1SG.A-20-FUT tucker.11l(ACC)
When I see you I'll give you some food. (1959:55)
In my corpus, such clauses are usually just juxtaposed with the main clause, signalled
only by a rising intonation (see Chapter 8 for further discussion).
(7-222) Guyalinja ngabulu-nka, duwa gî.
lacking.IV(NOM) milk.IV-DAT get.up 3SG.S(PR)
(When) there's no more milk, he leaves.

35 -ma is the Gudanji past tense marker.

 CHAPTER 8

SYNTAX OF COMPLEX SENTENCES

A complex sentence contains more than one simple clause and can be divided into two
types: those in which one of the clauses is non-finite and subordinate to the other clause, and
those in which both clauses are finite. In_ the latter type, the finite clauses are simply
juxtaposed and there is no evidence that one is syntactically subordinate to the other. I will
refer to these clauses as `adjoined clauses' (in the sense of Hale 1976) and discuss them in
detail in §8.2.

8.1 NON-FINITE SUBORDINATE CLAUSES

Non-finite subordinate clauses are reduced clauses. They are reduced in four ways: (i)
they do not contain an auxiliary; (ii) they provide no information concerning tense, aspect and
mood; (iii) they are marked as subordinate with either the infinitive suffix or one of three
nominal case suffixes (see below); and (iv) their subject is obligatorily deleted under co-
reference with a main clause subject or object argument.
There are three types of non-finite subordinate clauses in Wambaya: prior (the subordinate
clause situation precedes that of the main clause), simultaneous (the subordinate clause
situation is concurrent with that of the main clause) and purposive (the situation described by
the subordinate clause follows, and is the purpose of, that of the main clause). A system of
switch-reference operates when the two clauses are simultaneous. There is no switch-
reference in purposive subordinate clauses, and there is not sufficient data to determine the
situation for prior subordinate clauses.
Table 8.1 shows the inflections that appear on verbs in non-finite subordinate clauses,
where SS (Same Subject) means that the (omitted) subject of the subordinate clause is co-
referential with that of the main clause and DS (Different Subject) means that the subject of the
subordinate clause is co-referential with the direct object of the main clause) For a discussion
of the form of these suffixes as verbal inflections see §6.1.
TABLE 8.1: VERBAL INFLECTIONS IN NON-FINITE SUBORDINATE CLAUSES

SS DS
PRIOR -nnga/-barda -nnga?
SIMUL.2 -nî -barda
PURP. -nka/-barda -nka
As is clear in Table 8.1, the pattern of verbal marking in these clauses is complex. The
clearest case is when the two clauses are simultaneous; in this situation the ergativellocative

More research is needed to determine whether the subject of the subordinate clause can be co-referential
with a main clause NP other than subject or direct object (as it can in Warlpiri, for example (Hale 1976)).
There is one example in the corpus in which a verb with this inflection is not in a simultaneous
subordinate clause. In this example, (7-80), it functions as an argument of the verb ganjimi `finish
doing'.
212
 Syntax of complex sentences 213

case suffix -ni is used when the subjects of the two clauses are co-referential (examples (8-1),
(8-2)) and the infinitive suffix -barda/-warda is used when the subordinate subject is co-
referential with the main clause direct object ((8-3) to (8-5)). Thus in this case there is switch-
reference.3 Simultaneous non-finite clauses usually function as adjuncts modifying the
subject ((8-1), (8-2)) or the object (8-3). The latter is particularly common with verbs of
perception ((8-4), (8-5)).4,5
(8-1) [Ngarli-nt] irri-ng-a ngurra abajabaja-mi.
talk-LOC 3PL.A-10-NF 1PL.INC.ACC crazy-FAC
They make us confused (when they're) talking. (re trying to work when
surrounded by a noisy group of people)
(8-2) Bungmaji gi-n mîna [yandu-ji-nî barrawu].
old.man.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit mind-TH-LOC house.IV(ACC)
The old man's staying (here) looking after the house.
(8-3) Nganki ngiy-a lurrgbanyi wardangarringa-nî [alaji
this.11.SG.LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST grab moon.II-LOC child.I(ACC)
gulug-barda].
sleep-INF
The moon grabbed her sleeping child.
(8-4) Ilinga j-ba nguyu-ny-u gurla [ngarl-warda]
hear-TH-FUT 3SG.NM.A-20-FUT 2DU.ACC talk-INF
She will listen to you two talking.
(8-5) Ngajbi ng-a [gaj-barda].
see 1 SG.A-PST eat-1NF
I saw him eating.
Since the subject of the subordinate clause is obligatorily controlled by a matrix NP, when
there are no co-referential arguments it is not possible to use a non-finite subordinate clause; a
finite clause must be used instead.
(8-6) Bungmanyi-ni gun-u nij-ba, nayîda g-u gajurra.
old.man.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-FUT sing-FUT woman.Il(NOM) 3SG,S-FUT dance.FUT
The men will sing (while) the women dance.
The ablative case suffix -nnga is used in prior clauses (examples (8-7), (8-8)) (the few
examples of this type of clause in the corpus all have co-referential subjects). These can

Dench and Evans (1988:30) argue that the use of what appears to be the locative case suffix to mark
same subject occurs only in languages in which this suffix also marks ergative case and can therefore be
seen to have arisen through a system of antecedant agreement with a main clause ergative subject, rather
than being related to a locative function. Thus initially it would have appeared only in subordinate
clauses controlled by main clause ergative subjects, and would then have extended to all subject-
controlled subordinate clauses. While this may explain the development of this pattern of marking in
languages such as Wambaya, in which ergative and locative functions are marked with one case suffix, it
does not explain the use of the locative suffix to mark same subject in languages such as Jingili
(Chadwick 1975) and Bilinara (Nordlinger 1990), in which ergative case and locative case are marked with
separate suffixes.
In this chapter I will use square brackets to identify the subordinate clause.
An alternative analysis of these clauses with perception verbs is to treat them as object complements,
analogous to the subject complements of certain intransitive verbs discussed in §7.2.2.
214 Chapter 8

function either to modify the subject, denoting a situation that held prior to that of the main
clause (8-7) or can describe the prior event that led to that of the main clause (8-8).6
(8-7) Gannga g-amany [alalangmi-ji-nnga].
return 3SG.S-PST.TWD hunt-TH-ABL
He returned from hunting.
(8-8) Gumarra g-u nyagaj-ba [yarru-nnga].
calf.1V(NOM) 3SG.S-FUT be.tired-FUT go-ABL
His calves will be tired from walking.
The dative case suffix -nka is used in purposive clauses (examples (8-9) and (8-10)).
These are usually adjuncts (8-10), but may also be verbal complements of certain verbs like
dirndirrimî `teach' (8-12). Purposive subordinate clauses differ from those mentioned above
in that an object NP does not simply appear in the same case that it would in a main clause,
but must be marked with dative case, like the verb ((8-9), (8-10)). The dative suffix -nka is
used in any purposive clause, regardless of whether the subordinate subject is co-referential
with the subject or object NP in the matrix clause. Thus, there is no switch-reference in
purposive clauses.
(8-9) Yarru ng-amany [ngaji-nka ngaya].
go 1SG.S-PST.TWD see-DAT 3SG.F.OBL
I came to see her.

(8-10) Yabu ngîy-a gijilulu [iiya ji-nka marndangi-nka].

have 3SG.NM.A-PST money.rv(ACC) give-TH-DAT white.man.I-DAT
She had money to give to the white man.
(8-11) Yabu ng-amany [ngarli-nka].
bring 1SG.A-PST.TWD talk-DAT
I brought him to talk.
(8-12) Ngarringa-ni guguga-yi ngiyi-nga-ma7 dirndirrinymi [ngarli-nka
1SG.POSS.II(LOC) MM.II(LOC) 3SG.NM.A-10-PST teach talk-DAT
Binbînka].8
Binbinka
My grandmother taught me to speak Binbinka.
(8-13) Duwa g-a [gijilulu-nka ayani ji-nka].
get.up 3SG.S-PST money.IV-DAT look.for-TH-DAT
He left to look for money.
An interesting feature of this system of verbal marking, however, is that the infinitive
suffix -barda can also be used in prior clauses (example (8-14)) and purposive clauses ((8-
15), (8-16)), in which the subjects of the two clauses are co-referential. (Due to lack of data it
is not possible to determine if -barda can also be used in these types of clauses when it is the
main clause object that is the pivot). Thus, it is only when the two clauses are simultaneous

6 The examples are so few that it is not possible to tell whether the non-finite clause in this case is a
complement of the verb, or an adjunct.
7 This is the Gudanji form of the auxiliary.
8 Note that the NP Binbinka is not inflected with the dative case, as objects of purposive clauses usually
are. This is probably ruled out for phonological reasons, since the dative suffix is identical to the final
syllable of the NP and would yield Binbinka-nka.
 Syntax of complex sentences 215

that the infinitive suffix is restricted to different subject marking. Note that the object NP in a
purposive clause still must be in the dative case, even if the verb is marked with the infinitive
suffix (8-16).
(8-14) Dulanymi ngiy-a nganki [gulug-barda].
raise 3SG.NM.A-PST this.II.SG.LOC sleep-INF
She woke him from sleep.
(8-15) Nyurrunyurru gini-n [dawu-j-barda].
chase 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG bite-TH-INF
He's chasing her to bite (her).
(8-16) Yarru g-anv [yany-barda manganymi-nka].
go 3SG.S-NP.AWY get-INF tucker.HI-DAT
He's gone to get some tucker.
Austin (198 lb) shows switch-reference to be an areal feature in Australia; languages
which have some sort of switch-reference system are spoken in a continuous area, extending
from the Indian Ocean through to western Queensland (p.329). As Wambaya falls within this
area, it is therefore predictable that it would have some form of switch-reference. In fact the
switch-reference system in Wambaya is typical for languages of the area in that the
e gative/locative_ suffix is used to mark same subject, and there is no switch-reference in
purposive clauses. The switch-reference systems of surrounding languages such as Jingili,
Garrwa, Wagaya and Alyawarra also have these characteristics (Austin 1981b:326-328).
However, the Wambaya switch-reference system differs from those of these surrounding
languages in that the infinitive case suffix, rather than the allative case suffix, is used to mark
different subject.
As in the majority of examples above, the usual case is for the non-finite clause to follow
the main clause. However, it may also appear initially, preceding the auxiliary (examples (8-
17), (8-18), see also (8-1) above), and may even appear embedded within the main clause
((8-19) to (8-22)). The only examples of this latter possibility is when the subordinate clause
contains only a verb;9 and in all these examples the subordinate clause is followed
immediately by the controlling NP in the main clause.1 o
(8-17) [Ngaragi-nka galyurringi-nka] wurl-any yarru.
drink-DAT water.I-DAT 3DU.S-PST.AWY go
They went to drink some water.
(8-18) [Naj-barda] ngirr-aji yandu mayinanji.
burn-INF IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST care.for goanna.I(ACC)
We'd mind the goanna (while it was) cooking.
(8-19) Murrgu irri mîrra [gaji-ni] nagagunya.
inside 3PL.S(NP) sit eat-LOC that.one.II.PL.NOM
The women are sitting inside eating.

v Although examples such as (8-19) to (8-22) are found in spontaneous speech, speakers do not generally
accept them as grammatical when presented with them out of context. Thus, it is difficult to get
judgements on whether such embedding is also possible with more complex non-finite subordinate
clauses (i.e. those containing object NPs) since speakers generally judge all embedded examples to be
ungrammatical.
1 0 Dench (1988:101) describes a similar situation in Martuthunira.
216 Chapter 8

(8-20) Janga ng-a ngajbi [yarru-warda] mayinanji.

foot.TV(ACC) 1 SG.A-PST see go-INF goanna.I(ACC)
I saw goanna tracks going along.
(8-21) Ilînga ngî-n [ngarl-warda] gujînya ngarrirna.
hear I SG.A(PR)-PROG talk-INF mother.11(ACC) 1 SG.POSS.II(ACC)
I can hear my mother talking.
(8-22) Bardbi g-a nagama [durra ji-nî]
run 3SG.S-PST that.one.II.SG.NOM be.frightened-TH-LOC
wîrrilgarra.
cockatiel.II(NOM)
Cockatiel ran away frightened.
In other Australian languages such as Warlpiri (Simpson 1988, 1991) and Kayardild
(Evans 1995a), the verb in clauses such as these is marked with a derivational nominalising
suffix; thus non-finite subordinate clauses in these languages are clearly NPs. In Wambaya,
however, the category of these clauses is less clear. Like NPs, non-finite subordinate clauses
can be inflected with nominal case suffixes; and they can appear embedded within the main
clause (example (8-22)) or before the auxiliary (8-17) — two positions that are available to
NPs, but not to finite clauses. However, there is no nominalising suffix; the subordinating
suffix is attached directly to the verb stem. Furthermore, unlike other derived nominals, non-
finite subordinate clauses do not have to agree in case with the head noun that they modify
and nor are they marked for gender. The situation is made more complex by the fact that
different non-finite subordinate clauses have different characteristics. Simultaneous
subordinate clauses, for example, also differ from derived NPs in that they do not assign
dative case to their object NPs; and they cannot function as predicates in verbless clauses.
Purposive non-finite subordinate clauses, on the other hand, do have both of these
properties, and thus appear to be `more nominal' in their behaviour.) "

8.1.1 SENTENTIAL CAUSATIVES

There are two examples of sentential causatives in the corpus. Both examples contain
purposive non-finite subordinate clauses.
(8-23) Garnarnda ginî-ng-a [lingba-lingba-ji-nka].
send 3SG.M.A-10-NF RDP-swim-TH-DAT
He let me go swimming/he sent me to swim.
(8-24) Gayinirna=miji nayida ng-u yany-ba [agardi-nka].
what.II(ACC)=INFER woman.II(ACC) 1SG.A-FUT get-FUT wash-DAT
I don't know which girl I'll get to wash my clothes.

8.2 ADJOINED CLAUSES

In this section I discuss complex clauses that contain two finite clause constituents. These
encompass both those corresponding to finite subordinate clauses in many other languages
(i.e. the `adjoined relative clause' of Hale 1976) as well as coordinate clauses, in which

I t The data on prior subordinate clauses is too scanty to be considered here.

 Syntax of complex sentences 217

neither clause is dependent on the other (e.g. those linked with such conjunctions as `and'
and `but' in English). In many Australian languages these two clause types are structurally
distinguished, one of the clauses in the former construction carrying subordinating
morphology of some kind (e.g. Gooniyandi (McGregor 1988a), Kayardild (Evans 1995a),
Warlpiri (Hale 1976)). In Wambaya, however, there is no such subordinating morphology
for finite clauses, and it is therefore difficult to find any structural basis on which to
distinguish subordination of a finite clause from simple coordination: in both cases the two
clauses are simply juxtaposed. Consider the following example:
(8-25) Barri ini ngarabi, daguma îrri-ngg-î.
grog.I`'(ACC) 3PL.A(NP) drink hit 3PL.A-RR-FUT
When they drink grog, they'll fight.
They'll drink grog (and then) they'll fight.
Depending on the context in which it is uttered, example (8-25) could have a reading in
which the first clause provides temporal information about the main clause (i.e. Hale's (1976)
T-relative use); or one in which the two clauses are simply coordinate, each describing one of
a sequence of events.' 2
Adjoined clauses, irrespective of their function, can never be embedded: those with
subordinate function can appear either before or after the main clause; and coordinate clauses
usually occur in the same order as the events described. These complex clauses can be
separated by a brief pause, but are bound intonationally. Usually falling intonation spans both
clauses; however, when a clause with subordinate function (usually a temporal adjunct)
precedes the main clause, it is marked with a fall—rise intonation. Thus, on prosodic bases
such as these, complex clauses can be distinguished from a sequence of two simple clauses,
which form two separate intonation units and are generally separated by a slightly longer
pause.
This adjoined construction type in Wambaya thus serves a number of different functions,
both subordinate and coordinate. For clarity of exposition, in the following discussion I will
cover each of these types separately. Subordinate functions are discussed in §8.2.1, followed
by a discussion of coordinate clauses in §8.2.2. It should be remembered that, for the most
part, this distinction is made on a semantic/functional basis rather than a syntactic basis, and
thus may not always be clear cut.

8.2.1 SUBORDINATE FUNCTIONS

Adjoined clauses can have one of three subordinate functions: (i) they can function as
adjuncts to the main clause, supplying temporal or causal information (§8.2.1.1); (ii) they can
function adnominally, modifying a matrix NP (§8.2.1.2) and; (iii) they can function as
arguments for certain speech and perception verbs (§8.2.1.3). The former two functions are
referred to by Hale (1976) as `T-relative' 13 and `NP-relative' respectively. As mentioned

12 Although there can be some slight differences in intonation — see below.

13 In fact, Hale's 'T-relative' function is only when the two clauses make identical time reference (p.79), so
does not cover the causal function. Hale discusses this function separately (p.81).
218 Chapter 8

above, none of these functions is distinguished formally in Wambaya and it is generally only
contextual information which determines the specific interpretation for the clause.' 4

8.2.1.1 ADJOINED CLAUSES AS ADJUNCTS TO THE MAIN CLAUSE

Adjoined clauses can function as adjuncts to the main clause providing temporal (examples
(8-26), (8-27)) or causal information ((8-28), (8-29)).
(8-26) Yarru g-amany [irda ngarradi g-a
go 3SG.S-PST.TWD father.I(NOM) 1 SG.POSS.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST
ankî mîrra].
alive.I(NOM) sit
He came (when) my father was alive.
(8-27) Ngajbi ng-a alaji [yarru ng-a magi-nmanji].
see 1SG.A-PST boy.I(ACC) go 1SG.S-PST camp.IV-ALL
I saw the boy (when) I went to camp.
(8-28) Ngîlwî wurl-a ginbila [ngajbi inn mawulaj-barda]?
be.OK 3DU.S-PST here see 3PL.ACC play-INF
Were the two of them OK here while watching them all play?t 5
(8-29) Yana jaga ngi-n murri [daguma ginî-ng-a].
this.IV.SG.NOM leg.IV(NOM) 1SG.S(PR)-PROG be.sore hit 3SG.M.A-10-NF
My leg is hurting (because) he hit me.
(8-30) Guyala ng-udi gulugbi [bungmanya nana
NEG ISG.S-NACT.PR sleep old.woman.II(NOM) this.I.SG.NOM
gi-n bawurrbi].
3SG.S(PR)-PROG snore
I can't sleep (because) the old woman is snoring.
(8-31) Gugbarimi gini-ng-a [nguwajbi g-a magi-ni
choke 3SG.M.A-IO-NF be.jealous 3SG.S-PST camp.IV-LOC
nangi-ni].
3SG.M.POSS.IV-LOC
He choked me (because) he was jealous for his country.
In the above examples the subordinate clause follows the main clause. When the
subordinate clause describes an event which immediately precedes and causes that described
by the main clause, the temporal adjunct often precedes the main clause. In these
constructions, the subordinate clause is marked with a fall—rise intonation and is separated
from the main clause by a pause:
(8-32) [Gannga g-ulama igima bungmaji] janganja
return(FUT) 3SG.S-NP.TWD that.one.I.SG.NOM old.man.I(NOM) ask

14 McGregor (1988a), in discussing subordinate clauses in Gooniyandi, shows many of the different types
to be distinguished on the basis of such things as tense/mood sequences and differences in word order.
More Wambaya data is needed before it can be determined whether such things are also significant in
these clauses in Wambaya.
15 Note that the auxiliary of the second clause has been omitted here. This is . reasonably common,
especially with coordinate clauses; see §8.2.2 below.
 Syntax of complex sentences 219

ngurru.
IPLINCA(NP)
(When) the old man comes back, we'll ask (him).
(8-33) [Narunguja g-u bardbi] ngawu ng-u gulug-ba.
car.IV(NOM) 3SG.S-FUT run 1SG.NOM 1SG.S-FUT sleep-FUT
(When) the bus starts moving, I'll fall asleep.
(8-34) [Guyalinja ngabulu-nka] duwa gi.
lacking.w(NOM) milk.IV-DAT get.up 3SG.S(PR)
When there's no more milk, he leaves.
(8-35) [Ngajbî g-a yaniyaga burruburru] yugu g-a.
see 3SGA-PST that.IV.SG.ACC paper.IV(ACC) cry 3SG.S-PST
When he read the paper, he (started) crying.
One type of main clause adjunct is the conditional subordinate clause. In this type of
construction the subordinate clause (i.e. the `condition') precedes the main clause and both
clauses have the same tense/mood marking: either future tense marking (example (8-36)), or
irrealis mood marking (8-37).
(8-36) [Yurndu j-ba ny-u banjanganinma] nyurrunyurru gunu-ny-u.
hit-m-FUT 2SG.A-FUT tail.III(ACC) chase 3SG.M.A-20-FUT
If you hit his tail, he'll chase you.
(8-37) [Yabu ng-uda gijilulu] jîyawu ng-uda.
have ISGA-NACT.PST money.IV(ACC) give ISG.A-NACT.PST
If I'd had the money I would have given (it to her).
Note that examples (8-32) and (8-33) in certain contexts could also be interpreted as
conditional clauses, in which case they would be translated 'If the old man comes back, we'll
ask him' and 'If the bus starts moving, I'll fall asleep', respectively.

8.2.1.2 ADJOINED CLAUSES AS NP MODIFIERS

Adjoined clauses can also function adnominally, modifying a main clause NP. In this
function the modifying clause follows the NP which it modifies. In the examples in the
corpus, the adjoined clause modifies either the direct object (examples (8-39), (8-40)), an
oblique object (8-41) or one of the NPs of a verbless clause (8-38). There are no examples in
which the subject of a verbal clause is modified by a finite clause. The modified NP can have
either subject function ((8-39), (8-40), (8-41)) or object function (8-38) in the relative
clause.16

16 This adnominal function can often be perfomed by a verb inflected with either the agentive or the
privative suffix (both of which can derive a nominal from a verb). The difference between this type of
relative clause and that which is expressed with a finite clause is that in this type the relative clause
expresses a general characteristic rather than a specific action or event: 'he who is a fighter', rather than
'he who is fighting'. A couple of examples are:
(i) Dunn ngi-n marawunjini-nka dawu j-barlini-nka.
be.frightened ISG.S(PR)-PROG spider.I-DAT bite-TH-AGNT.I-DAT
I'm frightened of that spider which bites.
(ii) Yabu ga nganu iniyaga alaji yugu-waji!
bringOUTm SG.IMP.TWD ISG.OBL that.I.SG.ACC boy.I(Acc) cry-PRIV.1(ACC)
Bring me that boy who doesn't cry!
220 Chapter 8

(8-38) Injani nagama nayida [bajijurndu ng-a

where that.one.II.SG.NOM woman.II(NOM) bring.up I SG.A-PST
ngawurniji]?
I SG.ERG
Where's that woman that I brought up?
(8-39) Dagwna ng-u janji [dawu gini-ng-a].
hit I SG.A-FUT dog.I(ACC) bite 3SG.M.A-IO-NF
I'm going to hit the dog that bit me.
(8-40) Yarru îrr-a, ngajbi nanawulu ilarra-wulu [buyunku-nu
go 3PL.S-PST see this.ILDU.ACC eaglehawk-DU(ACC) middle-LOC
wurlu-n mirra].
3DU.S(NP)-PROG sit
They went (and they) saw the two eaglehawks (who) were sitting in the middle
(of their camp).
(8-41) Ngaj-ba gun baba-wuli-janka [yarru wurlu-n].
see-FUT DU.IMP brother-DU-DAT go 3DU.S(NP)-PROG
You watch (the road) for your two brothers coming.
Note that example (8-39), in a different context, could be a causal adjunct to the main
clause meaning `I'm going to hit the dog because it bit me'.
In all of the examples above, the modifying finite clause is syntactically distinct from the
head NP, as evidenced by the fact that it constitutes a separate domain for the purposes of
auxiliary placement. However, a more common situation is for the head NP to immediately
precede the auxiliary of the modifying clause, thereby indicating that the NP and the finite
clause together form a complex NP. It is not yet known what semantic difference, if any,
exists between this type of construction and that exemplified in examples (8-38) to (8-41)
above.
(8-42) Bunjunymi wurlu-n inuwulu [wurlu-n gulugbi].
sneak.up 3DU.A(NP)-PROG this.I.DU.ACC 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sleep
They're sneaking up on the two boys who are sleeping.
(8-43) mama ngarradî alajî=nîma [nyî-n yabu]!
that.I.SG.NOM I SG.POSS.I(ACC) child.I(ACC)=JUST 2SG.A(PR)-PROG have
That's my child (that) you've got!
(8-44) Ilînga gîn-a galyurringî [gî-n bardbî].
hear 3SG.M.A-PST water.I(ACC) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG run
He heard the water running.
(8-45) Injani yangaji [ny-a langanjardi]?
where meat.I(ACC) 2SG.A-PST hang.up
Where's the meat (that) you hung up?
(8-46) Injannga Mî julaji [gi-n ngarra bardbil?
where.from this.I.SG.NOM bird.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG ISG.OBL run
Where did this bird come to me from? (lit. From where is this bird that has
come to me?)
 Syntax of complex sentences 221

8.2.1.3 ADJOINED CLAUSES AS ARGUMENTS

Adjoined clauses can function as clausal arguments of main clause verbs of speech or
perception such as îlinga 'hear, remember SCOMP', didima `tell (0) that SCOMP' and janganja
or bajiya `ask (0) (if) SCOMP'. In these constructions the subordinate clause always follows
the main clause. An example is:
(8-47) Guyala ng-udi ilinga [injani g-a yarru].
NEG ISG.A-NACT.PR remember where 3SG.S-PST go
I can't remember where he went.
With speech verbs the argument clause is usually an indirect speech quotation in which the
speaker paraphrases the utterance being reported (examples (8-48), (8-49)). When it is the
argument of janganja or bajiya, both of which mean `ask', the finite clause is usually
translated with a concealed question ((8-50), (8-51)).
(8-48) Didîma irri ngaya [nganku ngiy-a ngirra
tell 3PL.A(NP) 3SG.F:OBL this.II.SG.LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST steal
bungmanya-nka gijilulu].
old.woman.11-DAT money.IV(ACC)
They told her (that) she'd stolen the old woman's money.
(8-49) Gulu-liji ng-a didima yarru g-ulama ginntanji.
son.l-REFL.POSS(ACC) tSG.A-PST tell go(FUT) 3SG.S-NP.TWD this.way
I told (her) son (to tell her) to come. (lit. I told her son (that) she will come.)
(8-50) Inigunji ng-uba janganja [ngajbi irr-a îguwulu
this.I.PL.ACC 1SG.A-NP.AWY ask see 3PL.A-PST that.one.I.DU.ACC

alag-ulu].
child-DU(ACC)
I'm going off to ask this mob if they've seen the two boys.
(8-51) Bajiya gun irra [barrawu g-amany yarru
ask 3SG.M.A-NP.AWY 3PL.ACC house.IV(NOM) 3SG.S-PST.TWD go
nanga ngaba gun-ugba1 7 yabu]?
3SG.M.OBL THEN 3SG.M.A-HYP have
He's going to ask them if a house has come for him that he could have.
Often the clausal argument of a speech verb is direct quoted speech. In this case, the
speech is reported with all of the deïctic categories (i.e. person, tense, etc.) having as their
reference the speech situation being referred to, rather than that of the present:
(8-52) Ngijini gini-ng-a didinut jangi magi-ni, ["Jiyawu
yesterday 3SG.M.A-10-NF tell down camp.IV-LOC give
ngu-ny-u gijilulu Westpac-ni "].
1SG.A-20-FUT money.IV(ACC) Westpac-LOC
Yesterday he told me down at the camp, "I'm going to give you some money
(tomorrow) at Westpac".
(8-53) Burnaringmî-nka g-a yarns janganja, [ "Bungmanya, yabu
orange.IIl-DAT 3SG.S-PST go ask old.woman.11(NOM) have

17 Fm not sure why this form occurs— I would have expected gin-agba.
222 Chapter 8

nyî-n manganyma burnaringma?"].

2SG.A(PR)-PROG tucker.III(ACC) orange.III(ACC)
He went (looking) for oranges and asked (me), "Old woman, do you have any
oranges?".
A particularly common construction for quoting speech in story-telling involves the verb
ngajbi `see', which in this construction takes the finite clause as an argument. This
construction is used when the speaker is reporting an observation made (either in speech or in
thought) by one of the story's characters, and appears to play an important role in the
progression of the story by setting the scene for the next event. is It is difficult to translate this
construction into English; a close approximation might be `X looked/noticed and said Y' or
even, `X noticed that Y', without any direct speech (example (8-54)). There are many
examples in the texts in Appendix A; some selected examples follow.
(8-54) Ngajbî gin-a, "Igima gi-n gulugbi".
see 3SG.M.A-PST that.one.I.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sleep
He looked (and said), "He's sleeping now" ./He noticed that he was sleeping.
(8-55) Ngajbi ngiy-a, "bû galyurringi gan-ala
see 3SG.NM.A-PST this.I.SG.ACC water.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A-HAB.NP
andajarri. "
hide
She saw (the water and said), "this is the water he always hides".
(8-56) Ngajbi ngiy-a, "Gayina yananza gi-n wubi?"
see 3SG.NM.A-PST what.IV(NOM) that.IV.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG be.red
She saw (it and said), "What's that red thing?"

8.2.2 COORDINATE CLAUSES

Although structurally similar, these clauses differ from those discussed above as the
relationship between the two clauses is one of coordination, rather than subordination. Thus,
these complex clauses typically correspond to those conjoined with `and', `but' and `then' in
English. In Wambaya, however, these clauses are generally juxtaposed, without any
conjunction linking them together; the one exception being clauses conjoined with ngaba,
which are discussed in §8.2.2.1 below.19
(8-57) Bardgu g-a yanama darranggu ngarrî-yîlî-nmanji,
fall 3SG.S-PST that.IV.SG.NOM stick.IV(NOM) ISG.OBL-COMIT-ALL

18 The discourse structure of texts in Wambaya is not well understood. Further detailed investigation is
needed.
19 One speaker (MH) makes use of a number of other conjunctions, such as ngala `but' and gaji 'lest'.
However, since this speaker is said to speak a dialect closer to Gudanji than Wambaya, and since these
conjunctions are not used by other speakers, I do not include them in the discussion here. For examples
of gaji see §7.7.2.3. An example of her use of ngala is:
Gabi g-a ngarlwi ngarlana nanggarda ngala manku gani.
NEG 3SG.S-PST talk language.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.POSS.IV(ACC) BUT hear 3SG.S(PR)
He can't speak his own language, but he can understand (it).
Note that Wardaman also has a particle ngala meaning 'but' (Merlan 1994).
 Syntax of complex sentences 223

yana 2o ngiyi-ng-a daguma.

this.IV.SGNQM 3SG.NM.A-10-NF hit
That stick fell down towards me and hit me.
(8-58) Balcvnurru gun-u banjarrî-j-ba, dudiyarri-j-ba gunu-ny-u.
spear.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.A-FUT throw-TH-FUT spear-TH-FUT 3SG.M.A-20-FUT
He's going to throw the spear and spear you.
(8-59) Ngajirri g-a, birrirri g-a, dumajarrî ng-a, ngarlwi
be-cold 3SG.S-PST shiver 3SG.S-PST cover ISG.A-PST talk
g-a ngarra, "Girundajbi ngî-n, najbi ngi-n!"
3SG.S-PST ISG.OBL sweat 1SG.S(PR)-PROG burn 1SG.S(PR)-PROG
She was cold (and) shivering (so) I covered her up (then) she said to me, "I'm
sweating, I'm burning!"
(8-60) Gujiga irri-n nijbi, nagagunya
ceremony.TV(ACC) 3PL.A(NP)-PROG sing that.one.II.PL.NOM
irri-n gajurru.
3PL.S(NP)-PROG dance
(The men) sing the gujiga ceremony (and) the women dance.
(8-61) Gujinya gin-a ngajbi, guyala gun-uja ngajbi
mother.n(ACC) 3SG.M.A-PST see NEG 3SG.M.A-NACT.PST see
irda.
father.I(ACC)
He saw (his) mother (but) he didn't see (his) father.
It is possible for the subject NP and auxiliary of the second clause to be omitted when the
subject is co-referential with the subject of the main clause:
(8-62) Ngaragana-nguja ngiy-a gujinganjanga-ni jiyawu ngabulu,
grog-PROP.IV(ACC) 3SG.NM.A-PST mother.II-LOC give milk.IV(ACC)
baginy-mi ini alaji.
bad-FAC this.LSG.ACC boy.I(ACC)
His mother gave him milk with grog in it (and) made this little boy no good.
(8-63) Dagtona ngiyi-ng-a galama bardgu-jirrimî îlîrrî.
hit 3SG.NM.A-lO-NF nose.III(ACC) fall-CAUS blood.I(ACC)
She hit my nose (and) made it. bleed (lit. made the blood fall).
If both the subject and the object are the same, the second clause may consist of only a
verb:

20 Note the use of the nominative demonstrative here, despite the fact that the subject is ergative. There do
not appear to be separate ergative/locative demonstratives for Classes in and iv, the nominative forms
being used instead; see §4.6.
224 Chapter 8

(8-64) Gayinini-nî gîn-a wurrudbanyi irra, gînganj-ardi.21

what.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST pull 3PL.ACC drown-CAUS
Something pulled them (under the water) (and) drowned (them).
In some examples, where the action is the same in each clause, the verb and auxiliary of
the second clause is omitted:
(8-65) Bungmungmajî îrri-n yarru jaburru, bunginungmanya
old.men.i(NOM) 3PL.S(NP)-PROG go first old.women.I1(NOM)
banjangani alag-unya.
behind child-PROP.II(NOM)
The old men go first (while) the women (come) behind with the kids.

8.2.2.1 NGABA CLAUSES

The only particle in Wambaya which conjoins two finite clauses is ngaba. Ngaba is used
to introduce a purposive or consequential clause: given the first clause, the second clause
can/will/should occur. It is usually translated into English as `and then' or `so that' and is
glossed `THEN'. Ngaba is discussed in more detail in §7.7.2.2. Some examples follow:
(8-66) Yarru g-a ginmanjî ngaba murnd-u ngarlwi.
go 3SG.S-PST this.way THEN IDU.INC.S-FUT talk
She came here so that we can talk.
(8-67) Yandu murnd-u nganagawulija ngaba wurlu yarru
wait IDU.INC.S-FUT this.II.DU.DAT THEN 3DU.S(NP) go
mirndiyanî murnd-u duwa.
IDU.INC.NOM IDU.INC.S-FUT get.up
We're waiting for the two (women) and then when they come, we'll go.
(8-68) Angbardi-j-ba gun baba-wuli-janka ngaba wurlu gulug-ba.
build-TH-FUT DU.IMP e.sibling-DU-DAT THEN 3DU.S(NP) sleep-FUT
Build (a windbreak) for (your) brothers so they can sleep.

21 Note the structural similarity between this example and the examples of predicates with two verbs
discussed in §7.4.1. The pause between the first and second clauses in example (8-64), in contrast to the
absence of any pause in the complex predicate examples, lead to their being treated as distinct clause
types here. However, more detailed work is needed on these constructions to determine the exact nature of
the differences (both structural and semantic) between the two.
 APPENDIX A

TEXTS

Following are eight texts, seven of them by Molly Grueman and one by Minnie Nimara,
told to me on various field trips. The first seven texts are dreaming stories and the eighth is an
informal monologue in which Molly Grueman talks about a certain time of her life when she
was working as a housemaid on a cattle station. One of these stories — Gunbî and Garrgalyi
(Text 7) - was made into a picture book at the Wambaya literacy workshop in Tennant Creek
in April 1993, and it is hoped that it will be possible to do the same with the others. All of
these texts have been read back to the story-tellers for checking and are printed here with their
permission.

TEXT 1: ILARRAWULU GUJARRAWULU1

The two Eaglehawks
Story told by Molly Nurlam_•ma Grueman
Elliott, April 1992

1. "Ngangaba yenta gi-n najbi. Ngajbi ngurr-uba.2

fire.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG burn see IPL.INC.A-NP.AWY
"There's a fire burning (there). Let's (us two) go and have a look.
2 Garnguji=miji irri-n mirra."
many.1(NOM)=INFER 3PL.S(NP)-PROG sit
There must be a big group (of people)."
3. Marra-wulu, gunyama murlu-ngunya
eaglehawk-DU(NOM) other.II(NOM) eye-PROP.II(NOM)
Two eaglehawks, one with sight
4. gtoryarna murlu-wajarna, wurlu-n mirra.
other.II(NOM) eye-PRIV.II(NOM) 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sit
(and) another blind, are there.
5. Baba-gulanga.
esi bl i ng-DYAD.II(NOM)
Two sisters.
6. Gajurru wurlu-n. Bumbujardi wurlu-n jamba.
dance 3DU.S(NP)-PROG stir.up? 3DU.A(NP)-PROG dirt.IV(ACC)
They're dancing. They're stirring up (clouds of) dust.3

Ilarra-wulu gujarrawulu
eaglehawk-DU(NOM) two(NOM)
2 Note the use of the plural subject pronoun, instead of the dual form. MG said it would also he possible to
use the dual form, murnduba, here. The use of plural pronouns with dual meaning occurs in quite a
number of places throughout this text.
225
226 Appendix A

7. Ngajbî irri: "Gîliyaga îrr-a duwa juwarramba gînngana.

see 3PL.A(NP) there 3PL.S-PST get.up men.I(NOM) from.here
They (the two boys) see (the dust): "There (is where) all the people went from here.
8. Ngangaba gi-n najbi. Ngajbî ngurr-uba.
fire.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG burn see 1PL.INC.A-NP.AWY
The fire's burning. Let's go and have a look.
9. Ngajbî ngurr-uba yana ngangaba najbi gi-n."
see IPL.INC.A-NP.AWY this.IV.SG.ACC fire.IV(ACC) burn 3SG.S(PR)-PROG
Let's have a look at the fire that's burning."
10. Yarru irr-a ngajbi nanawulu îlarra-wulu
go 3PL.S-PST see this.II.DU.ACC eaglehawk-DU(ACC)
They went (and they) saw the two eaglehawks
11. buyunku-nu wurlu-n mirra.
middle-LOC 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sit
(who were) sitting in the middle (of their camp).
(Meanwhile, the Eaglehawks say to their two sons: Milinya (parrot) and Wagalamarri
(crow):)
12. "Ngaj-ba gurl garrunyma baba-wuli-janka. Yarru wurl-agba."
see-FUT DU.IMP road.III?(ACC) e.sibling-DU-DAT go(FUT) 3DU.S-HYP
"You two watch the road for (your) two brothers. They might come."
13. Nagarna barrnnln wurlu-n dula.
that.one.II.SG.ACC white.cockatoo.II(ACC) 3DU.A(NP)-PROG disturb
They (the two boys that are coming down the road) disturb the white cockatoos.4
14. Ilinga irrî-n5 barraala.
hear 3PL.A(NP)-PROG white.cockatoo.II(ACC)
They (Milinya and Wagalamarri) hear the white cockatoos.
15. "Ahh barraala dunkala wurlu-n baba-wuli ji. "
ahh white.cockatoo.II(ACC) chase.away 3DU.A(NP)-PROG e.sibling-DU-LOC
"Ahh, the two brothers are chasing away the white cockatoos."
16. "Ngaj-ba gurl!"
see-FUT DU.IMP
"You two watch (for them)!"
17. "Inuwulu wurlu-n yarru baba-wulu."
this.I.DU.NOM 3DU.S(NP)-PROG go e.sibling-DU(NOM)
"Here come the two brothers."

I'm not sure how to translate this. The concept as explained to me by MG is this: the two eaglehawks are
dancing and causing the dirt to rise up into the air ("like when you see a car down the road") so that from
a distance it gives the impression of a fire burning on the horizon.
4 i.e. thereby signalling their arrival.
5 Although glossed as a progressive suffix, there are a number of places in this text where this suffix, -n,
appears in contexts where one would not expect a progressive suffix. The actual function of this suffix is
difficult to determine and is discussed in §5.2.3.
 Texts 227

18. "Gulyagulya ngarri, gulinya gurla6. Injani gurlu-n yam?"

where 2DU.S(NP)-PROG go
"My two sons, where are you going?" (said by one of the Eaglehawks)
19. "Yarru ngurlu-n gînki. Ngangaba ngurl-a ngajbi.
go IDU.EXC.S(NP)-PROG there fire.IV(ACC) 1DU.EXC.A-PST see
"We're going over there. We saw a fire.
20. Bumbujardi îrri-n ngangaba."
stir.up? 3PL.A(NP)-PROG fire.IV(ACC)
The smoke's rising up."7
21. "Juwarramba irr-ajiS duwa marndija.
men.I(NOM) 3PLS-HAB.PST getup long.ago
"(Those) men left (from here) a long time ago.
22. Marlunja maga. Marlunja gulyagulya. Ngaligu bulyawu.9
long.way camp.IV(NOM) long.way son "long.way, another.country"
It's a long way. A long way, my son. It's another country (?).
23. Yangula gurl-agba ganmanmi.
NEG 2DU.S-HYP get.close
You can't get close (to it). (i.e. because it's too far)
24. Gulug-ba gurl ngijininima-nka. "
sleep-FUT DU.I:MMP tomorrow-DAT
Sleep (here) until tomorrow."
(To Milinya and Wagalamam)
25_ "Alag-ulu, angbardi-j-ba gurl wurrungala
child-DU(NOM) build-TH-FUT DU.IMP windbreak.IV(ACC)
"Kids, you build a windbreak
26. wurrgburrgbi gurl maga.
clean.up.RDP DU.IMP camp.IV(ACC)
(and) clean up the camp (for them).
27. Angbardi-j-ba gurl baba-wulî-janka ngaba wurlu gulug-ba.
build-TH-FUT DU.IMP e.sibling-DU-DAT THEN 3DU.S(NP) sleep-FUT
Build it for (your) brothers so they can sleep.

I am not sure as to the structure of this phrase. I think that gulyagulya may mean 'son' although I have
never heard it used outside of this text, and, while ngarri and gurla are clearly the pronouns
LSG.POSS.ICNOM)' and `2DU.ACC respectively, I do not understand the use of gulinya. which means
'daughter'. I have therefore just translated it in the way that it was translated by MG: "my two sons, my
two sons".
The translation here does not accurately reflect the structure of the Wambaya sentence but I do not know
how else it could be translated. As far as I can determine the meaning is that the people arc causing the
smoke to rise. I do not know why the word used is 'fire' and not 'smoke'.
I do not understand why the habitual past tense is used here - unless it can also function as a distant past.
This is something to be checked.
This phrase is important to the story but I am not really sure of its meaning. MG translates it as
"l0000ng way" and said that bulyawu is a name that the Eaglehawk has just created for a fictitious piece
of country where she is claiming the men are.
228 Appendix A

28. Gulug-ba gurl baba-wulî-ja ngarrinybi-yulu."

sleep-FUT DU.IMP e.sibling-DU-DAT friend-DU(NOM)
You two sleep with (your) brothers as mates (for them)."
(Wagalamarri and Milinya are talking to the two boys. An Eaglehawk says:)
29. "Yagu-j-ba gurl baba-wulu. Gulug-ba wurlu.
Ieave-TH-FUT DU.IMP e.sibling-DU(ACC) sleep-FUT 3DU.S(NP)
"Leave (your) two brothers. They've got to sleep.
30. Manu wurlu duwa-j-ba ngijînînima.10
far 3DU.S(NP) get.up-TH-FUT tomorrow
They've got to go a long way tomorrow.
31. Gambardarda wurlu duwa ".
early 3DU.S(NP) get.up
They've got to get up early."
(When they're all sleeping, the Eaglehawks...)
32. Wurrudbanyi maganja, burulyi.
pull digging.stick.IV(ACC) round.stone.I(ACC)
(They) get the digging stick and the round stone.
33. Bunjunymi wurlu-n înuwulu wurlu-n gulugbi.
sneak.up 3DU.A(NP)-PROG this.I.DU.NOM 3DU.S(NP)-PROD sleep
They sneak up on the two boys (that) are sleeping.
34. "Burulyini-nî nyamirniji ini lurd-ba,
round.stone.I-LOC 2SG.ERG this.LSG.ACC hit-FUT
"You hit this one with the round stone,
35. damangga ngangi-yili-nmanji.
head.IV(NOM) 2SG.OBL-COMIT-ALL
(his) head's near you)'
36. Ngawu ng-u înî dudiyarrî-j-ba maganjî-nî gurdurlu."
SG.ERG 1 SG.A-FUT this.I.SG.ACC spear-TH-FUT digging.stick.IV-LOC heart.IV(ACC)
I'll spear this one in the heart with the digging stick."

(When they've killed the boys, Wagalamarrî and Milinya run up saying:)
37. "Gujînya, gujînya, gujiny-buli-jî yangaji ngurruganji.12
mother.B(NOM) mother.11(NOM) mother-DU-LOC meat.I(ACC) IPL.INC.POSS.I(ACC)
"Mother, mother, you got some meat for us.
38. Daguma gurl-a ngurra yangaji."
hit 2DU.A-PST IPLINC.OBL meat.I(ACC)
You have killed some meat for us."

10 Given another time as: Marla war!-uba duwa ngijinininw.

far 3DU.S-NP.AWY get.up tomorrow
I1 This is the 'seeing' eaglehawk directing the blind eaglehawk as to the position of the boy so that she
will know where to hit.
12 This seems to be an incomplete sentence; there is no verb or auxiliary, although the presence of
ergative/locative case marking on the subject noun suggests that there should be. Perhaps line 38 is the
correction. It is also strange that the subject NP starts off in the singular and is then put into the dual.
 Texts 229

(Milînya asks:)
39. "Goyim ng-u gaj-ba mambulyaji-nka gujanyi13-nka?"
what.IV(ACC) 1SG.A-FUT eat-FUT be.soft-DAT tooth.IV-DAT
"What can I eat that will be soft for (my) teeth?"
40. "Wugbugbardi ngurlu-n. Gulug-ba gurl. "
cook.RDP IDU.EXC.A(NP)-PROG sleep-FUT DU.IMP
"We are going to cook (it). You two go to sleep." (say the Eaglehawks)
41. Alag-ulu wurlu-n gulugbi.
child-DU(NOM) 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sleep
The two kids sleep.
42. Gajbî wurlu-n ganjimî alag-uli-janka.
eat 3DUA(NP)-PROG finish child-DU-DAT
They (the Eaglehawks) eat all the food (that was) for the children.
(When Wagalamarri and Milinya wake up:)
43. "Injani ngurra yangaji, guja?"
where IPLI C.OBL meat.I(NOM) mum
"Where's the meat for us, mum?"
44. "Gajbi ngurl-a ganjimi.
eat I DU_EXCA-PST finish
"We ate (it) all.
45. Ini ilirri gagama gurl gaj-ba.
this.LSG.ACC blood.I(ACC) guts.III(ACC) DU.IMP eat-FUT
You two eat this blood and guts.
46. Ngangga yaniyaga ilirri, 1 4 ngara-ba."
2SG.POSSIV(NOM) that.IV.SG.NOM blood.I(NOM) drink-FUT
That blood is yours, drink (it)." (They give the blood to Milinya.)
47. "Nyamirnijî gaj-ba mamiyaga gagama."
2SG.ERG eat-FUT that.IILSG.ACC guts.III(ACC)
"You eat the guts." (They give the guts to Wagalamarri.)
48. Jiyawu wurlu ilirrî gagama.
give 3DU.A(NP) blood.I(ACC) guts.III(ACC)
They give (the two boys) the blood (and) the guts.
(Then the Eaglehawks say to each other:)
49. "Gajurra murnd-u yangadi-nka mîrnda,
dance.FUT IDU.INC.S-FUT meat.I-DAT IDU.INC.OBL
"Let's dance (again) for meat for us,

13 This non-absolutive form is very odd and needs to be double-checked; the citation form of the noun is
gujangga.
14 Note that in this clause ilirri takes Class iv agreement whereas in line 45 it takes Class t agreement.
This is an example of 'natural semantic agreement'; see §4.2.3.
230 Appendix A

50. ngaba g-u yarru yangajî mîrnda. "

THEN 3SG.S-FUT go(FUT) meat.I(NOM) 1DU.INC.OBL
so that some meat will come for us."
51. "Yu."
yes
"Yes."
52. "Nyamî yarn babanya gajurra.
2SG.NOM first e.sister.11(NOM) dance.FUT
"You dance first, sister. (said the blind Eaglehawk)
53. Ahh yangula ny-a jundurra bajbaga yardi.
ahh NEG 2SG.A-PST dust.IV(ACC) big.IV(ACC) make
Ahh, you didn't make much dust.
54. Nyamî ny-a yardi bulyungu jundurra."
2SG.ERG 2SG.A-PST make little.IV(ACC) dust.IV(ACC)
You (just) made a little bit of dust."
(So the blind Eaglehawk gets up and dances:)
55. "Yuu, babaga-yi nyi-n jundurra mirnda bajbaga yardi."
yes e.sister.II-LOC 2SG.A(PR)-PROG dust.IV(ACC) IDU.INC.OBL big.IV(ACC) make
"Yes, sister you're making lots of dust for us."
56. "Ngaj-ba gun! baba-wuli-janka alag-ulu!
see-FUT DU.IMP e.sibling-DU-DAT child-DU(NOM)
"You two kids, go watch (the road) for (your) two brothers!
57. Ngaj-ba gurl baba-wuli-janka yarru wurlu-n."
see-FUT DU.IMP e.sibling-DU-DAT go(FUT) 3DU.S(NP)-PROG
You watch (the road) for (your) two brothers coming."
58. `Barnaala wurlu-n dula!"
white.cockatoo.Il(ACC) 3DU.A(NP)-PROG disturb
"They're disturbing the cockatoos!"
59. Ngunybulugi-yulu wurlu-n yarru.
doctor-DU(NOM) 3DU.S(NP)-PROG go
Two medicine men are coming.
60. Bungmaj-buli-ji ngankawuliji wurl-aji daguma juwarramba.
old.person-DU-LOC this.ILDU.LOC 3DU.A-HAB.PST hit men.I(ACC)
(because) These two old ladies had been killing all the boys.
61. Daguma wurl-aji giliyaga wurl-aji gajbi juwarramba.
hit 3DU.A-HAB.PST there 3DU.A-HAB.PST eat men.I(ACC)
They'd been killing them (and) eating the boys there.
62. Garnguji wurl-aji daguma.
many.I(ACC) 3DU.A-HAB.PST hit
They'd been killing a lot of them.
 Texts 231

63. Galaa wurl-aji nyalima.

boneIV(ACC) 3DUA-HAB.PST collect
They were collecting all the bones.
64. Galaa wurl-aji bilîlardi.
bone.IV(ACC) 3DUA-HAB.PST pile.up
They were piling the bones up.
65. Gumayangu-ni wurl-aji andajarri galaa.
cave.IV-LOC 3DU.A-HAB.PST hide bone.IV(ACC)
They were hiding the bones in a cave.
66. "Gujiny-bulu nanawuliyaga wurlu-n mîrra."
mother-DU(NOM) that.H.DU.NOM 3DU.S(NP)-PROG sit,
"The two mothers are sitting (over there)." (say the two medicine men who go over to
the Eaglehawks)
67. "Gulyagulya, gulyagulya ngarri-yulu gulyagulya,
son son 1SG.POSS-DU(NOM) son
"Ahh my two sons,
68. injanî gurlu-n yarru?"
where 2DU.S(NP)-PROG go
where are you going?"
69. "Yarru ngurlu ginki garngunyî-nka."
go 1DU.EXC.S(NP) there many.I-DAT
"We're going to that big group (of people) over there."
70. "Yagu irri-ng-a ngirra marndija. "
leave 3PLA-10-NF IPL.EXC.ACC long.ago
"They left us a long time ago."
71. "Yuu banymi irri-ng-a ngurla marndÿa. "
yes pass.by 3PLA-10-NF 1DU.EXC.ACC long.ago
"Yes, they passed by us a long time ago."
72. "Marlunja maga, marlunja.
long.way campiV(NOM) long.way
"That camp's a long way.
73. Gulug-ba gurl ngijininima-nka."
sleep-FUT DU.IMP tomorrow-DAT
Sleep here until tomorrow."
(The medicine men (knowing of the plans of the Eaglehawks), make preparations when they
go to bed)
74. Darranggu wurl-a gulug-ardi:
stick.IV(ACC) 3DU_A-PST sleep-CAUS
They laid down two logs:
75. ganjurrardi wagalamarrini-nmanji, ganjurrardi milînyi-nntanji.
side.by.side crow.I-ALL side.by.side . parr'ot.I-ALL
(one) next to Wagalamarri (and one) next to Milinya.
232 Appendix A

76. Bardbî wurl-a munji wurl-a.

run 3DU.S-PST hide 3DU.S-PST
(Then) they ran away (and) hid.
77. Munji wurl-a ngajbi wurl-a nagawulu duwa.
hide 3DU.S-PST see 3DU.A-PST that.one.II.DU.NOM get.up
They hid (and) watched the two (Eaglehawks) get up.
(whispered)
78. "Naniyawulu nagawulu baraj-bulu wurlu-n duwa.
that.II.DU.NOM that.one.II.DU.NOM old.person-DU(NOM) 3DU.S(NP)-PROG get.up
"The two old women are getting up.
79. Bunjunyrni wurlu-n mirnda maga."
sneak.up 3DU.A(NP)-PROG IDU.INC.OBL camp.IV(ACC)
They're sneaking up to our camp."
80. Wurrudbanyî ngiy-a maganja murlu-ngunya-ni.
pull 3SG.NM.A-PST digging.stick.IV(ACC) eye-PROP.H-LOC
The sighted (Eaglehawk) got the digging stick.
81. Burulyi ngîy-a yanybi gunyanga-ni, murlu-wajanga-ni.
round.stone.I(ACC) 3SG.NM.A-PST get other.II-LOC eye-PRIV.II-LOC
The other one, the blind one, got the round stone.
82. "Nyamirnijî îni lurd-ba,
2SG.ERG this.I.SG.ACC hit-FUT
"You hit this one,
83. ngawu ng-u ini dudîyarri j-ba. " -
1SG.ERG 1SG.A-FUT this.LSG.ACCspear-TH-FUT
I'll spear this one." (said the sighted Eaglehawk)

84. Daguma wurl-a: "Darranggu yana! Darranggu-wulu!"

hit 3DU.A-PST stick.IV(NOM) this.IV.SG.NOM stick-DU(NOM)
They hit (them): "This is a log! (They're) both logs!!"
85. "Ahh, bardbi wurl-a, bardbi wurl-a!
ahh run 3DU.S-PST run 3DU.S-PST
"Ahh, they've run away, they've run away!
86. Ginyinka wurl-a namîrrga115 Bardbi wurl-a mirnda!"
swear.word 3DU.A-PST swearword run 3DU.S-PST 1DU.INC.OBL
(SWEARING). They've run away from us!"
87. "Yununggu wurl-ajî daguma juwarramba ngankawuliji
thus 3DU.A-HAB.PST hit men.I(ACC) this.II.DU.LOC
88. bungmaj-bulî-jî."
old.person-DU-LOC
"This is how these two old women killed all those people." (said the medicine men)

15 Nobody would translate these words except to say that they were swear words.
 Texts 233

89. Andajarrî wurlu-ngg-a.

hide 3DU.A-RR-NF
They hid.
90. Dudiyarri wurl-a nagawulu bungmaj-bulu.
spear 3DU.A-PST that.one.H.DU.ACC old.person-DU(ACC)
They speared the two old women.
91. Ilarrama wurlu-ngg-a yardi bungmaj-bulu.
eaglehawkiI(ACC) 3DU.A-RR-NF put old.person-DU(NOM)
The two old women made themselves into eaglehawks.

TEXT 2: BARNANGGI AND JABIR U16

Story told by Molly Nurlanvma Grueman
Tennant Creek, May 1992

1. Bungmaji Barnanggi g-aji duwa.

old.man.I(NOM) bird.sp.I(NOM) 3SG.S-HAB.PST get.up
Old man Barnanggi would get up.
2. Wugbugbardi gin-aji yangaji wurla.
cook.RDP 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST meat.I(ACC) 3DU.OBL
He would cook meat for them (his two sons).
3. Iguwulu wurl-aji duwa ngijinininta.
that.one.I.DU.NOM 3DU.S-HAB.PST get.up tomorrow
They would get up the next day.
4. "Irda, injani yangajî ny-a langanjardi?"
father.I(NOM) where meat.I(ACC) 2SG.A-PST hang.up
"Father, where did you hang up the meat?
5. "Ini gcryangga ngaba ngurlu gajbî-gajbi.
this.ISG.NOM high THEN 1DU.EXC.S(NP) RDP-eat
""This is it high up so that we (two) can eat it. (and then)
6. Duwa ngurl-uba ginkanyi alalangmi ji ni. "
get.up IDU.EXC.S-NP.AWY this.way hunt-TH-LOC
We'll get up and go hunting in this direction."
7. Jabiru-nu gin-a wurla aliyulu.
jabiru-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC find
The Jabiru found them (the two sons).
8. Daguma gin-a wurla.
hit 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC
He killed them.

16 I am not sure what type of bird the barnanggi is (I think it may be a Hobby), so will just gloss it 'bird
sp.' in this text. The Wambaya word for the "jabiru' is garrinji, however, only `jahiru' was used in the
telling of this story.
234 Appendix A

9. Wugbardi gin-a wurla.

cook 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC
He cooked them. t 7
10. Gajbi-gajbi gin-a wurla ganjimi.
RDP-eat 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC finish
He ate them all up.
11. Yandu gin-a wurla.
wait 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.OBL
He (Barnanggî ) waited for them.
12. "Laji wurlu-n ngarra iguwulu.
be.absent 3DU.S(NP)-PROG 1SG.OBL that.one.I.DU.NOM
"They've been gone from me for a long time.
13. Dagwna=miji irr-a wurla."
hit=INFER 3PL.A-PST 3DU.ACC
They must have killed them."
14. "Burrîij, burrîij.
(These are bird noises that he hears coming)
15. Gannga wurl-amany burriijî 18-yulu
return 3DU.S-PST.TWD bird.sp-DU(NOM)
They came back as two birds.
16. "Burriij."
17. "Gurluwanî!"
2DU.NOM
"You two!"
18. "Burriij."
19. "Daguma irri-ny-a gurla?"
hit 3PL.A-20-NF 2DU.ACC
"Did they kill you?"
20. "Burriij."
21. Yugu g-a.
cry 3SG.S-PST
He cried.
22. "Ngarri-yulu îrr-a wurla daguma. "
1SG.POSS-DU(ACC) 3PL.A-PST 3DU.ACC hit
"They killed my two (boys)."

17 He did this somewhere on Newcastle Waters Station.

18 1 do not know what type of bird this is.
 Texts 235

23. Maramaranbî g-a janyi-nka gagamî-nka.19

feel.around 3SG.S-PST dog.I-DAT shit.lII-DAT
He felt around for some dog shit.20
24. Larlagbi g-a galyurringinî-nmanji,
enter 3SG.S-PST water.I-ALL
He got into the water,
25. murlu gini-ngg-a agardbi gagami-ni.
eye.IV(NOM) 3SG.M.A-RR-NF wash shit.III-LOC
(and) washed his eyes with the shit.
26. Bunybarrimi gini-ngg-a murlu.
open 3SG.M.A-RR-NF eye.IV(NOM)
He opened his eyes.
27. "Ahh, ngajbi ngi-n!
ahh see I SG.A(PR)-PROG
"Ahh, I can see!2 t
28. Ayanî ng-uba ngarri-yuli-janka.
look.for 1SG.S-NP.AWY 1SG.POSS-DU-DAT
I'm going to go looking for my two (boys).
29. Ayani ng-uba wurla.
look.for 1 SGS-NP.AWY 3DU.OBL
I'm going to go looking for them.
30. Daguma=miji irr-a wurla."
hit=INFER 3PL.A-PST 3DU.ACC
They must have killed them."
31. Jarrgi gin-a wurla gînmanji gili îligirri-ni.
track 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC this.way here river.IV-LOC
He tracked the two boys this way, to the river here.
32. Ngajbi-ngajbi gin-a.
RDP-see 3SG.M.A-PST
He looked around (the ground).
33. "Jabiru-nu gin-a wurla dudiyarri alag-ulu ngarri-yulu."
jabiru-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC spear child-DU(ACC) 1SG,POSS-DU(ACC)
"The Jabiru speared my two kids."

19 The dative marking on janji 'dog' marks possession and the dative marking on ga,t;a,na 'shit' marks the
whole NP as being the indirect object of the verb maramaranbi `feel around': see 0.4.4..
20 This old man is blind (for some reason this information was not given in the Wamhaya version).
21 An alternative given in another telling of the story:
Nimi-nimi gini-ngg-a jayili galyurringini-ni.
RDP-rub 3SG.M.A-RR-NF down water.)-LOC
He rubbed himself (with the shit) under the water.
"Ahh, ngawu ngi-n murlu-nguji!"
ahh I.SG.NOM I.SG.S(PR)-PROG eye-PROP.I(NOM)
"Ahh. I can see!" (lit. "I've got eyes!")
236 Appendix A

34. Larlagbi g-a galyurringini-nmanji.

enter 3SG.S-PST water.I-ALL
He got into the water.
35. Wara-nmanji gini-ngg-a yardi bulinja.
face.IV-ALL 3SG.M.A-RR-NF put algae.IV(ACC)
He put algae on his face.
36. Gannga g-a alalangmi-ji-nnga Jabiru.
return 3SG.S-PST hunt-TH-ABL jabiru(NOM)
The Jabiru returned from hunting.
37. Wugbugbardi gin-a yangaji.
cook.RDP 3SG.M.A-PST meat.I(ACC)
He cooked some meat.
38. Gulug-ardi gini-ngg-a.
sleep-CAUS 3SG.M.A-RR-NF
He lay down.
39. Gulugbî g-a,
sleep 3SG.S-PST
He slept,
40. yandu yangajî nanga naj-barda.
mind meat.I(ACC) 3SG.M.OBL burn-INF
(and) looked after his meat that was cooking.
41. Igima g-a yarru.
that.one.I.SG.NOM 3SG.S-PST go
(The Barnanggî) came (out of the water).
42. Manjala gin-a banjarri.
vine.IV 3SG.M.A-PST throw
He threw some vine (i.e. to make noise).
43. Ngajbi gîn-a: "Igima gi-n gulugbi."
see 3SG.M.A-PST that.one.I.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sleep
He looked: "He's sleeping now."
44. Jagina gini-ngg-a-n.
lie.on.back22 3SG.M.A-RR-NF-PROG
He was sleeping on his back with one leg across the other.
45. Bungmajî g-a duwa.
old.man.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST get.up
The old man (Barnanggi) got up.
46. Barnanggî gînî-ngg-a yardi.
bird.sp.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A-RR-NF put
He made himself into a barnanggi.

22 This actually describes the position of lying on one's back with one knee bent and the other leg resting
across that knee. It is interesting that it is reflexive.
 Texts 237

47. "Burriij." Dirragbi g-a banggirri-ntnanjî.

burriij jump 3SG.S-PST knee.IV-ALL
"Burriij " He jumped on (the Jabiru's) knee.
48. "Ahh, înjannga mî julaji gi-n ngarra bardbi?"
ahh wherefrom this.I.SG.NOM bird.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG 1SG.OBL run
"Ahh, where did this bird come to me from?"
49. Jabîru gini-ngg-a daguma.
jabint(NOM) 3SG.M.A-RR-NF hit
The Jabiru hit himself.23
50. "Ardardardardarda, daguma ngi-ngg-a banggirra!"
(scream.of.pain) hit 1SG.A-RR-NF knee.IV(NOM)
"Ahhhh, I've hit my knee!"
51. Dirragbi g-a gunya-nmanji banggirri-nmanji.
jump 3SG.S-PST other.IV-ALL knee.IV-ALL
He (Barnanggi ) jumped on the other knee.
52. Daguma gin-a: "Ahh, ngujari ngi-ngg-a!"
hit 3SG.M.A-PST ahh break 1SG.A-RR-NF
He (Jabiru) hit it: "Ahh, I've broken it!"
53. Dirragbi g-a jarlu-nmanji îgima Barnanggî.
jump 3SG.S-PST arm.IV-ALL that.one.LSG.NOM bird.sp.I(NOM)
Barnanggi jumped on his arm.
54. Daguma gini-ngg-a, ngujari ginî-ngg-a.
hit 3SG.M.A-RR-NF break 3SG.M.A-RR-NF
He (Jabiru) hit himself and broke his (arm).
55. Dirragbi g-a gunya-nmanji.
jump 3SG.S-PST other.IV-ALL
He (Barnanggi) jumped on the other (arm).
56. Daguma gini-ngg-a ngujari jarlu.
hit 3SG.M.A-RR-NF break arm.IV(NOM)
He hit himself (and) broke (his) arm.
57. "Ahh, gayina-ni ng-u daguma?"
ahh whaLIV-LOC ISG.A-FUT hit
"Ahh, with what am I going to hit him (now)?" (cried the Jabiru)
58. Wara-nmanji g-a dirragbî.
face.IV-ALL 3SG.S-PST jump
He (Barnanggi) jumped on (his) face.
59. Igima gini-ngg-a daguma barlaj-ardi, gin•cla.
that.one.LSG.NOM 3SG.M.A-RR-NF hit dead-CAUS be.sick
He (Jabiru) hit himself and fell down, dead.

23 That is, on the knee — he was intending to hit the Barnanggi, but the Barnanggi jumped out of the way.
238 Appendix A

60. Yarru g-a bungmajî Barnanggi.

go 3SG.S-PST old.man.I(NOM) bird.sp.I(NOM)
Old man Barnanggi went.
61. Ngajbî-ngajbi gin-a gayirra.24
RDP-see 3SG.M.A-PST cooking.site.IV(ACC)
He looked around for the cooking site.
62. Yanybi gîn-a galaa-rdarra.
get 3SG.M.A-PST bone.IV-GROUP(ACC)
He got all the bones.
63. Nyali-nyalima gin-a,
RDP-gather 3SG.M.A-PST
He heaped (them all) up,
64. muju-mujuinî gin-a galaa-rdarra.
RDP-put.together 3SG.M.A-PST bone.IV-GROUP(ACC)
(and) he put all the bones back together.
65. Yardi gin-a gunyî Mi.
put 3SG.M.A-PST other.I(ACC) this.I.SG.ACC
He put the other boy (back together).
66. Ilyîrrga gîn-a yanybi,
leaf.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.A-PST get
He got a (coolibah) leaf,
67. warrguma gin-a.
slap.with.leaf 3SG.M.A-PST
(and) slapped (the bones) with it.
68. Mujumi irrî-ngg-a yagagunya galaa-rdarra.
put.together 3PL.A-RR-NF that.one.IV.PL.NOM bone.IV-GROUP(NOM)
The bones joined themselves up.
69. Warrguma gin-a.
slap.with.leaf 3SG.M.A-PST
He hit them with the leaf (again).
70. Iguwulu wurl-a duwa.
that.one.I.DU.NOM 3DU.S-PST get.up
The two boys sat up.
71. "Ahh ngarrî-yulu, daguma gini-ny-a gurla.
ahh 1SG.POSS-DU(NOM) hit 3SG.M.A-20-NF 2DU.ACC
"Ahh my two (sons), he killed you.
72. Daguma ng-a îgima gurla!"
hit 1SG.A-PST that.one.I.SG.ACC 2DU.OBL
(But) I killed him for you!"

24 I don't know why this NP is in the accusative case rather than the dative case, as would be expected. One
possibility is that it actually means something more like 'he looked around the cooking site', however
this is not how it was translated to me.
 Texts 239

73. "Yuu irda, yarru ngurr-uba."

yes father.I(NOM) go IPL.INC.S-NP.AWY
"Yes father, let's go."
74. Anka-mi gîn-a wurla.
alive-FAC 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC
He brought them back to life.

TEXT 3: GAMBADA AND WARDANGARRI

The Sun and the Moon
Story told by Molly Nurlanyma Grueman
Elliott, April 1992

1. Ngarringga wurlu-ngg-a alajî gambada wardangarri. 25

take.from 3DUA-RR-NF boy.I(ACC) sun.II(NOM) moon.Il(NOM)
They took each other's child, the sun and the moon.
2. Nagawulu wurlu-ngg-a ngarringga.
that.oneJLDU.NOM 3DU.A-RR-NF take.from
The two women took each other's (babies).
3. Gambanga-ni ngiy-a yabu gurijbi alaji ilig-baji.
sun.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST have good.I(ACC) boy.I(ACC) sore-PRIV.I(ACC)
The sun had a nice baby, with no sores.
4. Wardangarringa-ni ngîy-a yabu ilîga-nguji bagijbi.
moon.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST have sore-PROP.I(ACC) bad.I(ACC)
The moon had a `no good' (baby), with sores.
5. Damangga-ni iliga gin-aji yabu alangi-ni.
head.IV-LOC sore.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST have boy.I-LOC
The child had sores (all over) its head.
6. Ngaragi-nka galyurringini-nka wurl-any yarru.
drink-DAT water.I-DAT 3DU.S-PST.AWY go
They went to drink some water.
7. Di-dîdija wurl-any yarru.
RDP-carry 3DU.S-PST.AWY go
They carried (their children) on their hips.
8. Wardangarringa-ni ngiy-a didima ngaragi-nka:
moon.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST tell drink-DAT
The moon told (the sun) to drink:
9. "Ngara-ba, nyami yarri! Alag-ulu ngi-n yandu wurla."
drink-FUT 2SG.ERG first child-DU(ACC) 1SG.A(PR)-PROG mind 3DU.ACC
"You drink first! I'm watching the two kids."

25 Usually this noun belongs to Class L However in this story it has a female referent and is treated as
Class a (as shown in line 4, for example, where it takes the Class ii non-absolutive gender suffix -ttga-),
and is therefore glossed as such.
240 Appendix A

10. "Nyamirniji ngara-ba jaburru,

2SG.ERG drink-FUT first
"No, you drink first,
11. ngawu ng-u ngara-ba banjangani"
1 SG.ERG 1SG.A-FUT drink-FUT behind
I'll drink after."

12. "Nyamirnijî ngara-ba! Yandu ng-u ngawurniji wurla alag-ulu."

2SG.ERG drink-FUT mind 1SG.A-FUT ISG.ERG 3DU.ACC child-DU(ACC)
"You drink! I'll watch the kids."
13. Yardi ngiy-a jangi lawunjini-nmanji gambanga-ni.
put 3SG.NM.A-PST down coolaman.I-ALL . sun.11-LOC
The sun put (her baby) down in the coolaman.
14. Bunjurrgbarra ngiy-a galyurringi ngaragi-nka.
kneel.to 3SG.NM.A-PST water.I(ACC) drink-DAT
She knelt down to the water to drink (it).
15. Ngankî ngiy-a lurrgbanyi wardangarringa-ni alaji
this.II.SG.LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST grab moon.Il-LOC hoy.l(ACC)
16. gulug-barda,
sleep-INF
The moon grabbed her sleeping child,
17. bard-babu ngiy-a.
run-OP 3SG.NM.A-PST
(and) she ran away with it.
18. "Mama ngarradi alaji=nima nyî-n yabu!
that.I.SG.ACC I SG.POSS.I(ACC) boy.I(ACC)=JUST 2SG.A(PR)-PROG have
"That's my child you've got!
19. Ngarradi=nima alajî gurijbi.
1 SG.POSS.I(NOM)=JUST boy.I(NOM) good.I(NOM)
Mine's the good one.
20. Ngangadi îlig-uji."
2SG.POSS.I(NOM) sore-PROP.I(NOM)
Yours is the one with sores."
21. "Ngarradi ini gurijbi,
1SG.POSS.I(NOM) this.I.SG.NOM good.I(NOM)
"Mine's this good one,
22. ngangi iniyaga bagijbi ilig-uji!"
2SG.POSS.I(NOM) that.I.SG.NOM bad.I(NOM) sore-PROP.I(NOM)
yours is that `no good' one with sores!"
23. Didbîdbunga wurlu-ngg-a.
argue 3DU.A-RR-NF
They had an argument.
 Texts 241

24. "Ngarradi nyi-n yabu gurijbi.

ISG.POSS.I(ACC) 2SG.A(PR)-PROG have good.I(ACC)
"You've got my nice (baby).
25. Yabu gaina ini ngangadi!
take SG.LMP.AWY this.I.SG.ACC 2SG.POSS.I(ACC)
Take this one of yours!
26. Ngarradi nyi-ng jiya-j-ba gurijbi!"
ISG.POSSJ(ACC) 2SGA-10 give-TH-FUT good.I(ACC)
Give me my nice one!"
27. Dingbari-j-babu ngiy-a gayangga wardangarringa-ni.
fly.off-TH-OP 3SG.NM.A-PST high moon.II-LOC
The moon flew off with (the sun's baby) up (into the sky).
28_ Alima ngiy-a yabu gayangga.
well 3SG.NNI.A-PST take high
Well, she took it up (into the sky).
29. Jugbî ngiy-a gambanga-nî banjangani.
spit 3SG.NM..-PST sun.II-LOC behind
The sun spat after (her).
30. Mardima wurlu-ngg-a nyurranji.
chase 3DU.A-RR-NF always
(Now) They're always chasing each other.
31. Gambada gi duwa.
sun.II(NOM) 3SG.S(PR) get.up
The sun comes up.
32. Ayigurru gambada gi garlarli,
afternoon sun.II(NOM) 3SG.S(PR) slip.down
(Then) in the afternoon the sun goes down,
33. wardangarri gi duwa.
moon.II(NOM) 3SG.S(PR) get.up
(and) the moon comes up.

TEXT 4: JINKIJIYULU22 6
The two Stars
Story told by Minnie Niyamarrama Nimara
Tennant Creek, May 1992

1. Jinkzji-yulu: bulyingi igima, bugayirna nagarna.

star-DU(NOM) little.I(NOM) that.one.I.SG.NOM big.I1(NOM) that.one.II.SG.NOM
Two stars: the little one's a man and the big one's a woman.

26 Jinkiji-yulu.
star-DUI NOM)
242 Appendix A

2. Bulyîngini-ni gan-ala bardganyi nagama bugayîrna.

little.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-HAB.NP follow that.one.II.SG.ACC big.II(ACC)
The little (male) one always follows the big woman one.
3. Bulyingi gi-n yarru banjangani,
little.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG go behind
The little (male) one goes behind,
4. bugayirna jaburru gugurda.
big.Il(NOM) front MM.II(NOM)
(and) the big grandmother in the front.
5. Yarru wurl-aji barlangga.
go 3DU.S-HAB.PST together
They were going along together.
6. Wugbugbardi bungmanya-ni yangaji.
cook.RDP old.woman.II-LOC meat.I(ACC)
The old lady was cooking some meat (for the grandfather).
7. "Yandu-j-ba wugbugbardi ngi-n."
wait-TH-FUT cook.RDP ISG.A(PR)-PROG
"Wait , I'm cooking."
8. "Yu, yandu ngî-n nganga."
yes wait 1 SG.S(PR)-PROG 2SG.OBL
"Yes, I'm waiting for you."
9. "Gayina ny-u gaj-ba?"
what.IV(ACC) 2SG.A-FUT eat-FUT
"What are you going to eat?"
10. "Guyala, bagijbi ngî-n juruma. "
nothing feel.bad SGG.S(PR)-PROG stomach.III(NOM)
"Nothing, I feel sick in the stomach."
11. "Gaj-ba ny-u yana, jaminjilana-nka?"
eat-FUT 2SG.A-FUT this.IV.SG.ACC MF.I-DAT
"Do you want to eat this (that's) for your grandfather?"
12. "Guyala ng-udi gajbi bundurra,
NEG 1SG.A-NACT.PR eat meal.IV(ACC)
"I don't want to eat any food,

13. ngawu ngu-ny-u gajbi nyamirniji!

I SG.ERG 1 SG.A-20-FUT screw 2SG.ACC
I want to screw27 you!

14. Gajbî ngu-ny-u bunyma, gugunya ngarrîma!

screw I SG.A-20-FUT arse.III(ACC) MM.II(NOM) I SG.POSS.II(NOM)
I want to screw you, my grandmother!"

27 Unfortunately the pun achieved here due to the polysemy of gajbi between `eat' and 'have sex with' is
lost in the English translation.
 Texts 243

15. Gajbi wurlu-ngg-a.

screw 3DU.A-RR-NF
They screwed each other.
16. "Duwa j-ba! Dunkala gini-n julaji jaminjilana-ni!"
get-up-TH-FUT chase_away 3SG.M.A(PR)-PROG bird.I(ACC) MF.I-LOC
"Get up! (Your) grandfather's frightening the birds!"28
17. "Bibi yarn gugunya, guyala ng-udi ganjimi!
little.while first MM.II(NOM) NEG ISG.A-NACT.PR finish
"Just a little bit more grandmother, I haven't finished!
18. Guri-nymi ng-u gajbit "
good-FAC ISGA-FUT screw
I'm going to screw you properly!"
19. "Ganinggiji gi-n yarru!"
close 3SG.S(PR)-PROG go
"He's coming close!"
20. Ngajbî gin-a wurla gaj-barda.
see 3SG.M.A-PST 3DUACC screw-INF
He saw them screwing.
21 Balamurru-nu gîn-a wurla dudiyarri, gujarri=pîma.
speaciV-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC spear two.I(ACC)=JUST
He speared them with a spear, both of them.
22. Garlimbaji gin-a wurla dudiyarri.
rib.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A-PST 3DU.ACC spear
He speared them in the ribs.
23. "(SPIT) Dun j-ba gurlu-ngg-u, duri j-ba gayangga!"
fuck-TH-FUT 2DU.A-RR-FUT fuck-TH-FUT high
"You two go and fuck up (in the sky)!"
24. Bardbi wurl-a. Dirragbi wurl-a gayangga lîli-nmanji.
run 3DU.S-PST jump 3DU.S-PST high sky.IV-ALL
They ran away. They jumped up into the sky.
25. Yarru wurlu-n barlangga gayangga.
go 3DU.S(NP)-PROG together high
(Now) they're going together up (in the sky).
26. Bardganyi wurlu-ngg-a-n.
follow 3DUA-RR-NF-PROG
They're following each other.

28 That is, the grandfather is about to arri ve.

244 Appendix A

TEXT 5: DIRDIBULYI NINAGANGGA BUWARRAJA 29

The Peewee Dreaming
Story told by Molly Nurlanyma Grueman
Elliott, April 1992

1. Dîrdibulyinî-nî gîn-aji galyurringi yabu nangî

peewee.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST water.I(ACC) have 3SG.M.POSS.I(ACC)
2. Lanybîya-nî.
place.name-LOC
The peewee used to keep his water at Lanybiya.
3. Ngarabi gin-aji îlijbinî-ni nunku=nîma.
drink 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST alone.I-LOC that.I.SG.LOC=JUST
He used to drink (it) all himself.
4. Andajarri gîn-aji gunyini-nka.
hide 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST other.I-DAT
He'd hide (it) from others.
5. Ilyirrgi-nî gin-ajî jaji.
leaf.IV-LOC 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST cover
He'd cover (it) with leaves.
6. Ilyirrga gin-ajî yardi gayangga-ni
Ieaf.IV(ACC) 3SG.M.A-HAB.PST put high-LOC
He'd put the leaves on top
7. ngajbi îrr-agba.
see 3PL.A-HYP
lest other people see (it).
8. Ngarabî îrr-agba nanga banjangani.
drink 3PL.A-HYP 3SG.M.OBL behind
They might drink (it) behind him (i.e. once he had gone).
9. "Yarru ng-u alalangmi jî-ni, gannga ng-u banjani.
go(FUT) 1SG.S-FUT hunt-TH-LOC return(FUT) 1SG.S-FUT back
"I'm going to go hunting (and then) I'll come back (here).
10. Ngajbi-ngajbi ng-u janga-nka gunyini-nka.
RDP-see 1SG.A-FUT track.IV-DAT other.I-DAT
(and) I'll look (on the ground) for someone else's tracks.
11. Ngirra jî-ni irr-agba yarru banjangani ngarm."
steal-TH-LOC 3PL.S-HYP go(FUT) behind ISG.OBL
They might come behind me and steal (my water)."

29 Dirdibulyi ninagangga buwarraja

peewee.1(NOM) this.I.SG.POSS.IV(NOM) dreaming.IV(NOM)
I am not sure why the demonstrative is in the possessive form.
 Texts 245

12. Ngîrra irr-agba nangî galyurringî.

steal 3PLA-HYP 3SG.M.POSS.I(ACC) water.I(ACC)
They might steal his water.
13. Gannga g-a. Ngajbi-ngajbi gin-a janga-nka.
return 3SG.S-PST RDP-see 3SG.M.A-PST track.IV-DAT
He returned. He looked around for tracks.
14. Guyala gun-uja ngajbî janga.
NEG 3SG.M.A-NACT.PST sœ track.IV(ACC)
He didn't see any tracks.
15. "Anggarrinja30 janga-nka."
lackingJV(NOM) track.IV-DAT
"There are no tracks here."
16. Guyala îrr-ija yarru.
NEG 3PL.S-NACT.PST go
They hadn't come.
17. Yarru g-a bungmajî dîrdibulyi alalangmî-ji-ni,
go 3SG.S-PST old.man.I(NOM) peewee.I(NOM) hunt-TH-LOC
(So) old man Peewee went hunting,
18. labalaba gamuli-ni galyurringi.
carry.onshoulder water.coolaman.IV-LOC water.I(ACC)
(and) carried (some) water (on his shoulders) in a coolaman.
19. Aliyulu gin-a barnga-liji bagarrinji.3 l
find 3SG.M.A-PST cousin.I-REFL.POSS(ACC) goanna.sp.I(ACC)
He met up with his cousin, Bagarrinjî.
20. Andajarri gin-a buyunku-nu galyurringî nangi.
hide 3SG.M.A-PST middle-LOC water.I(ACC) 3SG.M.POSS.I(ACC)
He hid his water halfway (along the road).
21. Yarru g-a bagarrinyi-nmanji.
go 3SG.S-PST goanna.sp.I-ALL
He went (over) to Bagarrinji.
22. Ngarl-ajarra32 wurl-a.
talk-TRANS? 3DUA?-PST
They chatted.
23. Bagarrinyi-nî gîn-a janganja:
goanna.sp.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST ask
Bagarrinji asked:

30 This is the only example I have of this word; usually guyalinja would be used.
31 I do not know the English name for this goanna. MG describes it as a small black goanna that lives in
trees.
32 I'm not sure of the structure of this word; see §6.2.1.2.
246 Appendix A

24. "Jiya-j-ba nyi-ng galyurringi, gurranji ngi-n."

give-TH-FUT 2SG.A-10 water.I(ACC) be.thirsty ISG.S(PR)-PROG
"Give me some water, I'm thirsty."
25. "Guyalinji ngawurnijî. Ngangaba nyi-n yabu, bamga
lacking.I(NOM) SGGNNOM fire.IV(ACC) 2SG.A(PR)-PROG have cousin.I(NOM)
"No, I've got nothing. Have you got some fire, cousin
26. ngaba ng-u wugbugbardî-j-ba mi yangaji?"
THEN 1SG.A-FUT cook.RDP-TH-FUT this.LSG.ACC meat.I(ACC)
so that I can cook this meat?"
27. "Ngawumiji guyalinji. Gaj-ba gurludarri.
IGG.NOM Iacking.I(NOM) eat-FUT raw.I(ACC)
"No, I've got nothing. Eat (it) raw.
28. Galyurringi nyi-ng jiya-j-ba! Galyurringi-yaji ngawurniji."
water.I(ACC) 2SG.A-10 give-TH-FUT water-PRIV.I(NOM) 1GG.NOM
Give me some water! I've got no water."
29. "Ngawurnijî ngi-n yarru yurubu alalangmi jî-ni.
1 SG.NOM 1 SG.S(PR)-PROG go just hunt-TH-LOC
"I'm just going hunting.
30. Guyalînji ngi-n yarru ngawurniji galyurringî-yaji.
lacking.I(NOM) 1 SG.S(PR)-FROG go 1 SG.NOM water-PRI V.I(NOM)
I'm going with nothing, no water.
31. Ilanji ngangi gaj-ba. "
cooked.I(ACC) 2SG.POSS.I(ACC) eat-FUT
You eat that cooked (meat) of yours!"
(Meanwhile)
32. Wirrilgarra bardbi g-a banjangani.
cockatiel.II(NOM) run 3SG.S-PST behind
Cockatiel ran behind (him).
33. Dirdibulyini-nmanji 33 g-amany magi-nmanji yarru.
peewee.t-ALL 3SG.S-PST.TWD camp.IV-ALL go
She came to Peewee's camp.
34. Ngajbi ngiy-a "mil galyurrîngi gan-ala
see 3SG.NM.A-PST this.I.SG.ACC water.I(ACC) 3SG.M.A-HAB.NP

35. andajarrî. "

hide
She saw (the water), "Ahh, this is the water he always hides."
36. Wirrilgarra-ni ngiy-a nguya, darrgulumi.
cockatiel.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST dig crack
Cockatiel dug out (the water) (and) cracked (it) (i.e. the well).

33 I do not know why there is nothing marking the genitive case here.
 Texts 247

37. Galyurringi g-a bardbî.

water.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST run
The water ran out
38. Junrni gin-a galyurringini-ni iligirra.
cut 3SG.M.A-PST water.L-LOC river.IV(ACC)
The water cut rivers (in the ground).
39. Dirdibulyini-ni gin-a manku wunba.
peewee.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST hear wind.IV(ACC)
The Peewee heard the wind (i.e. the sound of the water running).
40. Ilinga gin-a galyurringi gi-n bardbi.
hear 3SG.M.A-PST water.I(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG run
He heard the water running.
41. "Darrgulwni=miji irr-a ngarra galyurringi banjangani.
crack=INFER 3PL.A-PST 1SG.OBL water.I(ACC) behind
"They must have let out the water behind me.
42. Bagijbi ngi-n. Irrînggurli îrr-a banjangani ngarra."
feel.bad ISG.S(PR)-PROG mess.around 3PL.S-PST behind 1SG.OBL
I feel bad. They've been messing around behind me (at my home)."

43. Ngajbi gin-a galyurringi Mi bililarrî.

see 3SG.M.A-PST water.I(ACC) this.I.SG.ACC flood
He saw the water flooding.
44. "Ahhhh, irdîna-rtka, irdina-nka.
ahhhh father.I-DAT father.I-DAT
"Ahhh, my father's (country), my father's (country).
45. Darrgulumi irr-a ngarra banjanganî gayinini-ni=miji. "
sack 3PL.A-PST ISG.OBL behind what.I-LOC=INFER
Someone's let out (the water) behind me, I don't know who."
46. Yugu g-a galyurringini-nka nangini-nka.
cry 3SG.S-PST water.I-DAT 3SG.M.POSS.I-DAT'
He cried for his water.
47. Bardbi g-a nagama durra ji-ni wirrilgarra
run 3SG.S-PST that.one.II.SG.NOM be.frightened-TH-LOC cockatiel.II(NOM)
Cockatiel ran away frightened
48. dagurna gin-agba.
hit 3SG.M.A-HYP
lest (the Peewee) hit (her).
49. Dirdibulyi g-a yugu. Gurlîrra gini-ngg-a.
peewee.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST cry gash.head 3SG.M.A-RR-NF
Peewee cried. He gashed his head.34

34 i.e. in mourning.
248 Appendix A

50. Ilirn g-a bardgu marlanganyî-nmanji.

blood.I(NOM) 3SG.S-PST fall shoulder.I-ALL
The blood fell onto his shoulders.35

TEXT 6: INDILYAWURNA AND WARDANGARRI

The Curlew and the Moon
Story told by Molly Nurlanynu: Grueman
Tennant Creek, May 1992

1. Ngarringga ngiy-a wardangarri gurdurlu.

take.from 3SG.NM.A-PST moon.I(ACC) heart.IV(ACC)
She (Curlew) took the moon's heart.
2. Ngajbi ngiy-a: "Gayina yanarna gi-n wubi?"
see 3SG.NM.A-PST what.IV(NOM) that.IV.SG.NOM 3SG.S(PR)-PROG be.red
She saw (it): "What's that red thing?"
3. Jangî-jangi gî-n wubî gardibirri-ni.
RDP-down 3SG.S(PR)-PROG be.red armpit.IV-LOC
The red (heart) is under his (the Moon's) arm.
4. Andajarrî gîn-a gînkanyî gardibirn ni.
hide 3SG.M.A-PST this.way armpit.IV-LOC
He hid it here under his arm.
5. Gardibirri-nî gîn-a andajarrî gurdurlu.
armpit.IV-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST hide heart.IV(ACC)
He hid the heart under his arm.
6. Wardangarrînî-ni gin-a andajarri gurdurlu.
moon.I-LOC 3SG.M.A-PST hide heart.IV(ACC)
The moon hid the heart.
7. Indilyawunga-ni ngîy-a ngajbi.
curlew.lI-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST see
The curlew saw it.
8. Ngajbî ngiy-a jaburru.
see 3SG.NM.A-PST first
She saw it first.
9. "Bungmaji, ngara-ba îni galyurringi!"
old.man.I(NOM) drink-FUT this.I.SG.ACC water.I(ACC)
"Old man, you drink this water!"
10. "Ngawurnijî baba, nyamî yarn nya36 ngara-ba.
1 SG.NOM e.brother.I(NOM) 2SG.ERG first SG.IMP drink-FUT
"I'm (your) brother, you drink first."

35 This blood is now represented by the peewee's black markings.

36 This is the Gudanji imperative form. In Wambaya there is no auxiliary in motion-neutral singular
imperative constructions; see §5.5.
 Texts 249

11. "Ngara-ba nyamirniji. "

drink-FUT 2SG.ERG
"You drink."
12. "Ngara-ba nyami. Nyamirniji yarn ngara-ba.
drink-FUT 2SG.ERG 2SG.ERG first drink-FUT
"You drink. You drink first.
13. Nayidanga-ni ngay-ala ngarabi jaburru."
woman.Il-LOC 3SG.NM.A-HAB.NP drink first
Women always drink first."
14. "Naahh, juwa-ni gan-ala ngarabî jaburru."
no mans-LOC 3SG.M.A-HAB.NP drink first
"No, men always drink first."
15. "Ngara-ba nyami galyurringi!"
drink-FUT 2SG.ERG water.I(ACC)
"You drink the water!" (said the Moon)
16. "Ngara-ba nyamî galyurringi!"
drink-FUT 2SG.ERG water.I(ACC)
"You drink the water!" (said the Curlew)
17. Indilyawurna garranbi.37
curlew.II(NOM) stand
The curlew stood there.
18. Bunjurrgbarra gin-a galyurringi ninkiyaga.
kneel.to 3SG.M.A-PST water.I(ACC) that.I.SG.LOC
The (moon) knelt down to the water.
19. Wurrudbanyi ngiy-a gurdurlu.
pull 3SG.NM.A-PST heart.IV(ACC)
She grabbed (his) heart.
20. Mardima wurlu-ngg-a.
chase 3DU.A-RR-NF
They chased each other.
21. Indilyawurna g-a bardbî.
curlew.B(NOM) 3SG.S-PST run
The curlew ran.
22. Bardbî g-a.
run 3SG.S-PST
She ran.
23. Ninkiyaga gin-a nyurrunyurru banjangani.
that_I.SG.LOC 3SG.M.A-PST chase behind
The (moon) chased after her.

37 I do not have an explanation for the absence of an auxiliary in this clause.

250 Appendix A

24. Bardgu g-a buyunku-ni. Janrnaj-ardî ngîy-a guda-ni.

fall 3SG.S-PST middle-LOC trip-CAUS 3SG.NM.A-PST stone.IV-LOC
He fell over halfway. A stone tripped him up.
25. "Yarru gama! Gurda gama yunumarrga=nima.
go(FUT) SG.IMP.AWY die SG.IMP.AWY that.way=JUST
"Go away! Go and die (and remain) like that (forever).
26. Ngawu ng-u mirra ankî.
1SG.NOM 1SG.S-FUT sit alive.I(NOM)
Me, I will be alive.
27. Gurda38 ng-u, duwa-j-ba ng-u."
die 1SG.S-FUT get.up-TH-FUT ISG.S-FUT
I will die (and then) I will get up (again)."
28. Idilyawunga-ni ngiy-a ngurra baginy-mi!
curlew.II-LOC 3SG.NM.A-PST 1PL.INC.OBL bad-FAC
The curlew made things bad for us!

TEXT 7: GUNS! AND GARRGALY/

The Blanket Lizard and the Plains Lizard
Story told by Molly Nurlanyma Gruernan
Elliott, April 1992

I Ngarli-ni wurl-a-n mîrra.

talk-LOC 3DU.S-PST-PROG sit
They were sitting talking.
2. Igima g-amany yarru nanga langga-ngani.
that.one.I.SG.NOM 3SG.S-PST.TWD go 3SG.M.OBL north-ABL
He (Blanket lizard) came to him from the north.
3 Igîma manggur-înjî garrgalyi-galyî,
that.one.I.SG.NOM plains-ORIG.I(NOM) plains.lizard.I(NOM)-RDP
The plains lizard from the plains country,
4. yunumarrga g-amany nanga yarru.
that.way 3SG.S-PST.TWD 3SG.M.OBL go
he came to him from that way.
5. Aliyulu wurlu-ngg-a îligirrî-ni.
find 3DU.A-RR-NF river.IV-LOC
They met each other by the river.
6. Ngarlwi-ngarlwi wurl-a.
RDP-talk 3DU.S-PST
They chatted.

38 Note that gurda does not have a reflexive object here, as is its usual case frame. I do not know why this
is so - perhaps it is a different lexeme meaning `die' rather than 'be sick'.
 Texts 251

7. "Ngawu ngi-ngg-a junmi nyungga.

ISG.NOM ISGA-RR-NF cut hair.N(NOM)
"I've cut my hair.
8. Ngaj-ba yana "
look-FUT this.IV.SG.ACC
Look at it." (said Blanket lizard)
"Ngarrga gî-n mîrra gamaa.
ISG.POSS.IV(NOM) 3SG.S(PR)-PROG sit Iong.N(NOM)
"Mine's still long.
10. Gamaa ngi-n yabu."
Iong.N(ACC) ISG.A(PR)-PROG have
I've got long (hair)." (said Plains lizard)
11. "Ngawu ngi-ngg-a junmi, baba.
1SG.NOM ISGA-RR-NF cut e.brother.I(NOM)
"I've cut mine, brother.
12. Garrijarriji ngi damangga.
be.cold.RDP 1SG.S(PR) head.N(NOM)
My head's (nice and) cool.
13. Junmî -j-ba ngu-ny-u nyamîmiji, baba"
cut-TH-FUT ISGA-20-FUT 2SG.ACC e.brother.I(NOM)
I'm going to cut your (hair), brother." (said Blanket lizard)
14. "Junmi j-ba nyu-ng-u, baba!"
cut-TH-FUT 2SG.A-10-FUT e.brother.I(NOM)
"Cut it, brother!" (said Plains lizard)
15. Junmî gin-a ganjimî.
cut 3SG.M.A-PST finish
He cut (it) all off.
16. Yarru wurl-a fungi ilîgirri-nmanji.
go 3DU.S-PST down river.IV-ALL
They went down to the river.
17. Lingba-lingba wurl-a.
RDP-bogey 3DU.S-PST
They had a bogey.
18. "Ngaj-ba nyi-ng ngawurniji nyungga, baba!"
look-FUT' 2SG.A-10 ISG.ACC hair.IV(ACC) e.brother.I(NOM)
"Look at my hair, brother!" (called Blanket lizard)
19. Binbinkuma ginî-ngg-a.
shake.head 3SG.M.A-RR-NF
He shook (all his hair) out. (i.e. it hadn't been cut after all)
20. "Ahh nyami nyi-ng-a wujubardi!
ahh 2SG.ERG 2SG.A-10-NF lie
"Ahh, you lied to me!
252 Appendix A

21. Junmî ny-a ngarrga nyungga!"

cut 2SG.A-PST ISG.POSS.IV(ACC) hair.IV(ACC)
(And) you cut my hair!" (cried Plains lizard)
22. Daguma wurlu-ngg-a.
hit 3DU.A-RR-NF
They fought.
23. Junmî wurlu-ngg-a jabarri-nî.
cut 3DU.A-RR-NF stone.knife.IV-LOC
They cut each other with a knife.
24. "(SPIT) Yarru gain dawurdawurra-ni!
go(FUT) SG.IMP.AWY hill.country.IV-LOC
"Go away to the hill country!
25. Langanbi gama darranggu!"
climb SG.IMP.AWY tree.IV(ACC)
Go and climb a tree!" (cried Plains lizard)
26. "(SPIT) Nyamîrniji gama yarru!
2SG.NOM SG.IMP.AWY go(FUT)
"You go away!
27. Gîrrgîlî-ni gama mina mangguru-nu!"
crack.IV-LOC SG.IMP.AWY sit plains.IV-LOC
Go and sit in a crack in the plains country!" (cried Blanket lizard)

TEXT 8: MOLLY GRUEMAN'S STORY

Told by Molly Nurlanyma Grueman
Elliott, July 1991

1. Gagaguwaja-nî ngîyî-ng-a bajijurndu gujîga-yî.

Anthony.Lagoon-LOC 3SG.NM.A-10-NF bring.up mother.II-LOC
My mother brought me up at Anthony Lagoon Station.
2 Guyala g-uda yarru banggajarra-ni banggajarra-ni
NEG 3SG.S-NACT.PST go another.place-LOC another.place-LOC
3. ngarri îrda.
I SG.POSS.I(NOM) father.I(NOM)
My father never went to any other places.
4. Mina g-a gili=nima-yaga.39
sit 3SG.S-PST here=JUST-remote
He stayed right there.

39 This is the only example that I have in which =nima appears within a word (giliyaga). For a discussion
of =nima see §7.7.1.2.
 Texts 253

5. Aliyulu gini-ng-a gili=nîma-yaga gagaguwaja-ni.

find 3SG.M.A- 1 0-NF here--JUST-remote Anthony.Lagoon-LOC
I was born right there at Anthony Lagoon. (lit. (My father) found me right there at
Anthony Lagoon.)
Baji ng-a gili=nima gaga garndawugi-nî magi-ni.
grow 1 SG.S-PST hen:—,JUST-remote one.IV-LOC camp.IV-LOC
I grew up just there, in the one place.

7. Yangula ng-a yarru alanga gunya-nî.

NEG 1SG.S-PST go girl.II(NOM) other.IV-LOC
I didn't go to another (place) (as a) little girl.
8. Mirra ng-a garndawugi-ni.
sit 1SG.S-PST one.IV-LOC
I stayed in one (place).
9. Bajijurndu gînî-ng-a îrdîna-yi.
bring.up 3SG.M.A-1O-NF father.I-LOC
My father brought me up.
10. Bugayirna ngabulu-ngunya yagu ng-a ngarri irda.
big.II(NOM) breast-PROP.II(NOM) leave I SG.A-PST ISG.POSS.I(ACC) father.I(ACC)
(When) I was a big girl with breasts, I left my father.
11. Yarru ng-a gunya-ni.
go 1SG.S-PST other.IV-LOC
I went to another (place).
12. Yagu ng-a gujinya irda yarru ng-a nganaarra-nmanji.
leave I SG.A-PST mother.II(ACC) father.I(ACC) go 1 SG.S-PST Brunette.Downs-ALL
I left (my) mother (and) father (and) I went to Brunette Downs.
13. Gilyaga mirra ng-a work-ngali barrawu-ni.
there sit 1SG-PST work-??40 house.IV-LOC
I stayed there, working in the (station) house.
14. Mirra ngirr-aji nganaarra-ni.
sit I PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST Brunette.Downs-LOC
We stayed at Brunette Downs.
15. Ngarlu ngirr-aji wangarra.
dance IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST corroboree.IV(ACC)
We used to dance corroborees.
16. Ngarlu wangarra ngirr-ajî.
dance corroboree.IV(ACC) 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST
We'd dance the corroboree.
17. Jila irri-ngg-aji ngarlu ngirr-ajî wangarra.
paint 3PL.A-RR-HAB.PST dance 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST corroboree.IV(ACC)
They (the men) would paint each other up (and) we would dance the corrohoree.

40 I have never seen this suffix in any other word and so do not know what it means, or what its function
is.
254 Appendix A

18. Gurijba 41 ngîrr-aji mirra. Yangula ngirri-ngg-a jidanymi.

good.IV(NOM) 1 PL.EXC.S-HAB .PST sit NEG IPL.EXC.A-RR-NF give.cheek
We were happy. We never gave each other any cheek.
19. Gurzjba ngirr-aji-n mîrra.
good.IV(NOM) I PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST-PROG sit
We were happy.
20. Work-ngalî ngîrr-aji marndangî-nka.
work-?? I PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST white.man.I-DAT
We were working for the white man.
21. Gurijbirna mamdanga ngirrigarna maliyirna.
good.II(NOM) white.woman.II(NOM) IPL.EXC.POSS.II(NOM) boss.II(NOM)
Our boss was a good white woman.
22. Work ngirr-ajî ngaya ayigurrajbi.
work 1PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST 3SG.F.OBL all.day
We used to work for her all day.
23. Gannga ngirr-aji magi-nmanji gulug-barda.
return IPL.EXC.S-HAB.PST camp.IV-ALL sleep-INF
We'd go back to the camp to sleep.
24. Mîrra ngirr-aji.
sit IPL.EXC.S-HAB.PST
We'd stay (at the camp).
25. Gambardarda ngirr-aji duwa.
early 1PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST get.up
We'd get up early.
26. Yarru ngaya nyanyalu ngirr-aji wugbardi gambardarda=nima.
go 3SG.F.OBL tea.I?(ACC) 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST cook early=JUST
(We'd) go to her (and) make some tea very early in the morning.
27. Yabu ngirr-aji marndanga-nka.
take 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST white.woman.II-DAT
We'd take (it) to the white woman.
28. Jiyawu ngirr-aji marndanga nyanyalu.
give IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST white.woman.II(ACC) tea.t?(ACC)
We'd give (some) tea to the white woman.
29. Jiyawu ngirr-aji ngannguyi ngirriganji.
give 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST boss.I(ACC) IPL.EXC.POSS.I(ACC)
We'd give (some tea) to our (male) boss.
30. Ngurraramba=nîma ngirr-ajî duwa.
night-time=JUST 1PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST getup
We'd get up (when it was) still dark.

41 I don't understand why this has Class iv agreement; usually Class I is used in cases of mixed Class I and
Class a gender.
 Texts 255

31. Yarru irr-aji juwa-rdarra work-ngalî.

go 3PLS-HAB.PST man.I-GROUP(NOM) work-??
All the men would go to work.
32. Work-ngali ngirr-aji mamdanga-nka:
work-?? IPLEXC.S-HAB.PST white.woman.II-DAT
We were working for the white woman:
33. agardbi danya; banngarradi, langanjardî ngirr-ajî,
wash clothes.W(ACC) dry hang.up IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST
(we'd) wash the clothes and we'd hang (them) out to dry (them).
34. Wugbardi ngirr-aji danya.
cook IPLEXC.A-HAB.PST clothes.IV(ACC)
We'd iron the clothes.
35. Agardbi ngirr-aji plate ngaya.
wash IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST plate 3SG.F.OBL
We'd wash the plates for her.
36. Floor ngirr-aji ngaya agardbi.
floor 1PL.EXC: HAB.PST 3SG.F.OBL wash
We'd wash the floor for her.
(We'd go on holiday then:)
37. Yardi ginî-ng-aji ngirra magi-nmanji.
put 3SG.M.A-IO-HAB.PST 1PL.EXC.ACC camp.IV-ALL
He (the boss) would drop us off at the (holiday) camp.
38. Yarru ngirr-ajî. Yanybi ngîrr-aji marnuguja.42
go IPL.EXC.S-HAB.PST get IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST conkerberry.III(ACC)
We'd go. We'd get conkerberries.
39. Jiganta ngirr-aji nguya.
yam.III(ACC) IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST dig
We'd dig up bush yams.
40. Yanybi ngirr-ajî didija ngirr-aji yabu magi-nmanji.
get 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST carry IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST take camp.IV-ALL
We'd get (them) , we'd carry (them and) take (them back) to camp,
41. Yabu magi-nmanji wugbugbardi jigama. 43
take camp.W-ALL cook.RDP yam.III(ACC)
take (them) to camp and cook the yams.
42. Jiyawu ngîrr-ajî bungmungmanya.
give 1PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST old.women.Il(ACC)
We'd give (some) to the old women.

42 This noun usually has the Class ut gender suffix -ma when referring to the fruit, as it is here.
43. The informal nature of this story is reflected in reduced clauses such as lines 40-41, which tack
auxiliaries and have an unusual structure. I do not know enough yet about Wamhaya discourse principles
to know what the possibilities for such reduced clauses are.
256 Appendix A

43. Gulugbi ngirr-aji.

sleep 1 PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST
We'd sleep.
44. Gambardarda bulinama ngîrr-aji duwa ngijîninima.
early tomorrow IPL.EXC.S-HAB.PST get.up tomorrow
The next day we'd get up early.
45. Yarru ngirr-aji alalangmî jî ni
go 1 PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST hunt-TH-LOC
We'd go hunting.
46. Wugbardi ngirr-ajî mayinanjî.
cook 1 PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST goanna.I(ACC)
We'd cook goanna.
47. Wugbardi ngirr-ajî.
cook I PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST
We'd cook (it).
48. Wawunji ngirr-aji yanybi.
sugar.bag.I(ACC) 1 PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST get
We'd collect sugar bags.
49. Nyilangunya ngirr-ajî yanybi.
echidna.II(ACC) IPL.EXC.A-HAB.PST get
We'd collect echidna.
50. Yabu ngirr-ajî manjungu-nmanjî wugbugbardi.
take I PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST shade.IV-ALL cook.RDP
We'd take (it) into the shade and cook (it).
51. Angbangbardî manjungu ngirra.
build.RDP shade.IV(ACC) 1 PL.EXC.OBL
(We'd) make a shade for us,
52. Nguya jamba wugbardi mayinanji.
dig ground.IV(ACC) cook goanna.I(ACC)
dig the ground (and) cook the goanna.
53. Garrunyama ngirr-aji.
roast 1 PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST
We'd roast (it).
54. Gayirrima ngirr-ajî jigama.
roast I PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST yam.Ill(ACC)
We'd roast the yams.
55. Nyilangunya wugbardi ngirr-ajî.
echidna.II(ACC) cook 1 PL.EXC.A-HAB.PST
We'd cook the echidna.
 Texts 257

56. Gulug-ardî ngîrr-aji manjungu-nmanji.44

sleep-CADS 1PL.EXC.S-HAB.PST shade.1V-ALL
We'd lie down in the shade.
57. Naj-barda ngirr-aji yandu mayinanji.
burn-LNF 1PL EXCA-HAB.PST mind goanna.I(ACC)
We'd mind the goanna cooking.
58. "Najbi gi-n manganyma mama.
burn 3SG.S(PR)-PROG tucker.III(NOM) this.III.SG.NOM
The tucker's cooked (lit: The tucker's burning).
59. Najbi gî-n yangaji. Dulanymi-j-ba ngurra!
burn 3SG.S(PR)-PROG meat.I(NOM) raise-T11-FUT 1PL.INC.OBL
The meat's cooked. Take it out for us!"
60. "Duwa j-ba ga! Gajba-gaj-ba ngurru manganyma yangaji."
getup-TH-FUT SG.IMP.TWD RDP-eat-FUT 1PLJNC.A(NP) tucker.III(ACC) meat.I(ACC)
"Wake up and come here! Let's eat the tucker (and) the meat."

44
This sentence is rather odd. Firstly, gulugardi usually requires a reflexive bound pronoun in this context;
secondly, I would have expected the locative case suffix on the adjunct NP, instead of the aliative.
 APPENDIX B

COMPARATIVE DISCUSSION OF GENDER MARKING

In this section I will discuss gender marking in the other Mimdi languages/dialects, and
consider the ways in which it relates to gender marking in Wambaya (see §4.2.2 for a full
discussion of gender marking in Wambaya). The languages/dialects considered are Gudanji,
Binbinka, Ngarnga, Jingili (all information from Chadwick 1978) and Nungali (from Bolt,
Hoddinott and Kofod 1971 b). The other two Mimdi languages, Ngaliwuru and Jaminjung,
do not have a gender system.
There are a lot of similarities among the gender-marking systems of these languages, and
gender marking is one of the areas on which the genetic relationship between the West Barkly
languages and the Jaminjungan languages was initially established (e.g. Chadwick 1984:iii).
The gender affixes of each of the Mirndi languages that have a gender system are given in
Tables B 1 to B4.1 As the gender marking on nominals is essentially the same among the
dialects of the McArthur Language (Wambaya, Binbinka and Gudanji), I have included only
the list for Wambaya in the following tables. The only difference in gender marking among
these dialects is in the demonstratives, where Binbinka has slightly different prefixes. The
Binbinka demonstrative prefixes are included in Table Bl.
Note that gender is marked by prefix in Nungali, as opposed to the West Barkly
languages, in which it is marked by suffix (except in the Eastern Group demonstratives). A
further point to note is that both Jingili and Nungali have two sets of non-absolutive affixes:
one which is used in the ergative and/or locative case and one which is used in the dative
case. The other West Barkly languages, however, have only one non-absolutive form.

In these tables I have standardised the orthographies of each language, using the Wambaya orthography
throughout. I have also standardised the names for each gender, again using the Wambaya system.
258
 Comparative discussion of gender marking 259

TABLE Bl: GENDER MARKING IN WAMBAYA2

ABS UR NABS UR
Class I Nom3 -ji -nyi- %-nî-%
-ngi- %-ni-%
-di-
-0 -nî- %-nî-%
-rdi-#
-na-#
-i* -ni-
-yi*
Dem W i- mî-
B yi-, jî- mi-, mu
Class II Nom -rna %-rna% -nga- %-nga-%
-nya %-ma% -nya- %-nga-%
ga-#
-nga -nga-
-rda# -nga-
-ga-#
-rra• -nga-
-0• -nga-
Dem W ma- nga-
B ma- nga-
Class ID Nom -ma -mi-
Dem W ma- ?
B ma- ?
Class Iv Nom -0 -0-
-a -i-
ja* ji-*
-ga* -gi-*
-wa*
Dem W ya- ?
B ya-, ga- ?
# Kinship nouns only.
* Adjectives and nominal suffixes only.
• Nouns only.

2 To save space I have not included the conditioning environments of the phonologically conditioned
allomorphs in this table. These are discussed in detail in §4.2.2.
3 In this section I will use the term `nominal' to refer to nouns, adjectives and nominal suffixes. It is
therefore opposed to `demonstrative'.
260 Appendix B

TABLE B2: NGARNGA GENDER MARKING4

ABS NABS
Class I Nom -ji -nyi
— -ngi
— -di
— -ni
— -ma#
-i -ni
-lyi -li
Dem î-, nî- mi-
Class II Nom -ma -nga
-nya -nya
-ga#
-nga -nga
-da -nga
-la -nga
Dem ma-, a- nga-
Class III Nom -ma ?
Dem ma-, a- ?
Class IV Nom -a ?
-ja —
-rra —
-dga —
Dem ma-, a- ?
# Kinship nouns only.

4 From Chadwick (1978:118-119,205).

 Comparative discussion of gender marking 261

TABLE B3: JINGII,I GENDER MARKINGS

ABS ERG DAT

Class I Nom -a -(r)ni -(r)na
ji -(r)dî -(r)da
-(r)ni -(r)na
-lyi -(r)lî -(r)la
-î -(r)ni -(r)na
-u — -
-0 — -
Dem -rni -rni -rni
Class II Nom -rni -nga -nga
-rdi -ga -ga
-(r)lî -nga -nga
Dem -0 -nga -nga
Class III Nom -mi -ma ?
-bi -ba —
Dem -ma -ma -ma
Class N Nom -u -u ?
-gu -gu -
-rru -rru —
-(r)lu -(r)lu —
Dem -u -u -u

As well as the gender suffixes given in this table, Jingili demonstratives also contain what
Chadwick (1978:304) calls. `gender bases'. These are ja- Class I, nya- Class II and gu- Class
N. Note that the Class I and Class N forms are quite similar to the prefixes found on some
Class I and N demonstratives in Binbinka (jî and -ga).

From Chadwick (1978:275, 304).

262 Appendix B

TABLE B4: GENDER MARKING IN NUNGALI6

ABS ERG DAT

Class I Nom di-, du-, da- nyi- gi-
diya-* nyi- giya-*
Dem da- yinya- ginya-
y-/yîd- — —
Class II Nom nya- nganyi- ganyi-
a-* — -
anut-* nganyî-* -
Dem nya- nganya- ganya-
yiny- — —
Class m Nom ma- ? gi-
mi-* mi-* gima*
Dem ma- ? ?
yim- — —
Class Iv Nom nu- nyi- gi-/gu-
nî- wunyi-* -
nuwa-* — —
Dem na- ? ?
yin- — —
* Adjectives only.
There are a number of interesting comparisons that can be made between the gender-
marking systems of the Mirndi languages. Firstly, there is a large amount of consistency,
particularly in Classes II and III. For example, the form nga occurs as a non-absolutive Class
It marker in all languages, on both nouns and demonstratives. And all languages but Jingili
have either nya or rna or both as a Class II absolutive marker (note that this nya turns up in
Jingili as the `gender base' in the Class II demonstrative; see above). Jingili is interesting in
this respect as the Class II nominal absolutive suffixes all have final /i/, whereas Class II in all
of the other languages is consistently marked with /a/, Class I being marked with /i/.
Class m is consistently marked with ma or mi (as in Jingili) in the absolutive. It is
interesting that both Wambaya and Nungali have ma in the absolutive and mi in the non-
absolutive, while in Jingili this is reversed, mi being absolutive and ma non-absolutive.?
Other interesting correspondences are the Class I non-absolutive suffixes -nî in the Eastern
Group languages, and -(r)nî in Jingili; and -nyi in the Eastern Group languages and the
ergative/locative/instrumental prefix nyî- in Nungali. The rare Class I non-absolutive
Wambaya suffix -di is the same as the Class I absolutive prefix di- in Nungali.
The Class II non-absolutive suffix -ga, which is restricted to some kin terms in Wambaya
and Ngarnga, shows up as a more general Class II non-absolutive suffix in Jingili and as part
of the Class II dative prefix in Nungali. In fact the correspondence between the Wambaya and

6 From Bolt, Hoddinott and Kofod (1971b:63, 68-69, 75-76, 89-90).

7 Note that prefixes such as ma-, mi- and m- are very common in all non-Pama-Nyungan languages
marking a class which refers to non-flesh food, probably deriving from an earlier generic noun mayi (see
Dixon 1980:273).
 Comparative discussion of gender marking 263

the Nungali Class II non-absolutive forms is very neat: Nungali has nganyi-, nyanyi- (ERG)
and ganyi- (DAT) and Wambaya has -nga, -nya and -ga.
There is also a certain degree of similarity among the Class Iv markers. The Class Iv
suffix -ga found with some adjectives in Wambaya, is found as a prefix on Class Iv
demonstratives in Binbinka, and is similar to the Class Iv dative prefixes in Nungali (gi-, gu-)
and the gender base in the Class Iv demonstrative in Jingili: gu-. An original prefix gu- has
been retained in at least two Class iv Wambaya words: gurdurlu `heart' and guyiga `fire',
which are cognate with Nungali dulu and -yug respectively (Bolt, Hoddinott and Kofod
(1971b:143, 145)).
Table B5 contains the gender markers for each language that appear to have
correspondences in one or more of the other languages. In this table many distinctions made
in the more detailed tables above have been collapsed (such as the distinction between
ergative and dative non-absolutive forms in Jingili and Nungali). A question mark indicates
that the form is not known and a gap indicates that there is no correspondence in that
category. For the Binbinka dialect, only the demonstratives' gender markers have been
included; all other markers can be assumed to be the same as for Wambaya.
TABLE B5: CORRESPONDING GENDER MARKERS IN THE MIRNDI LANGUAGES
W B Ng J Nu
Class I Nom
ABS ji, -i _ -î, ji, -lyî ji, -i, -lyi di-, du-, da-
NABS -ni, -nyi, -di _ -ni, -nyi, -di -di, -ni, -li nyi-
-ngi, -na _ -ngi, -na, -li
Dem
ABS i- ji-
yi-, ni-, i- -rni, -ja-
NABS mi- mi-, mu mi- -mi yinya-
Class II Nom
ABS -ma, -nya, _ -ma, -nya, nya-, ana
-nga, -rda -nga, -da
NABS -nga,
-ga -nya -nga, -nya -nga, -ga nganyi-, nyanyi-
ganyi-
Dem
ABS ma- ma- ma-, a- -0, -nya- nya-
NABS nga- nga- nga- -nga nganya-
Class m Nom
ABS -ma _ -ma -mi ma-
NABS -mi _ ? -ma mi-
Dem
ABS ma- ma- -ma -ma ma-
NABS ? ? ? -ma ?
Class Iv Nom
ABS -a, -ja, -ga -a, -ja, -dga -u, -gu nu-, nuwa-
NABS -i _ ? ? nyi-, gi-, gu-
Dem
ABS ya- ya-, ga- a-, ma- -u, -gu- na-
NABS ? ? ? -u ?

Given the similarities between the West Barkly gender suffixes and the Nungali prefixes it
is quite clear that they have derived from a single system. The interesting question, therefore,
is how they became suffixes in the West Barkly languages and prefixes in Nungali. There are
three different possibilities. Firstly, Chadwick (1978:336ff) proposes that the gender suffixes
of the modem West Barkly languages developed from "postposed markers not previously
264 Appendix B

attached to the noun stem and simpler in form than the present suffixes" (p.336). However,
this analysis does not account for why the demonstratives should have gender prefixes and
not suffixes. A second possible analysis is that the gender suffixes, or at least the postposed
gender markers, developed from the reduction of postposed demonstratives. The strongest
argument for this analysis is that it accounts for the absence of gender suffixes on
demonstratives themselves:8 we would not expect demonstratives to be postposed to
demonstratives. A third proposal, suggested by Ian Green (1995:421) combines both of these
two ideas. Green suggests that in Proto Mirndi the precursors of the present-day case
markers were in fact postposed to the nominals as separate words, as Chadwick suggests.
However, he also argues that Proto Mirndi at the same time had gender-prefixed
demonstratives which alternated with these postposed gender markers (these gender markers
belonging to the overall demonstrative paradigm), thus explaining why the demonstratives
did not acquire gender suffixes also. In the West Barkly languages, then, these postposed
markers became fused with the noun stems as suffixes, and in Nungali these developed into
prefixes on following modifers, later being also extended to head nouns. It may not be
possible to find evidence that would distinguish my proposal from Green's, although further
research is clearly required.
In support of either of the latter two proposals is the strong similarity between the form of
the demonstrative gender prefixes and form of the pre-modern gender markers that Chadwick
reconstructs for the Eastern Group:
Eastern Group pre-modern gender markers (from Chadwick 1978:336)
I II III IV
ABS Ji ma ma a, u
NABS Ni nga
(Where Ji denotes either ji or yi and Ni either nî or mi.)
Except for Class IV, the forms of these markers are exactly the same as the Wambaya
prefixes found on demonstratives, and are also the same as the underlying gender suffixes
found with other nominals. The existence of Class Iv suffixes in Wambaya such as -ga and
-ja, as well as the demonstrative prefix ya-, suggests that the original Class IV marker may
have had an initial consonant, probably /g/. This is supported by the residual gu- prefix in
some Class iv forms (see above), the Binbinka Class Iv demonstrative prefix ga- and the
Class Iv demonstrative base in Jingili: -gu. Chadwick remains undecided as to whether the
pre-modern Class I absolutive marker should be reconstructed as jî or as yî. The fact that the
prefix ji- is found on some Class I demonstratives in Binbinka, and that it appears to be the
underlying Class I absolutive gender suffix on Wambaya nominals (see §4.2.2), suggests
that it may be better reconstructed as ji, with modern day (y)i forms (such as on Wambaya
demonstratives) having derived from ji by lenition of the initial consonant.

8 At least in the non-plural forms; gender suffixes are present in plural demonstratives.
 APPENDIX C
EASTERN GROUP AUXILIARIES

This section gives the forms of the auxiliaries in the other Eastern Group languages/
dialects. Tables C1-C3 contain the past, present and future tense forms of auxiliaries without
objects. Other suffixes marking aspect, mood and direction are given in Table C4. All
information is taken from Chadwick (1978:53-84, 95-111) which contains a more detailed
discussion) Wambaya forms are provided for comparative purposes (see Chapter 5 for a
detailed discussion of the auxiliary in Wambaya).
TABLE Cl: EASTERN GROUP PRESENT TENSE AUXILIARIES (WITHOUT OBJECTS)

W G B Ng
I SG.S/A ngi ngi yangi ngani
2SG.S/A nyi nyi yanji njani
3SG.S gi gama, gaina yanggî, yana, yama nggani (I, IV),
nani (II), manî (III)
3SG.M.A gini gani yana nani
3SG.NM.A ngiyi nganji yanji ngiyani
1 DU.INC.S/A mirndi mirndi yamîrnda mirndani
1 DU.EXC.S/A ngurlu ngurlu yaniurla ngurlanî
2DU.S/A gurlu gurlu yâgurla gurlani
3DU.S/A wurlu wurlu yawurla wurlani
I PL.INC.S/A ngurru ngurru yangurra ngurrani
ngirri ngîrrî yangirra ngirrani
2PL.S/A girri girri yagîrra gîrranî
3PL.S/A îrri wîrri yawirra irrani
TABLE C2: EASTERN GROUP PAST TENSE AUXILIARIES (WITHOUT OBJECTS)

W G B Ng
ISG.S/A nga ngima, nganyi nganî ngima
2SG.S/A nya nyima, nyanyî nyani njirna
3SG.S go gima, ganyî gani nggîrna (I, IV), nirna (II)
3SG.M.A gina ginima, ginanyi girnani nirna, nî
3SG.NM.A ngiya ngiyima, ngiyanyi ngiyanî ngiyi
IDU.INC.S/A mirnda mirndima, mirndanyi mirndani mirndi
IDU.INC.S/A ngurla ngurluma, ngurlanyi ~urlani ngurlu
2DU.S/A gurla gurluma, gurlanyî gurlanî gurlu
3DU.S/A wurla wurluma, wurlanyi wurlani wurlu
1 PL:INC.S/A ngurra ngurruma, ngurranyi rrani ngurru
IPL.EXC.S/A ngirra ngirrinza, ngirranyi ~yi_rrani ngirri
2PL.S/A girra girrima, girranyi girrani girri
3PLS/A irra wirrima, wirranyi wirrani irn

I have altered Chadwick's orthography to be consistent with the Wambaya orthography.

265
266 Appendix C

TABLE C.3: EASTERN GROUP FUTURE TENSE AUXILIARIES (WITHOUT OBJECTS)

W G B Ng
I SG.S/A ngu ngu, ngulu ngurla, nguba ngulu
2SG.S/A nyu nyu, nyulu nyurla, nyuba julu
3SG.S gu gu, gulu gurla, guba yulu
3SG.M.A gunu gunu, gunulu gurnurla, gurnuba nulu
3SG.NM.A nguyu nguyu, nguyulu nguyurla, nguyuba nguyulu
I DU.INC.S/A murndu murndu, murndulu murndurla, murnduba murndulu
1 DU.EXC.S/A ngurlu ngurlu, ngurlulu yurlurla, yurluba ngurlulu
2DU.S/A gurlu gurlu, gurlulu gurlurla, gurluba gurlulu
3DU.S/A wurlu wurlu, wurlulu wurlurla, wurluba wurlulu
1 PL.INC.S/A ngurru ngurru, ngurrulu yurrurla, yurruba ngurrulu
1 PL.EXC.S/A ngirri ngirri, ngirrili yirrirla, yirriba ngirrili
2PL.S/A gin-i girri, grrili girrirla, girriba girrili
3PL.S/A wîrri, wirrili wirrirla, wirriba inili

Auxiliaries with objects contain the same subject bound pronouns and tense suffixes as in
the charts above (Wambaya is the only member of the Eastern Group that has a different
system of tense marking in these auxiliaries than in auxiliaries without objects; see §5.2.1).
In all languages/dialects third person object is not overtly expressed in the auxiliary and object
bound pronouns register person only. The object bound pronouns in all languages/ dialects
are: ng(V) `first person object' and ny(V) `second person object'.
The only significant difference among auxiliaries with objects in the Eastern Group
languages is in the ordering of object bound pronouns and tense suffixes. The usual order is
subject-object-tense:
ngi-ny-a ISG.A-20-NF (W)
ngî-nya-ma 1SG.A-20-PST (G)
ngi-ny-ani I SG.A-20-PST (B)
ngi-ny-a I SG.A-20-PST (Ng)
but in Binbinka the order is subject—tense—object in the future tense:
ny-urla-nga 2SG.A-FUT-20 (B)
and tense—subject—object in the present tense:
ya-ngî-nya PR-ISG.A-20 (B)
Table C4 lists the other tense/aspect/mood suffixes, the directional suffixes and the
reflexive/reciprocal pronouns given in Chadwick (1978), along with the _ Wambaya
equivalents.
 Eastern Group auxiliaries 267

TABLE C4: EASTERN GROUP — OTHER TENSE, ASPECT, MOOD AND DIRECTIONAL
SUFFIXES2

W G B Ng
HAB.NP -ala -ala -ala -liya
HAB.PST -aji -maji -majî -agbangi
NP_ÀWY -(g)uba _ -ula
PST.AWY (g)any _ -iyarra
NP.TWD -ulama -ulagyanî
PST.TWD -amany _ _ -agyani
NACLPR3 -udî/-uji -udi/-iji udu/-uju -udani/-ujani
NACT.PST -udal-uja -uda/-uja ijani? -udu/-uja
HYP4 -agba yi-...-a? yi-...-a? -agba
RR -ngg(a) -ngga- -ngga- -ngga-

Note that the Wambaya past tense `direction away' suffix (-(g)any) is probably related to
the Jaminjung past tense form of the verb `go': gany (Cleverly 1968). Also, the Ngarnga
habitual past tense suffix (-agbangî) and the Wambaya `hypothetical' (irrealis) suffix
(-agba)5 may be related to the Ngaliwuru preterite form of the verb 'be', gagba (Bolt,
Hoddinott and Kofod 197la), or the Jaminjung verb form gagba meaning 'he was' (Cleverly
1968).6 Similarly, as Ian Green (1995:419) notes, the Wambaya habitual past suffix is
probably derived from yadj, the irrealis form of the Jaminjung auxiliary verb `be'.7

Note that there is some alternation among the initial vowels of these suffixes when they appear with
certain subject bound pronouns.
3 Chadwick calls this and the following suffix 'irrealis present' and 'irrealis past' respectively.
4 Chadwick calls this suffix 'irrealis future'.
5 It is not uncommon for habitual and irrealis categories to be formally related in northern Australian
languages (R. Green 1995).
6 I am indebted to Nick Evans for these observations.
7
See L Green (1995) for a more detailed discussion of the development of modern day auxiliares in the
Mirndi languages.
 APPENDIX D

WAMBAYA-ENGLISH WORD LIST

This list contains all of the open-class lexical items included in the most recent version of
the Wambaya dictionary, a long-term project currently in progress. In the interests of saving
space I have omitted all of the closed-class items, such as the demonstratives (§4.6), the
pronouns (§4.8), the clitics (§7.7.1), the auxiliaries (Chapter 5) and the skin names
(§1.2.3), all of which are discussed in detail in the grammar. While this is essentially a
Wambaya wordlist, I have included words from other languages/dialects that Wambaya
people commonly use. In addition, since the Wambaya and Gudanji communities are so
closely connected and the dialects so mixed in many people's speech, any Gudanji words
that have been collected are included here, even those that are not usually used by Wambaya
speakers. Whenever the source dialect of a word is known it has been provided in the entry.
However, it is highly likely that there are many Gudanji words included here that have not
yet been identified as such. Lexical items derived by many of the productive derivational
processes discussed in this grammar are included here, although this list is certainly not
exhaustive in this respect. The internal morphological structure of these words is provided
using underlying forms of the morphemes (e.g. gurinymi (gurij-mi `good-FAC')). When
the underlying form of the root is not known, the citation form is used (e.g. dabudabunymi
(dabudaburri-mi `weak-FAC')).
The entries in this wordlist are structured as follows (note that not all of the following
information is included in, or relevant to, all entries):

headword [phonetic], also (variant) ?also (alternative transcription), part of speech,

(Noun class; root-suffix `gloss'; dialect information; other grammatical information.)
1. most common meaning; 2. part of speech second sense, etc. [Scientific name]
(Further semantic/cultural information) [syn. (partial) synonym (dialect)]
In addition, the following extra abbreviations are used:
adj. adjective t.nom. time nominal
adv. adverb v. d. ditransitive verb
interrog. indefinite/interrogative V. i. intransitive verb (usually takes subject only)
inter. interjection v. refl. reflexive verb (requires reflexive object)
1.nom. locational nominal v.s. semi-transitive verb (takes indirect object)
n. noun v.t. transitive verb (takes direct object)

A abajabajirna, n., (II), 1. crazy, mad

person; 2. deaf person
abajabajami, v. t., (abajabaja-mi `crazy-
agardbi see wagardbi
FAC'), make crazy, make silly in the
head alajaji, n., (I), children, young guys [syn.
alangmiminji]
abajabaji, n., (I), 1. crazy, mad person; 2.
deaf person alaji, n., (I; Root = alag-), young boy
[syn. juga (Gw)]
268
 Wambaya-English word list 269

alalangarri see walalangarri baajbali also barajbali, n., (I), old man
alalangmi, v.i., hunt [syn. ngirrigbi (G)] [syn. bungmaji]
alanga, n., (II; Root = alag-), young girl babas, v.i., fly
[syn. ngila (Gw)] baba2, n., (I), older brother (including FBS,
alangmiminji, n., (I; derived from root MzS) [syn. bayiliji]
alag-), children, young boys [syn. babanya, n., (II), older sister (including
alajaji] FBD, MZD) [syn. bayilinya, bayida (G)]
alangmiminya, n., (II; derived from root babarra, v.d., tell [syn. didima]
alag-), young girls bagarrinji, n., (I), goanna sp. (Described
alima, inter., 1. goodbye; 2. well; 3. O.K. as small black goanna that lives in trees.)
aliyulu also waliyuln, v.t., find bagijbi, v.i., feel bad, feel no good
andajarri, vi., hide bagijbi, adj., see bagiji
angaanga, n., skin [syn. waba, gilwa] bagiji also bagijbi, adj., (I; baginga (iI),
angarra see wangarra bagiga (IV)), bad, no good
angarrurru, v.t., sing for something (i.e. baginymi, v.t., (bagij-mi `bad-FAC'),
to make it come close, be plentiful, etc.) make no good, cause to be bad
angbardi, v.t., build bagurrbi, v.i., sulk [syn. gurdurdu]
anggarrinja, adj., (IV), lacking [syn. bajaji, n., (I; Gudanji?), young man
guyalinja] bajarra, n., (IV), paperbark tree [syn.
Anjirringma, n., place on Anthony wararru]
Lagoon Station (Wambaya country) bajbaga, adj., (IV), big [syn. buguwa,
anka, n. (IV), life marliwa, ngamaji]
ankami, v.t., (anka-mi `alive-FAC'), give baji, v.i., grow (up)
life to, make come alive bajijurndu, v.t., bring up, `grow up'
anki, adj., (I), alive balaji, v.î./v.t.?, be sick from having been
ankurarri see wankurarri `sung'
anmurru also wanmurru, v.t., nurse, balamurru, n., (IV), spear [syn. mugura]
cuddle baliji, v.i., 1. be hungry; 2. be angry,
aradajbi, v.i., be busy cross
aradami also waradami, v.t., hassle, bamarra, n., (Iv; Gudanji?), mouth [syn.
`humbug' nganggarrga]
ardbi, v.i., call out (to), yell (to) banbardarda, adj.?, full up
ayani, v.s., look for [syn. wayani (G)] banbarla ?also barnbarla, adj., (Iv?), bald
ayigurrajbi also wayigurrajbi, adv., all banduma, n., (III), lower back, back [syn.
day, until sundown durrinja, didibarra]
ayigurru also wayîgurru, t.nom., banga, n., (IV), saliva, spittle [syn.
afternoon jabula]
bangarni, also bangarniga ?also
B bangani, adv.. here, this way
baajbalarna also barajbalarna, n., (II), banggajarra, n., (IV?), a different place,
old woman [syn. bungmanya] another place [syn. jabajabayarra (G)]
270 Appendix D

banggirra, n., (IV), knee is not a Wambaya word, but it is

banggulyana also banggulyi, n., (II), frequently used by Wambaya speakers.)
mosquito bargabarga see bardgabardga
banjangani, adv., behind barganyi see bardganyi
banjanganima, n., (III; Gudanji?), tail barinymi, v.d., show [syn.
[syn. judiyama] dirndirrinymi, mirridimi]
banjanmi, v.t., roll (hair) on leg to make barla, n., 1. cheekiness; 2. v.i., be angry;
string 3. v.t., fight with
banjarri, v.t., throw barlaji, v.i., be dead
banngarrardi, v.t., (banngarru-ardi barlajardi, v.t., (barlaji-ardi `dead-
warm-CAUS), dry something CAUS'), kill someone
banngarru, v.î., get warm barlanggubarlanggu, n., (IV), tree sp.
banya, v.t., wave (at) (similar to the gidgee tree) The sap from
banybayi, n., (I), father of boy to be this tree (marungma) is sweet and is
initiated sucked like a lolly.
banybayirna, n., (II), mother of boy to be barlugudba, n., (N?), cup
initiated barlumbarra, n., (Iv?), lagoon
banymi, v.t., pass by [syn. barulajbi] barlwara, l.nom., outside
barajbalarna see baajbalarna barnamuluma, v.refl., to flash lightning
barajbali see baajbali barnanggi, n., (I), Australian hobby?
baralala [ba'ralala], adv., all night, during [Falco longißennis] [syn.
the night, night-time gunggudabudabu]
bardbi, v.i., 1. run (person, animal); 2. barnangila, n., (I), `big father', FB (older);
flow (river); 3. blow (wind) [syn. bujbi MZH (where Mz is older than M)
(G)] barnangilinya, n., (II), FZ (older); MBW
bardgabardga also bargabarga, n., (IV), (where MB is older than M)
bark (of tree) barndanybarla, n., (IV) (barndany-barla
bardganyi also barganyi, v.t., follow `swear-AGNT(N)'), swear word
bardgu also bargu, v.î., (Takes an allative barndanyi, v.i., 1. swear; 2. v.t., swear
complement), 1. fall (down); 2. have a at, `growl at'
car accident barnga, n., (I), 1. male cross-cousin (FZS,
bardgujirrimi, v.t., (bardgu-jirrimi MBS); 2. friend
`fall-CADS'), cause to fall, drop barngala, v.i., to have one's legs crossed
bardibardi, n., (I), `poor bugger' [syn. (yoga style)
bayibayi] (There is a lot of argument barnganya, n., (II), female cross-cousin
about this word. Some claim that it is (FZD, MBD)
not a Wambaya word, but it is barnmarrarna ?also barnmarrana, n.,
frequently used by Wambaya speakers.) (II?), white cloth headband worn by
bardibardirna, n., (II), `poor bugger' women during ceremony
[syn. bayibayirna] (There is a lot of barraala, n., (II), sulphur-crested cockatoo
argument about word. Some claim that it [Cacatua galerita]
barrawu, n., (IV), house
 Wambaya-English word list 271

barrgu, n., (Iv?), nulla-nulla, fighting stick binmala, n., (Iv?), instrument used to
[syn. gudbajirra] carve boomerangs [syn. ngarajagana,
barrnganbi, v.s., look for a boyfriend/ ngarlarrgu]
girlfriend binyirda, n., (IV?), sugarbag wax
barulajbi, v.i., (Gudanji?), go past [syn. birdarri, v.t., (Gudanji), track [syn.
banymi] jarrgi]
bawunmi, v.i.?, practice dancing birdbirrga, n., (IV?), the sharp point on
bawurrbi, v.i., snore one end of the boomerang-carving
bayibayi, n., (I), `poor bugger' [syn. instrument, to decorate the boomerang
bardibardi] birnmanma, n., (III), throat [syn.
bayibayina, n., (II), `poor bugger' [syn. gurranganyma]
bardibardirna] birrida, n., (II?), Australasian grebe
[Tachybaptus novaehollandiae]
bayida, n., (II; Gudanji), older (or oldest?)
sister (including FBD, MZD) [syn. birrimbirra, n., (IV?), plant sp. (This is a
babanya, bayilinya] green plan t with a nice smell that grows
underneath lignum.)
bayigina, n., (II), bag [syn. munmagana]
birrirri, v.i., shake, shiver
bayiliji, n., (I), older brother (including
birriwililyi ?also birriwi'rrilyi, n., (I?),
FBD, MZD) [syn. baba]
parrot sp.
bayilinya, n., (II), older sister (including
bubuyirna, n., (II), (children's?) python
FBD, MZD) [syn. babanya, bayida]
budburri, v.i.?, hit tops of crossed legs
bayungu, l.nom., west
(women only) (This is what the women
bibi, adv., (Gudanji), a little while [syn. do in certain parts of the initiation
mundurumi (G?), warlugu] ceremony while the men clap their
bibiyurru, n., (I), deceased adult male boomerangs.)
bibiyurrurna, n., (II), deceased adult bugarru, n., (I), boss [syn. marliyi,
female mungguji, ngannguyi]
bigala, n., (II: Gudanji?), shoulder [syn. bugayi, adj., (I), big [syn. marliyi,
marlanganji] ngamaji (G)]
bigilanyi, v.t., (Gudanji), carry on bugurabi, v.i., be grey-haired
shoulders [syn. labalabaj buguramila, n., (II), one having grey hair
bigirra, n., (IV), green grass buguramilyi, n., (I), one having grey hair
bilama, n., (IV?), grass sp. (The seeds of buguwa, adj., (IV), big [syn. bajbaga,
this grass can be used to make damper.) marliwa]
bililarri, v.i. ?, flood
buja, v.i., (give off) smell
bilimbila [bi'limbi'la], adj., (IV), flat bujanga, v.t., (perceive) smell
binbayi, n., (I?; Gudanji), freshwater bujarda, n., (H?), white snake sp. (Lives in
crocodile [syn. warriji] trees, jumps from one tree to another.)
binbinkuma, v.t., 1. shake off, brushoff; bujbi, v.i., (Gudanji), run [syn. bardbi]
2. shake head, shake hair out. [syn.
bujili, n., (IV), bottle
durndurlimi]
272 Appendix D

bujirringa, v.refl., rub one's itchy nose bungmanya, n., (II; Root = bungmaj-),
(An itchy nose is said to mean that old woman [syn. baajbalarna]
someone is talking about you.) bungmungmaji, n., (I; reduplicaton of
bulalajarlu, n., (Iv?), upper arm [syn. bungmaji), old men
munngujarlu] bungmungmanya, n., (II; reduplicaton of
bulinama, t.nom., (Gudanji), tomorrow bungmanya), old women
[syn. ngijininima] bunjunymi, v.t., sneak up on
bulingi, n., (I), boy who has been bunjurrgbarra, v.t., kneel down to, bend
initiated, `young man' [syn. yaaba] down to
bulinja, n., (IV?), algae bunmajarda, n., (I), a show-off, someone
bulmanji ?also burrmanji, n., (I?; who likes himself [syn. ngunngajarda]
Gudanji?), fish sp. (Described as being bunmajardarna, n., (II), show-off,
like a bream but with a big mouth.) someone who likes herself [syn.
bulubulugbi ?also bululugbi, v.i., float ngunngajardarna]
bulunbuluda, n., (II?), spoonbill sp. bunubununa, n., (II), file snake
bulunbulunji, n., plant sp. [Portulaca bunybarrimi, v.t., open something
pilosa] (Grassy plant, with flowers like
bunyma, n., (III), arse
cotton wool. Used for jaraji.)
buringi [bu'ringi], n., (I), wichetty grub
bulungurna, n., (II), young woman, girl
burinyma, n., (III?), spinifex
who has had her first menstruation [syn.
gurdangirra] burlinja, v.t., 1. smoke; 2. whistle
bulurna, n., dark (rain) cloud burlinjana, n., (IV?), cigarette, pipe
bulyi, n., football burlugardi, v.d., (Takes an allative
indirect object), 1. soak, put in water; 2.
bulyingi, adj., (I; bulyungurna (II),
v. ref l., describes the action of a bird
bulyungu (IV)), little [syn. gubaja,
ducking under water to fish
munduru (G)]
burlurlandu, v.t., blow away, blow about
bulyuluma, n., (III), bread [syn. (of wind)
manganyma]
burnariga, n., (IV), wild orange tree
bumarna, n., (II?), grass snake [Capparis umbonata]
bundurra, n., (IV), meal burnaringma, n., (III), wild orange fruit
bundurrijbi, v.i., (bundurru-jbi `full- burrgbanju, v.t.?, 1. blow nose; 2. blow
INCH'), 1. be/get full; 2. be pregnant on something
bundurru, adj., (Iv), full burrgunji, n., (I), frog
bundurrumi, v.t., (bundurru-mi 'full- burriiji, n., (I), bird sp.
FAC'), feed, make full
burruburru n., (IV), paper
bundurrurna, adj., ( II ), 1. full; 2.
burruburrumi, v.t., roll up (i.e. into a
pregnant
ball)
bungbari, v.i., come out, come up
burruburrurna, n., (II), caterpillar
bungbungbi, v.t., suck on something
burrulyi, n., (I), tadpole
bungmaji, n., (I; Root = bungmaj-), old burruna also burruuna, n., ornamental
man [syn. baajbali] scars
 Watnbaya-English word list 273

burrunjuna, n., (-11), little button-quail danggulyanymi, v.t., (danggulyaj-mi

[Turnix velox] `be wrinkled-FAC'), to cause to wrinkle,
burulyi, n., (I), small round grinding stone to cause to age
buwarraja, n., (IV), 1. dream; 2. danggulyijbi, v.i., (danggulyaj-jbi 'be
Dreaming, Dreamtime story wrinkled-INCH'), wrinkle, be wrinkled
buwarrajinga, v.t., dream about danidani, n., (I?; Gudanji?), dollarbird
[Eurystomus orientalis]
buyarragu [bû yarragu], n., (W), silver
box gum [Eucal}ptus pruinosa] dankurra, adj., (IV?), yellow
buyunku, n., the middle, halfway danmuga, n., (IV), clapping sticks
buyurru, adj., (IV), 1. dry [syn. danmurrana, n., (II), bird sp.
(kingfisher?)
warrawulyi]; 2. n. dry season
danngani, t.nom., lunchtime [syn.
mugunjana]
D danya, n., (IV), clothes
dabudabunymi, v.t., (dabudaburri-mi
dardaluma, v.t., hammer
`weak-FAC'), make weak, make unable
dardbiyardi, v.t., pile up, heap up [syn.
to
ijijardi]
dabudaburri, v.î., be weak, be unable to
darima, n., ([II), bush plum
dabuluna, n., (II?), slippery lizard
darralyagi, n., (Iv?), bloodwood?
daburri, v.t., (Gudanji), burn [syn. najbi]
[Eucalyptus terminalis]
dadada, n., (II?), plover [syn. darramalama, n., (III), lily root
dajarrarrana]
darranggu, n., (IV), 1. stick; 2. tree
daguma, v.t., L hit (with hand); 2. fight (generic)
[syn. majbi (G)]
darrgbi, v.i., (Gudanji), bust, explode
dajarrarrana, n., (II?), plover [syn. [syn. jijambi]
dadada]
darrgulumi, v.t., 1. pierce, stab [syn.
dajbidajbi, n., (I), grasshopper jimbulu]; 3. cause to crack, cause to
dalwarranji, n., (I), darter, diver duck? hatch (of eggs)
[Anhinga melanogaster] darridarri, v.i.?, be in a line
dalwi, v.i., (Gudanji), go [syn. yarru] darrmanji, n., (I), brolga [Grus
dalyaganyi, v.t., spear [syn. dudiyarri] rubicundus]
damangga, n., (I1), head [syn. guyuguya dawu, v.t., 1. bite; 2. cut (of tree) [syn.
(G)] gudayibi (G)]
damanggayi, n., (I), man who has cut off dawujbarli, n., (I; dawu-j-barli 'bite-TH-
his hair in mourning for his child AGNT(I)'), one who bites [syn.
damanggayirna, n., (II), woman who has gudayibarli (G)]
cut off her hair in mourning for her child dawujbarlirna, n., (II; dam u-j-barlirna
damanymi, v.t_, (damarla(?)-mi 'bite-TH-AGNT(II)'), one who bites [syn.
`smooth-FAC'). make smooth gudayibarlirna (G)]
damarla, adj., (W?), smooth dawurdawurra ['dawurda'wurra], n., (IV;
danbarra, v.i_, be lazy Gudanji?), hill country
danggulyana, n., (II), one who is wrinkled
274 Appendix D

didbidbulyi see didbidbunga duri, v.t., fuck

didbidbunga also didbidbulyi, v.t., argue durnajana, n., (n?; derived from
with durnajarri `cover up'), blanket
didibarra, n., (IV?), backbone, back [syn. durnajarri, v.t., cover up [syn. jaji]
banduma, durrinja] durnbu, n., (IV?), rubbish
didija, v.t., carry under arm on hip (esp. durndurlimi, v.t., shake something off
coolamon) [syn. binbinkuma]
didilayi, n., (I?; Gudanji?), kite sp. durra, v.i., be frightened [syn. ilagbi (G)]
(whistling kite?)
durrajbarli, n., (I; durra-j-barli `be
didima, v.d., tell [syn. babarra] frightened-TH-AGNT(I)'), one who is
dingbari, v.i., fly up (into the sky) fearful [syn. ilagbarli (G)]
dirdibili, v.t., (Requires singular object.), durrajbarlirna, n., (u; durra-j-barlirna
clap (objects) together `be.frightened-TH-AGNT(II)'), one who
dirdibulyi, n., (I), peewee, Australian is fearful [syn. ilagbarlirna (G)]
magpie-lark [Grallina cyanoleuca] durrinja, n., (IV?), 1. back [syn.
dirndijat, adj., right side, right-handed banduma, didibarra]; 2. star formation
dirndija2, adj., (IV?), straight said to be a goanna's backbone; 3. adv.,
dirndinymi, v.t., (dirndij-mi 'straight- having one's back to
FAC'), make straight durrugidurrugi ['durrugi'durrugi], n.,
dirndirrinymi, v.d., 1. teach; 2. show, mirage
point out [syn. barinymi, mirridimi] duwa, v.î., 1. get up (and leave); 2. get out
dirragbi, v.i., jump (of pouch, egg etc.)
dirrbi, v.î., fart
dudba, n., (II?; Gudanji?), whiskered G
(marsh) tern [Chlidonias hybrida] gabaji, n., (I), a man's dance, part of the
dudiyarri, v.t., spear, pierce [syn. initiation ceremony
dalyaganyi] gabalama, n., (III), yam sp. (Described as
dudu, n., (Iv?; Gudanji?), the bush [syn. being like the jigama, but sweet and a
gurdu] bit watery and does not grow on the
plains.)
dula, v.t., chase away [syn. dunkala,
irriburdu] gaburri, n., (I?), lizard sp. (left-hand
lizard?)
dulanymi, v.t., 1. wake somebody up; 2.
raise, take something out from its gagabara, v.i., to `feel funny in mouth for
resting/cooking place tobacco'
dumbi, v.î., be scared; be a `chicken' gagama, n., (III), 1. shit; 2. guts [syn.
(Slang word, used in teasing.) ngangma]
dungala, n., (Iv?; Gudanji?), cock-rag gagarra, l.nom., east
dunkala ?also dunggala, v.t., chase gagbi v.i. ?, stick, be stuck
away, `hunt away' [syn. dula, gagulinya, n., (II), younger sister
irriburdu] (including FBD, MZD) [syn. gagurda]
durdurrgu, v.s., (Gudanji), say, talk, gagulu, n., (I), younger brother (including
speak [syn. ngarlwi] FBS, MZS)
 Wambaya-English word list 275

gaguna, n., (II?), fish sp. [syn. gambararda, n., (II), Mz (older), FBW
mankularrana] (older) [syn. gambaranya]
gagurda, n., (U), younger sister (including gambaranya, n., (II), MZ (older), FBW
FBD, MZD) [syn. gagulinya] (older) [syn. gambararda]
gaguwi, n., (I), fish (generic) gambardarda ?also gambadada, adv.,
gajagaja, n., (I; Gudanji), son (male ego), around sunrise, early in the morning
BS [syn. jajila, jawanaji (G)] gamburugulanga ?also
gajbi, v.t., 1. eat; 2. have sexual gambarugulanga, n., (H), mother and
intercourse with daughter pair
gajigajirra, adv., fast, quickly garni, v.i., 1. smile; 2. laugh [syn.
gamijbi (G)]
gajura, n., (Iv; Gudanji?), tree sp. (This is
the tree used to make boats.) gamijanga, v.t., laugh at
gajurru, v.i., dance (of women) gamijbi, v. i., (Gudanji), laugh [syn.
galaa ?also garlaa, n., (W), bone garni]
gamula, n., (Iv?), water coolamon [syn.
galagama, n., (III?), pigweed [Portulaca
oleraceal] lujuluju]
galagbi, v.i?, 1. disbelieve; 2. not heed ganarrgulyi, n., (I; Gudanji?), baby
advice kangaroo
galalarrarna, n., (II), female dog [syn. ganbagaguna, n., (II?), heron sp.
janya (G)] ganbalaga, v.i., `belly-up', to lie on one's
galalarrinji, n., (II), dog [syn. janji (G), back
wanggamayi (G)] ganbunuma, v.t., cover over with hot dirt
(re `cooking' new born babies)
galama, n., (III), nose
ganburna, n., (IV), ashes (in general);
galiba, adj.?, deep
(more usually) ashes from the bark of
galima, v.t., dig out of fire the coolibah tree that are mixed with
galuli, adj., (I; galulurna (II)), clean chewing tobacco [syn. jurlurrburra,
galunji, n., (I?), black kite [Milvus garnga]
migrans] ganbuwi, n., (I?), water snake sp.
galyanymi, v.t., 1. peel (off); 2. scrape gandaniyama, n., (III), kneecap
galyurringi, n., (I), water [syn. nguwi gandurru, n., (IV), lower leg
(G), warnami]
gangbirna, n., (II), gecko
galyurrungurna, n., (II), rain
ganggu, n., (I), FF
gamamurri, n., (I), blind man [syn.
ganggumiji, n., (I), SS (male ego), BSS
murluwaji]
gangguminya, n., (II), SD (male ego), BSD
gamamurrunga, n., (II), blind female
ganggunya, n., (II), FEZ, FMBW •
[syn. murluwajarna]
gangma, n., (III?), rainbow
gambada ?also gambarra, gambarda, n.,
(II), sun ganinggi, v.î., come close up, be close up
gambanyurna, n., (III), wild potato ganinggiji, adj.?, (I), close
gambara, n., (1), 11/44B (older), FZH (older) Ganjarrani, n., Place along McArthur
River (Gudanji country)
276 Appendix D

ganjimi, v.t., 1. finish; 2. adv., all gariirda, n., (II), wife, WZ, BW [syn.
ganjurrardi, v.t., put side-by-side garinya, munggujbilinya]
gankima, adj., (III?), raw [syn. garinya, n., (II), wife, WZ, BW [syn.
gurlurdarri] gariirda, munggujbilinya]
ganmanmi, v.t., go close behind garlangga ?also garlanka, n., (IV), sand,
something/someone, get close to sandhill
someone/something garlarlardi, v.t., (garlarli-ardi `fall into
gannga, v.i., return hole-CADS'), put something into a hole
ganybalinya, n., (II?), stone axe [syn. (i.e. one's arte into a goanna hole)
nyinggarna] garlarli, v.i., slip down into hole, fall into
ganybirra, n., meat (not commonly used) hole
[syn. gunju, yangaji] garligarli, n., (IV?), sharpened flat stone,
ganybulanyi, n., (I), cat stone knife (used to shape boomerangs
[syn. jabirri (G)]
garagara, n., (Iv?), tree sp.
garlimbaji, n., (I), rib [syn. wanmirri]
garajbi, v.i., to want to do something
garlwarlwana ?also galwalwana, n., (II),
gararna, n., (II?), fish sp.
crested pigeon [Geophaps lophotes]
gardaala [ga'rdaala], n., (IV), gidgee tree
garnaa, adj., (IV; garnayi (I), garnayirna
[syn. gardawala (G)]
(II), garnama (III)), 1. long; 2. tall
gardaalanji [gâ rdaalanji], n., (I; derived
Garnalanja, n., Place somewhere near
from gardaala `Gidgee tree'], people of South Nicholson River (Waanyi
Brunette Downs area country)
gardajali, n., (I), devil-devil garnanganjana, n., (II), emu [Dromaius
gardawala, n., (Iv; Gudanji), gidgee tree novaehollandiae]
[syn. gardaala] garnanybi, v.t., sift
gardawurri, n., (I?), wrist (also lower garnarnda, v.d., 1. send; 2. allow to
arm?)
garnawunka, n., (Iv?), lancewood
gardibirra, n., (IV?), 1. armpit [syn. [Acacia shirleyii]
wanyga (G)]; 2. skin group (generic)
garndani, v.t., shield, block
[syn. marndurra]
garndarndawuga, adj., (Iv; derived from
gardunganji, n., (I), father-in-law, DH
garndawuga `one'), few, a little bit
(male ego), BDH [syn. lambarra]
garndarra, v.t., make trouble for someone
gardurrardi, v.ref1., sit with straight legs
garndawuga, adj., (Iv; garndawugi (I)),
gardurranyi, v.t., step over the
one [syn. jandaji]
outstretched legs of
garnga, n., (Iv?), ashes, esp. those chewed
Gargarguwaja also gargargwaja ?also
along with tobacco [syn. ganburna]
gagaguwaja, n., Anthony Lagoon
Station (Wambaya country) garngujbala, adj., (Iv; garngujbali (I),
garngujbalarna (H)), many, `big mob'
gargargwaja see gargarguwaja
[syn. garnguja]
gari, n., (I), husband, HB, ZH [syn.
garnguja, adj., (Iv; garnguji (I),
munggujbila]
garngunya (II), garngunyma (III)),
many, `big mob' [syn. garngujbala]
 Wambaya-English word list 277

garngulugulu, n., little lizard sp. gayinanka, înterrog., 1. why; 2. for some
[Lopbognathus temporalis?] reason
garninyanji, n., (I), bush turkey, kori gayini, interrog., (I; gayinirna (II),
(Australian) bustard [Ardeotis kori] gayina (IV)), 1. what, who, which; 2.
garnmangga, n_, (W), 1. jaw; 2. cheek someone, something
garnumba, n., wet season gayirra, n., (IV), cooking site
garranbi, v.i., stand gayirrima, v.t., roast (in coals)
garrangulinya, n., (II), MZ (younger) Gibimija, n., No. 2 bore at Anthony
[syn. gujinya, gujinganjarda] Lagoon (Wambaya country)
garranjardi, v.t., (garranj-ardi `stand gigura, n., tern sp.
up-CAUS'), make stand up gijana, n., (II?), bull ant
garrankajbi, v.i., be short of breath [syn. gijigijibi, v.t. ?, tickle
ngarrgudi] gijilulu, n., (IV), money
garrbagarrbalyi, v.i., cramp; be numb; gilinmi, v.t., 1. make a split (e.g. across
have `pins and needles' the top of a piece of wood (when
garrbanbi, v.i., have a cramp making an axe) to put the stone head
garrgalyi, n., (n, plains lizard
into); 2. make a tear (e.g. in clothes)
garrgarrgayi, n., (I?), hawk sp., giliyaga also giliya, adv., there, over
`chickenhawk' there [syn. ginki]
garrijanymi, v.t., make cool gilwa, n., (IV?), 1. dry peeling skin; 2.
scar; 3. skin of fruit/vegetable; 4. shell;
garrijarrija, n., (IV), cold weather [syn.
5. foreskin.
ngajirra]
gilyinkilyida, n., (II?), galah [Cacatua
garriji, v.î., be cold [syn. ngajirri]
roseicapilla]
garrinji, n., (n, jabiru, black-necked stork
giminka, n., (IV?), 1. woomera (from Ken
[Epbippiorhynchus asiaticus]
Hale's notes) [syn. ngarliga]; 2. swear
garruji, n., (I?), big black spider word (meaning penis?)
garrunyama, v.t., brown in coals gimurra, n., (IV), bad luck
garrunyma, n., (III?), 1. road; 2. milky ginbila, adv., (Gudanji), long time ago?
way [syn. marndija]
garrurdarna, n., boil [syn. ngundurrima gindarni, n., vagina (from Ken Hale's
(G)]
notes) [syn. jindinarri, lurrguma]
garuga, n., (IV), scrub
ginganbi, v.i., drown
gawula, n., (II?), white-faced heron
ginggirra, n., (IV), wild rice (Traditionally
[Ardea novaebollandiae] the grains were pounded and sifted into
gawunka, n., (II?), possum flour and used to make bread.)
Gayana, n., Kiana Station (Waanyi ginguli, n., (I), hook
country)
ginima, n., (III?), spinifex wax
gayangga, l.nom., 1. high; 2. top, above
gininyangmi, v.t., give cheek to, provoke
gayanggamî, v.t_, (gayangga-mi 'high-
someone [syn. jidanymi]
FAC'), make go high, lift up
ginjiji, v.i.?, cheeky, mischievous
gayarra, n., (IV), desert
ginkanyi, adv., this way, in this direction
278 Appendix D

ginki, adv., there [syn. giliyaga] gugujbi, v.i., shift places, move location
ginmanji, adv., here, this way [syn. irridbi]
ginyagbanji, n., (I; Gudanji?), flying fox gugumiji, n., (I), DS (female ego), ZDS
[syn. wundugarri] guguminya, n., (H), DD (female ego), ZDD
girl, n., clitoris gugunya, n., (II), MM, MMBD, MFZD,
girrgila, n., (IV), crack FZSW [syn. gugurda]
girrili, v.i., make noise gugurda, n., (II), MM [syn. gugunya]
girrina, n., (IV?), 1. red ochre; 2. red [syn. gujangga, n., (IV), tooth [syn. lija (G)]
warrabubu] gujarra, adj., (IV; gujarri (I), gujarrarna
girrinyi, n., (I?), red ant with black (II), gujarrama (HI)), two [syn.
abdomen gujarrawulu]
girriya, n., (II), woman [syn. nayida, gujarrawulu, adj., two [syn. gujarra]
nardurna (G)] gujiga, n., (IV), the ceremony sung for
girundajbi, v.î., sweat male initiation
gubaja, adj., (Iv; gubaji (I); Gudanji), gujinganjarda ?also gujinganjarra, n.,
little, short [syn. bulyingi, gurlaanji (II), mother, MZ (younger), FBW, FZSD
(G), munduru (G)] [syn. garrangulinya, gujinya]
gubija, n., (Iv?), glans penis gujinya, n., (II), mother, MZ (younger),
guda, n., (Iv; Gudanji), stone [syn. FBW, FZSD [syn. garrangulinya,
namirra] gujinganjarda]
gudayibarli, n., (I; Gudanji; gudayi-barli gujuguju, n., (I), puppy
`bite-AGNT(I)'), one who bites [syn. gulagurra see lagurra
dawujbarli] gulamandarrina, n., (II?), long-neck turtle
gudayibarlirna, n., (II; Gudanji; gudayi- gulangunya, n., (II), blue-tongue lizard
barlirna `bite-AGNT(II)'), one who bites [syn. milirrgbarna]
[syn. dawujbarlirna] gulayirda, v.t., carry on head
gudayibi, v.t., (Gudanji), bite [syn. gulbalawuji, n., (I; Gudanji), Australian
dawu] magpie [Gyinnorbina tibicen] [syn.
gudbajirra, n., (Iv?), nulla-nulla, fighting iburraji]
stick [syn. barrgu] gulinya, n., (II), D (female ego), ZD, FMBD
gudijbi, v.t., 1. lose (also in the sense of (both egos?), FFZD (both egos?)
someone having died); 2. forget; 3. guliyambirra ?also gurliyambirra, n.,
v.refl., die (I), greedy person
gudingi, n., (I), bush rat guliyambirrarna, n., (II), greedy person
gugbarimi, v.t., choke someone guliyarri, v.t., bury
gugu, n., (I), MMB, MFZH, MFZS?, gulu, n., (I), S (female ego), ZS, FMBS
MMBS?, FZDH (both egos?), FFZS (both egos?)
gugujardi, v.t., (guguj-ardi `move gulugardi, v.t., (gulug-ardi 'sleep-
location-CAUS'), 1. push, force away, CAUS'), lay down
send away; 2. kick (with `foot' as gulugbarli, n., (I; gulug-barli 'sleep-
instrumental adjunct) AGNT(I)'), one who sleeps a lot
 Wambaya-English word list 279

gulugbarlirna, n., (I; gulug-barlirna gurdanymila, n., (II), sick person [syn.
`sleep-AGNT(II)'), one who sleeps a lot marlumarlurna]
gulugbi, v.i, sleep gurdu, n., (IV), the bush [syn. dudu (G?)]
gulugugurna, n., (Il?), diamond dove gurdumi, v.t., deafen, be too noisy for
[Geopelia cuneata] someone
gulugulinya, n., (II?), tawny frogmouth gurduminja, n., (IV), Aboriginal name,
[Podargus strigoides] `bush' name (generic)
gululyi, n., (I), maggot gurdurdu, v.i., sulk [syn. bagurrbi]
gulumbinya, n., (II), hawk sp. gurdurlu, n., (IV), heart [syn. marala]
gumarra, n., (Iv?), calf (of leg) [syn. gurijal, n., (W?), women's ceremony
ngalyangalya] [syn. yawulyu]
gumayangu, n., (Iv), cave gurija2, n., (IV), fat, grease
gumbu, n., (Iv), 1_ urine; 2. v.i., to urinate gurijbi' also guriji, adj., (I; gurijbirna
gumundungu, n., (iv?), long hat worn by (II), gurijbama (III), gurijba (IV)), good
men during ceremony gurijbi2, v.i., feel good
gunaarruna see gunawurruna gurijbijbina ?also gurijbibina, n., (II?),
gunawurruna also gunaarruna flock Australian pratincole [Stiltia isabella]
bronzewing [Pbaps bistrionica] guriji, adj., see gurijbi
gunbi, n., (I), blanket lizard [syn. gurinymi, v.t., (gurij-mi `good-FAC'),
mankunyi] 1. make good, make better; 2. adv.,
gunggudabudabu, n., Australian hobby ? properly, well.
[Falco longipennis] [syn. barnanggi] gurlaanji also gurlawanji, adj., (I;
gunju, n., (IV), meat [syn. ganybirra, Gudanji), short [syn. munduru (G),
yangaji] gubaja]
gunjugunja, n., (IV?), plant sp. (The root gurlirra, v.t.?, to gash one's head in
of this plant looks like an onion and is mourning
used for bush medicine.) gurlugurla, adj., (IV?), round
gunku, inter., `I don't know' gurlurdarri, adj., (I), raw [syn. gankima]
gunkunmi, v.t., look after, care for [syn. gurluribi, v.t., make one feel nauseous
nananga] gurlurlardi, v.t., spill, tip over [syn.
gunya, adj., (iv; gunyi (I), gunyarna (II)), munggardi]
another, other gurnarlu, n., (IV?), vine sp. (Grows up
gunyarri, v.t., turn over, turn around other trees.)
gunymana, n., ( II?), straw-necked Ibis gurranganyma, n., (III) 1. front of neck,
[Tbreskiornis spinicollis] throat; 2. voice [syn. birnmanma]
gurda, v.refl., 1. be sick; 2. v.i? die gurranja, adj., (IV?), shallow
gurdagurdarna, adj. (II; gurdagurdi (I)), gurranji, v.i., be thirsty
heavily asleep
gurrgbarra, v.t., stare
gurdajirrimi, v.t., (gurda-jirrimi `be
gurrguji, n., (I), southern boobook owl
sick-CAUS'), 1. make sick; 2. kill
[Ninox novaeseelandiae]
gurdangirra, n., (II), young woman
without kids [syn. bulungurna]
280 Appendix D

gurrgurli, v.t., cut open a goanna (to ilagbi, v.s.? (Gudanji), be frightened, be
remove the back bone) shy [syn. durra]
gurrinya, n., (II; Gudanji), white woman ilanji, adj., (I), 1. cooked; 2. ripe
[syn. marndanga, wanmarri (G)] ilarrarna ?also ilarrana, n., (II)
gurrugurrumi, v.t., to rock a child, `eaglehawk', wedge-tailed eagle
bounce on knee, soothe child to sleep [Aquila audax]
guruburrardi, v.t., (guruburri-ardi `be ilarri, n., (I?), grog, alcohol [syn.
unconscious-CAUS'), to knock someone Iunggarra, ngaragana]
out iliga, n., (IV), sore
guruburri, v.i., 1. be unconscious; 2. feel iligirra also yiligirra, n., (IV), river [syn.
faint marnangga (G?)]
guwarla [gu'warla], n., (Iv?), single ilijbi also yilijbi, adj., (I; ilijbirna also
women's camp yilijbirna (II)), alone
guyala, inter., 1. no, nothing; 2. part. ililirri, n., (IV), rivers
can't, modal negative (In this function,
must co-occur with irrealis marking in ilinga, v.t., 1. hear, listen; 2. remember
the auxiliary.) [syn. manku]
guyalinja, adj., (IV), lacking [syn. ilirri, n., (I), blood
anggarrinja] ilyinmi, v.t., crawl (on/in/along) [syn.
guyiga, n., (IV), fire [syn. ngangaba] junku]
guyuguya, n., (Iv; Gudanji), head [syn. ilyirrga, n., (IV), leaf [syn. wanjirra]
damangga] indilyawurna, n., (II), curlew, bush thick-
guyuwarna, n., (II?), dead child knee (stone curlew) [Burhinus
grallarius]
indirra also yindirra, n., (IV), root
I indura, n., snake sp. (red and yellow
ibijibiji ['ibi'jibi'ji], n., (I?), eyelashes snake?)
iburraji, n., (I), magpie [syn. inijbi also yinijbi, v.t., gossip about
gulbalawuji (G)] someone
idanyi, v.t., (Gudanji), get [syn. yanybi] injani, interrog., 1. where (to); 2.(to)
idarangga also yidarangga, n., (IV?), somewhere
kidney injannga, interrog., 1. where from; 3.
idii, inter., Shit! (exclamation when from somewhere
something has gone wrong) inma, v.t., side with someone (e.g. in a
ijijardi, v.t., heap up, pile up [syn. fight)
dardbiyardi] irda also yirda, n., (I), father, FB, MZH
ilagbarli, n., (I; ilag-barli `be frightened- (where MZ is not older than M)
AGNT (I)'; Gudanji), fearful person [syn. irdinya also yirdinya, n., (II), FZ, MBW
durrajbarli] (where MB is not older than M) [syn.
ilagbarlirna, n., (II; ilag-barlirna `be iriyirda, iriyilinya]
frightened-AGNT (II)'; Gudanji), fearful iriyilinya [i'riilinya], n., (II), FZ, `aunty'
person [syn. durrajbarlirna] [syn. irdinya, iriyirda]
 Wambaya-English word list 281

iriyirda [i'riirda], n., (II), FZ, `aunty' [syn. jagina, v.refl., to lie on one's back with
irdinya, iriyilinya] one knee bent and the ankle of the other
irriburdu, v.t., chase away, `hunt away' leg resting on the bent knee
[syn. dula, dunkala] jagugayi, n., (I), fresh-water mussel [syn.
irrijardi, v.t., (irrij-ardi `move places- nguyiminji, marlangarri (G),
CAUS'), move something nganggayi (G)]
irrijabi, v.t:, to scratch, scrape jagurdi, v.î., be silent, shut up
irrijbi, v.i., move from one place to jaji, v.t., close, cover up, shut off [syn.
another [syn. gugujbi] durnajarri]
irrilyi also yirrilyi, n., (I?), nail, claw jajila, n., (I), S (male ego), BS [syn.
jawanaji (G), gajagaja (G)].
irringgurli, v.i., mess around with
someone else's things jajilinya, n., (II), D (male ego), BD [syn.
jajirda, jawananya (G)]
irrinymi, v.t., give an order, tell someone
what to do jajirda, n., (II), D (male ego), BD [syn.
jajilinya, jawananya (G)]
jalabanya, n., (II?), lizard sp. (Small,
J grey, slippery and lives in trees. Good
jaabi, n., wart for catching flies.)
jabajabayarra, n., (IV?; Gudanji), another jaladi, v.t., to give birth (of person)
place, a different place [syn.
jalandabi, v.i., go down, descend
banggajarra]
jalanggubi, v.i., burp
jabarnda, v.î., vomit
jalaayi, adv., 1. today; 2. now
jabirri. n., (Iv?), sharpened flat stone,
stone knife (Used to shape Jalinjabarda, n., place along the South
Nicholson River
boomerangs.) [syn. garligarli]
jalinjalinja, n., (Iv?), bracelet worn
jabuburranji ['jabubu'rranji], t.nom.,
around the tops of the arms during
olden times
ceremony
jabula, n., (iv?), spit, spittle [syn. banga]
jalyalyi, v.i., whisper
jabulami, v.t., (jabula-mi `spittle-FAC'),
jalyarranga, n., (II), woman who has just
spit on, spit at [syn. jugbi] had a baby
jaburrajbi, v.i., (jaburru-jbi `first-
jalyu, n., (IV), bed, nest
INCH'?), begin, start
jalyuma, v.t., make a bed
jaburru, adv., first, before
jamanji, n., ceremonial ground
jadbi, v.s., (Gudanji), wait [syn. yandu]
jamba, n., (IV), ground, earth, dirt
jadiyi, n., (I?), barramundi
jaminjaminji, n., (I), DS (male ego), BDS
jags, n., (IV), 1. thigh [syn.
jaminjaminya, n., (Il). DD (male ego).
munngujaga]; 2. leg
BSD
jagara, v.i., cross over the water (i.e.
along a bridge) jaminjila, n., (I), MF [syn. mimi (Gw)]
jagbarri, n., hairstring jaminjilirda, n., (II), MFZ [syn.
jaminjilinya, mimirna (Gw)]
282 Appendix D

jaminjilinya, n., (II), MFZ [syn. jarrawaja, n., (IV), trousers

jaminjilirda, mimirna (Gw)] jarrgarranyi ?also jarrgalanyi, v.t., to
jananmi, v.t., untie, take out, remove, dress [syn. jaringma]
take off jarrgi, v.t., track [syn. birdarri (G)]
janbalyi, n., (I?), bird sp. (Described as a jaru, v.i., yawn
little brownish bird that flies in a large jaruma, n., ceremonial coolamon with
flock.) handle
jandaji, adj., (I), one [syn. garndawugi] jarungbi, v.t., kiss
janga, n., (IV), 1. foot [syn. mandawayi jawala, n., men's ceremony sung after
(G)]; 2. toe; 3. tracks [syn. malya] someone's death
jangani, n., sharp stone for spear head jawanaji, n., (I; Gudanji), son (male ego),
janganja, v.d., ask BS [syn. jajila, gajagaja (G)]
jangbidi, v.t., 1. tie up; 2. jail jawananya, n., (II; Gudanji), D (male
jangi, l.nom., down [syn. jayili (G)] ego), BD [syn. jajilinya, jajirda]
jangurla, n., (Iv?), foreskin jawaranya, n., billy can
janji, n., (I; Root is Jany-; Gudanji), dog jayili, 1.nom., (Gudanji), down [syn.
[syn. galalarrinji, wanggamayi (G)] jangi]
janmajardi, v.t., make fall down, knock jayulinya ?also jawulinya, n., (II;
down, trip over Gudanji), mother-in-law, Sw (female
Janurruwa, n., place along the Nicholson ego), ZSw [syn. mimayirna]
River (Waanyi country) jibarri, v.i. ?, blink
janya, n., (II; Root is jany-; Gudanji), dog jibilyawuna, n., (II), duck (generic)
[syn. galalarrirna] jidalyi, adj., (I?), angry, `cheeky'
janyala, n., (Iv?), charcoal jidanybarli, n., (I; jidany-barli `give
janyi, v.t., answer cheek-AGNT(I)')), `cheeky' person,
jaraji, n., (I?), special paint made out of angry person, troublemaker
white feathers and (now) flour and used jidanybarlirna, n., (II; jidany-barlirna
to decorate body for ceremony `give cheek=AGNT(II)')), `cheeky'
jariirri, n., (I?), spiny-cheeked person, angry person, troublemaker
honeyeater? [Acanthagenys jidanymi ?also jidanmi, v.t., give cheek
rufogularius] to, pick a fight/argument with someone
jaringma, v.t., dress [syn. jarrgarranyi] [syn. gininyangmi]
jarlardu ?also jalardu, n., (Iv?), hairstring jidbi, n., ant bed
belt [syn. munungguma] jigama, n., (III), yam sp. (Grows in the
jarlu, n., (IV), 1. arm; 2. wing; 3. handle plains.)
jarlwarla, adj., (IV?), heavy jijambi, v.i., explode [syn. darrgbi (G)]
jarnaga. n., (IV), bark string (from the jijirda, n., (II?), wren?
inner bark of the coolibah tree) jila, v.t., paint
jarndama, n., (III), 1. chin; 2. beard, jilija, adj., (IV; jilinya (II)), new
whiskers
jarragurra, adj., (IV), white [syn.
magirra]
 Wambaya-English word list 283

jilinggirra, n., (Iv), beefwood tree on the fire and placed on face to relieve
[Grevillea striatal headache. Leaves give off a pleasant
jimanka, n., (w), riverbank odour (especially when warmed).)
jimbanyi, v.t., grab, snatch [syn. judama, n., mountain kangaroo [syn.
lurrgbanyi] wadayina]
jimbulu, v.t., 1. poke, stab [syn. judangunya, n., (II), tree snake sp. (Lives
darrgulumi]; 2. sting (e.g. of bee, in coolibah trees, not poisonous.)
wasp) judiyama ?also jurdiyama, n., (III?), tail
jindinarri, n., vagina [syn. gindarni, [syn. banjanganima]
Iurrguma] juga, n., (I; Garrwa word, but commonly
jindirrijbirrinya, n., (II), willy wagtail used by Wambaya speakers.), little boy
[Rhipidura leucopbrys] [syn. alaji]
jinggali, v.i., to show off, be full of jugbi, v.t., spit at (i.e. in anger) [syn.
oneself jabulami]
jinkiji, n., (I), star jugu, n., (I), MB (younger), FZH, FZSS
jinya, v.i., sneeze jugujuguna, n., (II), grey fantail
jirrbali, v.i., lie on stomach [syn.
[Rhipidura fuliginosa]
juruwala] jugulambirri, n., (I?), type of big
saltwater mussel/clam
jirrbidbina, n., (II), bird sp.
juguli, n., (I), boomerang
jirrbilijirrbili ?also jirrbilinjirrbilinji,
n., (I?), black-eared cuckoo julaji, n., (I„ Root is julag-), bird (generic)
[Chrysococcyx osculans] [syn. julamarrima, n., (III), (white) berry sp.
wajabiwajabi] [syn. ngabararrima]
jirrgula, adj., (IV), wet julanga, n., (II; Root is julag-), female
jirrgulyi, v.i., get wet, be wet bird (generic)
jirrgunymi, v.t., (jirrgula?-mi 'wet- junama, n., (III?), penis
FAC'), make wet jundurnmi, v.t., kick dust on someone by
jiyanggi, v.t., know walking past
jiyanggijbarli, n., (I; jiyanggi-j-barli jundurra, n., (IV), 1. dust; 2. v.t., remove
`know-TH-AGNT(I)') know-all dirt from, brush dirt off
jiyanggijbarlirna, n., (II; jiyanggi-j- junggungguwa, v.t., be jealous of,
barlirna 'know-TH-AGNT(H)'), know- jealousing' [syn. nguwajbarra]
all Junggurragurra, n., Country around
jiyanjunguwarlirna, n., (II?), a particular Banka Banka Station and Tennant Creek
dreaming tree (located somewhere on (Warumungu count ry)
Cresswell Downs) junku, v.î., crawl [syn. ilyinmi]
jiyanma, n., (III?), lily seeds junmi, v.t., cut
jiyarra, n., (IV), back of neck, nape jurlurrburra, n., (IV?), ashes [syn.
jiyawu, v.d., give ganburna, garnga]
jrayijala, n., (IV), gooramurra jurrgubarri, n., (I). Plains Goanna [syn.
[Eremophila bignoniiflora] [syn. mangirriji (G)]
marndardbarla] (Leaves are warmed
284 Appendix D

juruma, n., (III), 1. stomach; 2. adv., be Lanybiya, n., Place somewhere near
facing someone McArthur River (Gudanji/Wambaya
juruwala, v.î. ?, lie on one's stomach country. This is the place where the
[syn. jirrbali] Peewee hid his water in Text 5.)
juwa, n., (I), 1. man, person; 2. Aboriginal laragibarli ?also larragibarli, adv., right
man, person (when contrast needed with through, from one side to the other
non-Aboriginal people) larlagbarra, v.t., (larlag-barra `go
inside-TRANS'), get something from
juwarda, n., (I), men, people (from Ken
inside
Hale's notes) [syn. juwarramba]
larlagbi, v.i., (Takes an allative
juwarramba, n., (I), men, people [syn.
complement), go inside, enter, go into
juwarda]
larrana, n., (II?), spinifex pigeon
[Geophaps plumifera]
L lawunji, n., coolamon (i.e. for carrying
labalaba, v.t., carry on shoulders [syn. babies etc.), [syn. lagija]
bigilanyi (G)] Lijal, n., Place somewhere east of Elliott
labarlabarnga ['labâ rlabarnga] also (Wambaya/Gudanji country)
Iabarnga, n., (IV), branch (of tree), fork lija2, n., (IV; Gudanji), tooth [syn.
Iabarnga see labarlabarnga gujangga]
labirra, n., (IV), 1. hand; 2. finger [syn. lingba also lingbalingba, v.i., `bogey',
marna (G)] wash, bathe
lagija, n., (IV), coolamon (i.e. used for linjarrgbi, v.î., be hot
carrying babies etc.) [syn. lawunji] linka, n., (IV), chest
lagurra also gutlagurra, n., (IV), hole lirrada, n., (II?), red-tailed black cockatoo
lajarri, v.t., light (fire) [Calyptorhynchus banksii]
laji', v.î., 1. be quiet, stop noise; 2. be lujuluju, n., (IV?), coolamon (used for
still (of wind) carrying water, bush tucker, etc.) [syn.
laji2, v.s., to have been absent for a gamula]
significant amount of time from lumbilumbi, v.i., swell up
someone lunggaji, v.i., 1. be `cheeky', be nasty, be
lajirrimi, v.t., (laji-jirrimi `be quiet- no good; 2. n., (I) policeman
CADS'), 1. make be quiet; 2. make stop lungganymi, v.t., (lunggaj-mi `no good-
lamanma, n., hollow log used for FAC'), make no good, make 'cheeky'
catching fish lunggarra, n., (Iv) 1. salt; 2. poison; 3.
lambarra, n., (I), father-in-law, DH (male grog [syn. ilarri, ngaragana]
ego), BDH [syn. gardunganji] luranyma, n., (III), testicles [syn.
lambarrarna, n., (II), SW (male ego), BSW nurranma]
lanbi, v.i., be 'sleep-wake', have one's lurdbi, v.t., pound, bash, hit with
eyes closed but still be awake instrument
langanbi, v.t., climb lurrgbanyi, v.t., 1. catch; 2. grab, snatch,
langanjardi, v.t., hang up abduct [syn. jimbanyi]
langga, 1.nom., north
 Wambaya- English word list 285

lurrguma, n., (ui), vagina [syn. mambulyami, v.t., (mambulya-mi 'soft-

jindinarri, gindarni] FAC'), make soft
luyunymi, v.t., make soft or fine from mandawayi, n., (I?; Gudanji), foot [syn.
grinding janga]
mandida, n., (II), female kangaroo sp.
M manganyma, n., (III), 1. tucker, food; 2.
non-meat food
mabuluma, n., (IU), navel
mangarnami, v.t.?, put the decorative
maga, n., (IV), 1. camp; 2. place; 3.
marks on a boomerang
country, home
manggurinji, n., (I; derived from
magajarra, n., (IV), another camp, another
mangguru 'plains country'), one who
country
is from the plains country
magami, n., leech
manggurinya, n., (II; derived from
maganja, n., (IV), digging stick (i.e. for
mangguru 'plains country') one who is
lice, sugarbag etc.) from the plains country
maganmurru, n., (W?), spear for killing
mangguru, n., (Iv?), plains country
dugong and big fish [syn. narra]
mangirriji, n., (I; Gudanji), plains goanna
magbarli ?also magbali, n., (I), one who
[syn. jurrgubarri]
belongs to a given country through his
manja, n., (IV?), fruit (generic)
father
magbarlirna ?also magbalirna, n., (II), manjalal, n., (Iv?), caustic vine (sticky)
one who belongs to a given country manjalal, n., newborn baby
through her father manjungu, n., (IV), shade
magirra, n., (W?), 1. white ochre; 2. white manka, n., (IV), ear
paint [syn. jarragurra] mankaburrurna, n., (II), hook boomerang
magudidi, n., bush coconut? manku, v.t., 1. hear, listen [syn. ilinga];
magungunu, n., (I?), childhood friend, a 2. remember; 3. think about; 4. v.refl.,
mate that you've grown up with feel
magurra, n., (w; Gudanji?), wind [syn. mankularrana, n., (II?), fish sp. [syn.
wunba] gaguna]
majbi, v.t., (Gudanji), hit [syn. daguma] mankuluguluda, n., (IV?), ear wax
majigayi, n., (I?), 'sea-side' crab mankunyi, n., (i), 1. blanket lizard [syn.
majigina, n., (II), 'river-side' crab [syn. gunbi]
wagina] manngurru, v.î., be ashamed
malamba, n., (Iv?), liver manyarra, n., (IV?), pandanus tree?
malya, n., (IV), 1. track, footprint [syn. manyingila, n., (IV), gutta percha tree
janga]; 2. mark [Excoecaria parviflora] (The inner
mamanggi, n., (n, freshwater snail milky bark is boiled in water, the liquid
mambulya, adj., (Iv), soft is then washed with to treat skin sores.
The liquid is rubbed in to relieve pain in
mambulyaji, v.î., (mambulya-jbi 'soft-
the joints and to reduce swellings. It is
INCH'), go soft, go numb
used to wash with to help weak people
feel stronger.)
286 Appendix D

marala, n., (IV), heart [syn. gurdurlu] marndardbarla, n., (Iv), gooramurra
maramaranbi, v.s., feel around [Eremophila bignoniiflora] [syn.
marawunji, n., (I), spider jrayijala] (Leaves are warmed on the
fire and placed on face to relieve
mardaja, n., (Iv?), feather headache. Leaves give off a pleasant
mardima, v.t., chase [syn. odour (especially when warmed).)
nyurrunyurru] marndija, t.nom., long time ago [syn.
mardumbarra also mardumbarrayi, n., ginbila (G)]
(I), saltwater crocodile marndiji, t.nom., at a later time, soon
marinkila, n., bird sp. marndurra, n., (IV), 1. body odour; 2.
marlaba, n., 1. period, menstruation; 2. skin group (generic) [syn. gardibirra]
after-birth [syn. mujuju] marnganinji, n., (I; Gudanji), doctor
marlanganji, n., (I?), shoulder [syn. [syn. ngunybulugi]
bigala (G)] marnuguja, n., (IV), conkerberry (tree)
marlangarri, n., (I?; Gudanji), fresh- marnugujama, n., (III), conkerberry
water mussel [syn. nganggayi (G), (fruit)
nguyiminji, jagugayi]
marrababina, n., (H?), peaceful dove
marlinga, v.t., let go (of something) [Geopelia placida]
marliwa, adj., (Iv; Gudanji?), big [syn. marrajana, n., (N?), pillow
buguwa, bajbaga] marraji, n., (I; Root is marraj-), tablelands
marliyi, adj., (I; Gudanji?), 1. big [syn. kangaroo, big red kangaroo
bugayi, ngamaji (G)]; 2. n. boss [syn. marranya, n., (IV), yarn, tale, story
bugarru, ngannguyi, mungguji]; 3.
marrgulu, n., (IV), egg
God
marrugbi, v.s. ?, feel happy (about
marlu, l.nom., far, a long way away
something) [syn. ngunkarri]
marlumarlu, n., (I), sick person
marungma, n., (III), edible sap
marlumarlurna, n., (II), sick person [syn.
marunki also marunkiyi, n., (I),
gurdanymila]
countryman, relation
marna, n., (IV; Gudanji), 1. hand; 2.
marunkirna also marunkiyirna, n.;
finger [syn. labirra] countryman, relation
marnangga, n., (Iv; Gudanji?), river,
mawula, v.î., play
creek [syn. iligirra]
mawulajana, n., (II?; derived from
marnarrga, n., (IV), mud mawula), game (esp. cards)
marndaji, n., (I; Root is marndag-), white mawuruma, n., (III?), Tassel Top,
man [syn. ngarrawanji (G)] Pussycats Tails [Ptilotus clementii
marndanga, n., (II; Root is marndag-), and spp.]
white woman [syn. gurrinya (G), mayamba, n., (IV?), whirlwind, willy-
wanmarri (G)] willy
Marndanymija, n., No. 8 bore on mayinanjana ?also mayurnanjana, n.,
Anthony Lagoon Station (Wambaya (H), female goanna
country) mayinanji ?also mayurnanji, n., (I),
goanna
 Wambaya-English word list 287

Mida ?also Müda, n., place on Anthony miyagama, n., (III), bush fruit sp.
Lagoon Station (Wambaya country) mudinya ?also murdinya, n., (II), needle,
mijanka, n., (IV), bush medicine injection
milama, adv., 1. again; 2. more mugunjanal, n., (II), louse
milarra, n., (Iv?), tears mugunjana2, t.nom., lunchtime (syn.
milindi, n_, eyebrow danngani]
milinya, n., (II), red-winged parrot? mugura, n., (IV), spear [syn. balamurru]
milirrgbarna [mî lirrgbarna], , n., (II; mujuju, n., (IV?), period, menstruation
Gudanji), blue-tongue lizard [syn. [syn. marlaba]
gulangunya] mujumi, v.t., gather together, put together
mimarri, n., (I), snake (generic) mulungu, n., (I), hit man, `wild
mimayi, n., (I), DH (female ego), ZDH? blackfella', `kadaicha man'
mimayirna, n., (II), mother-in-law, SW munduru ?also mundurru, adj., (Iv;
munduri (I), mundururna (II);
(female ego), ZsW [syn. jayulinya]
Gudanji), little, sho rt [syn. bulyingi,
mimi, n., (I; This is a Garrwa word, but is
gubaja (G), gurlaanji (G)]
often used by Wambaya speakers.) MF,
BDS, DS (male ego) [syn. jaminjilal mundurumi, adv., (derived from
mimirna, n., (II; This is a Garrwa word, munduru `little'; Gudanji?), for a little
but is often used by Wambaya while [syn. bibi (G), warlugu]
speakers.), MFZ, MMBW, BDD, DD munggardi, v.t., spill, tip over [syn.
(male ego) [syn. jaminjilinya, gurlurlardi]
jaminjilirya] munggu, n., (IV), ground oven
minggalija ?also minggalinja, n., (IV), munggujbila, n., (I), H, HB, ZH [syn.
big round grinding stone gari]
minggilyanuma, n., (III), bush munggujbilinya, n., (II), W, WZ, BW
passionfruit [syn. gariirda, garinya]
mira, n., (IV), hip mungguji, n., (I), boss, owner [syn.
mirnanmi, adv., slowly bugarru, marliyi, ngannguyi]
mirndigrri, n.?, dance performed by mungguwa, v.t., roast in ground
women during initiation ceremonies in munji, v.i., duck, bend over, bend down
which they slap the tops of their legs
munjuna, n., (IV?), elbow
together
munmagarna ?also munmagana, n.,
mirra, v.i., (Root is mirrang-), 1. sit; 2.
(II?), bag [syn. bayigina]
be
munngu, n., (IV), 1. thick part, stump
mirridimi, v.t., 1. teach; 2. show,
(e.g. of tree); 2. underneath pa rt
demonstrate [syn. barinymi,
dirndirrinymi] munngujaga, n., (IV; derived from
munngu `stump'(?) + jaga 'leg'), thigh
mimdmîrrida, n., (II?), python sp. (Lives
in salt water.) munngujanga, n., (Iv; derived from
mirrinjungu, v.i., lie on one's side munggu `stump'(?) + janga `foot'),
propped up on one elbow [syn. heel
ngurndurrurlu]
288 Appendix D

munngujarlu, n., (IV; derived from murrinymurrinji also murrinji, n., (I),
munggu `stump'(?) + jarlu `arm'), name used to replace name of dead male,
upper arm `kumunjayi'
munungguma, n., (hairstring?) belt [syn. murrinymurrinya also murrinya, n.,
jarlardu] (II), name used to replace name of dead
munyunyuna, n., (II?), mouse woman, `kumunjayi'
muralama, n., (III), bush tomato murudidi, n., brain
murdurna, n., (II), 1. strong, fit; 2. hard Murunmurula, n., Place along the
Nicholson River (Waanyi country)
[syn. yardugarna]
muwadana, n., (IV?), boat
murlu, n., (IV), 1. eye; adv., awake
Muwardbi, n., Count ry somewhere east of
murlurru, n., (IV), turpentine tree [Acacia
Elliott (Wambaya/Gudanji country.)
lysiphloia] (Leaves are boiled in water
and the resulting liquid is washed with muwari ?also muwarri, v.i., be itchy
to treat headache, flu and mumps. This
is also the tree that is used to smoke out N
houses.)
najbi, v.i., 1. burn; 2. v.t., burn
murluwajarna, n., (II; murlu-wajarna
something [syn. daburri (G)]
`eye-PRIV(II)'), blind woman [syn.
namanmi, v.t., put something down
gamamurrunga]
firmly
murluwaji, n., (I; murlu-waji `eye-
namirra, n., (IV), stone [syn. guda (G)]
PRIV(I)'), blind man [syn. gamamurri]
nananga, v.t., look after, care for [syn.
murndugurlu, adj., (IV), bent, crooked
gunkunmi]
murnunguji, n., (I), second-degree initiate
nanganangali, v.s. ?, sneak away
murrgu, l.norn., inside
nardurna, n., (II; Gudanji), woman [syn.
murrgunbali, adj., (I; murrgunbalarna
girriya, nayida]
(II), murrgunbala (IV)), three [syn.
narra, n., (IV; Gudanji), spear for killing
murrgunji]
dugong and big fish [syn.
murrgunji, adj., (I; , murrgurna (II),
maganmurru (G)]
murrgunma (III), murrgunka (IV)),
narunguja, n., (IV), car, vehicle
three [syn. murrgunbali]
nawu, v.i., 1. stand on, sit on; 2. run over
murri, v.i., ache, be sore, hurt
(of car)
murrijbulumi, v.t., (murri-j-bulumi
nawunawujbi also nawunawu, v.t.,
`hurt-TH-CADS'), make hurt, hurt
stretch
someone
nayida, n., (II), woman [syn. girriya,
murrinja, n., (IV), coolibah tree (The bark
of this tree is burnt into ashes nardurna (G)]
(ganburna) and mixed with chewing nayirrundurna, n., (II), women
tobacco (warnu).) ngabararrima, n., (III), white berry, sp.?
murrinji see murrinymurrinji [syn. julumarrima]
murrinya see murrinymurrinya ngabuji ?also ngabiji, n., (I), FMB, FFZH
ngaburlu, n., (IV), 1. breast; 2. milk
ngadijbi, v.i., be `paining', be in pain
 Wambaya-English word list 289

ngadijirri, n., (1), budgerigar nganggayi, n., (I?; Gudanji), freshwater

[Melopsittacus undulatus] mussel [syn. marlangarri (G),
ngajajî, n., (IV), tendon nguyiminji, jagugayi]
ngajbi, v.t., see, look ngangma, n., (III), shit [syn. gagama]
ngajimiji, n., (I), SS (female ego), ZSS nganinymi, n.?, truth
ngajiminya, n., (II), SD (female ego), ZSD nganjala ?also nganjarla, n., (IV?),
ngajirra, n., (IV), coldness, cold (weather) tongue
[syn. garrijarrija] nganji, 1. seed; 2. seed pod
ngajirri, v.i., be cold [syn. garriji] ngankarra, n., (IV), flu, cold [syn.
ngurlurra]
agalangga, n., (iv?), single men's camp
ngannganmi, v.t.?, chew the meat off a
ngalanyi, v.t., scoop something up (e.g.
tea or sugar into a cup) bone [syn. nyambarli]
ngalirrilili, n., (I?), collar bone ngannguyi, n., (I), boss [syn. bugarru,
marliyi, mungguji]
ngalyangalya, n., (IV?; some say this is a
Garrwa word), calf (of leg) [syn. nganyangbi, v.t., lick
gumarra] nganyanggali, n., (I?), bird sp., brown
goshawk?
ngamajî, adj., (I; Gudanji), big [syn.
bugayi, marliyi] ngarabarli, n., (I; ngara-barli 'drink-
AGNT(1)'), one who drinks a lot, a drunk
ngamaganbi, v.î., to hiccup
ngamandurruma, n., (III), bush banana ngarabarlirna, n., (II; ngara-barlirna
`drink-AGNT(II)'), one who drinks a lot,
[syn. ngamarragama]
a drunk
ngamangama, n., breast-plate decoration
ngarabi, v.t., drink
worn during ceremony
ngaragana, n., (Derived from ngarabi
ngamarragama, n., (III), bush banana
`drink'), grog [syn. ilarri, lunggarra]
[syn. ngamandurruma]
ngarajabi, v.t., shape/make a boomerang
ngambaji, n., (I; ngambarna (II),
ngamabaga (1v)), `what's-his-name', ngarajagana, n., (Derived from
`thingummyjig' ngarajabi `shape/make a boomerang'),
instrument used to shape boomerangs
Nganaarra, n., Brunette Downs Station
[syn. binmala, ngarlarrgu]
(Wambaya country)
ngaranma, n., subincision (from Ken
ngandarrgala ?also ngarndarrgala?, n.,
(w), supplejack [Ventilago viminalis] Hale's notes)
ngangaba, n., (w), 1. fire; 2. firewood ngardarru, n., (IV?), white cockatoo
feather, worn on head in ceremonies
[syn. guyiga]
ngangbi, v.i., be open wide, be spread ngarlana, n., (IV), 1. language; 2.
• apart (of legs) traditional languages, as opposed to
English; 3. word
ngangbulumi, v.t., open wide, spread
ngarlani, v.t., clean up, clean out
apart legs [syn. walyulyumi]
ngarlarrgu, n., (IV?), instrument used to
nganggarrga, n., (IV), mouth [syn.
carve boomerangs [syn. binmala,
bamarra (G?)]
ngarajagana]
ngarliga, n., (IV), woomera
290 Appendix D

ngarlijbi, v.i., breathe ngila, n., (II; This is a Garrwa word, but is
ngarlu, v.i., 1. dance (of men); 2. v.t., commonly used by Wambaya speakers),
dance a dance/ceremony [syn. girl [syn. alanga]
ngarlugbi] ngilwi, adv.?, be all right, be O.K.
ngarlugbi, v.î. ?, dance (of men) [syn. nginginji, n., (I?), black-winged stilt
ngarlu] [Himantopus hmantopus]
ngarlurra, n., (IV), 1. flu, cold [syn. ngirnii, l.nom., south [syn. ngirniwi (G)]
ngankarra]; 2. snot ngirniwi, l.nom., (Gudanji), south [syn.
ngarlwarli, n., (I; ngarl-warli 'talk- ngirnii]
AGNT(I)'), chatterbox, one who talks a ngirra, v.t., steal
lot ngirrigbi, v.î. ? (Gudanji), hunt [syn.
ngarlwarlirna, n., (H; ngarl-warlirna alalangmi]
`talk-AGNT(II)'), chatterbox, one who
ngirrwi, v.i., growl (of dog)
talks a lot
ngiyangbi, v.t., not know someone
ngarlwi, v.s., talk to someone, speak a
ngugujabi, v.t., grind [syn. wurdurda
language (to someone) [syn. durdurrgu
(G)] (G)]
ngujari, v.ì., 1. break down; 2. v.t.,
ngarninji, n., (I), body
break something
ngarnnga, v.t., bark (at), growl (at)
ngulungulu, n., (I?), little grey wallaby?
ngarrangarra, v.i., be hot
ngumuji, adj., (I; ngumurra (IV)), black
ngarrgudi, v.i., short of breath [syn.
ngumurra, n., (IV; from ngumurra
garrankajbi]
`black (W)'), rain cloud
ngarrijinyma, n., (III), yam sp. (Grows in
ngundurrirna, n., (Gudanji), boil [syn.
the stone country.)
garrurdarna]
ngarrinbi, v.t.?, be selfish, possessive of
things ngunjulanyi, v.t., lift up something
ngarringga, v.d., take something away ngunjulu, v.t., carry in both arms, carry
from someone (i.e. child) on hip
ngarrinybi, n., (I), friend, mate ngunjurabi ?also wunjurabi, v.t., water
something (i.e. plants)
ngarrinybirna, n., (II), friend, mate
ngunkarri, v.i., feel happy about
ngarrwanji, n., (I; Gudanji), white man
something [syn. marrugbi]
[syn. marndaji]
ngunnga, v.t., like
ngayijirda, n., (II), FM [syn. ngayijinya]
ngunngajarda, n., (I), show-off, someone
ngayijinya also ngayiji, n., (II), FM [syn.
who likes himself [syn. bunmajarda]
ngayijirda]
ngunngajardarna, n., (II), show-off,
ngijini, t.nom., yesterday
someone who likes herself [syn.
ngijininima, t.nom., tomorrow [syn. bunmajardarna]
bulinama (G)]
ngunungarri, n., traditional skirt (Made
ngijiniyarra, t.nom., the day after from possum skin. Worn by women
tomorrow during ceremonies. Also must be worn
by a girl during the duration of her first
menstruation.)
 Wambaya-English word list 291

ngunybajarra, t.nom., next time nurranma, n., (III), testicles (from Ken
ngunybulugi, n., (I), doctor [syn. Hale's notes) [syn. luranyma]
marnganyiji (G)] nyagajbi, v.î., be `knocked up', be
nguny bulunguna, n., (U), nurse exhausted
ngunybungunybarri, v.i., be sleepy nyaganymi, v.t., make tired
ngurlungga ?also ngulungga, n., (IV), 1. nyalima, v.t., 1. heap up, collect; 2.
soup; 2. juice attract, bring
ngurlwayi, n., (I), king brown snake nyambarli, v.t. ?, chew [syn.
ngurndurrurlu, v.i., lie on one's side ngannganmi]
propped up on one elbow [syn. nyanyalu, n., (I?), tea
mirrinjungu] nyanyayijbarli, n., (I; nyanyayu-j-barli
ngurnngurli, v.i., cough `move around-TH-AGNT(I)'), one who
moves/fidgets a lot
ngurraramba, t.nom., night-time
nyanyayijbarlirna, n., (II; nyanyayu-j-
ngurrguma, v.t.?, swallow
barlirna `move around-TH-AGNT(II)'),
nguruji, n., (I), cloud one who moves/fidgets a lot
ngururra, n., (IV; Gudanji?), shadow nyanyayu, v.î., move around, fidget
nguwajbarli, n., (I; nguwaj-barli `be nyanyayumi, v.t., make move, move
jealous-AGNT(I)'), one who is jealous
someone/something
nguwajbarlirna, n., (II; nguwaj-barlirna
nyanyuwa, v.t., pick up, collect (e.g. to
`be jealous-AGNT(U)'), one who is
find and pick up something at the
jealous
rubbish dump).
nguwajbarra, v.t., (nguwaj-barra `be
nyila, n., (II), needle (of the echidna),
jealous-TRANS'), be jealous of,
spike.
`jealousing' [syn. junggungguwa]
nyilangunya, n., (II), echidna, `porcupine'
nguwajbi, v.î., be jealous
[syn. warrimbila]
nguwani, v.d., (Gudanji), put [syn.
nyinggarna ?also nyinggana, n., (II?),.
yardi]
stone axe [syn. ganybalinya]
nguwi, n., (I; Gudanji?), water [syn.
nyinggarra, v.t., cut down with axe
galyurringi, warnami]
nyinimirri, n., (I?), finch
nguya, v.t., 1. scratch; 2. dig (with stick)
nyirrawurruma ?also nyirrambuma, n.,
nguyala, n., flea, something that itches
(III), little onion plant
nguyiminji, n., (I?), freshwater mussel
nyungga, n., (IV), hair, fur
[syn. jagugayi, marlangarri (G),
nyunmi ?also nyunymi, v.t., knock back,
nganggayi (G)]
refuse
nijbî, v.i., 1. sing; 2. v.t., sing a song/
nyurranji, adv., all the time, always,
ceremony
forever
nimijbi also nimi, v.t., rub
nyurrunyurru, v.t., chase [syn.
nirrinirri, n., (I?), short-horned mardima]
grasshopper
nuiungama, adj., in your own way, off in
your own world
292 Appendix D

R walamagamaga, n., (Iv?; Gudanji), salt

rawuwanggu, n., (IV?; Gudanji), (conch?) water
shell (Makes a noise when blown in to, walanybirri, n., (I), Australian pelican
used as a signal.) [Pelecanus conspicillatus]
rimina, n., (Iv?; Gudanji), paddle, oar waliyulu see aliyulu
walyayi, n., (I?; Gudanji), dugong
U walyulyumi, v.t., spread apart, open wide
[syn. ngangbulumi]
urdalyi see wurdalyi
wamanji, n., (I), dingo
urrungaji see wurrungaji
wamanya, n., (II), dingo
urrunganymi see wurrunganymi
wamba, n., (IV), snappy gum
[Eucalyptus leucophloia]
w wamirri, n., (IV?), plant sp. [Hakea
waba, n., (IV), skin [syn. angaanga, chordophylla] (There is some dispute
gilwa] about this plant. Some claim the correct
wadayina, n., (II), female mountain name for it is wamuri.)
kangaroo [syn. judama] wamuri, n., (Iv?), plant sp. [Acacia
wagalagalana, n., (II), sugar glider tenuissima]
wagalamarri, n., (I), Torresian crow wangarra also angarra, n., (IV?),
[Corvus orru] corroboree
wagardbi also agardbi ?also wagajbi, wanggamayi, n., (I; Gudanji), dog [syn.
v.t., wash galalarrinji, janji (G)]
wagina, n., (Gudanji), `river-side' crab wanjirra, n., (IV), leaf [syn. ilyirrga]
[syn. majigina] wankarri, n., (I?), grey wallaby?
wagujirri, n., (I?), fish sp. (This is a big wanki see anki
white fish with poisonous spikes on its wankuma, v.î.?, wave hand across face
back.) (i.e. to shoo flies)
wagula, adj., (Iv; wagulyi (I), wagulya wankurarri also ankurarri, v.t., lay
(II)), 1. bad, rotten, smelly; 2., n., (Iv) (egg), give birth (of animal)
sleep (i.e. that you get in your eyes) wanmarri, n., (II; Gudanji), white woman
wagunyungga, adj., left side, left-handed [syn. marndanga, gurrinya (G)]
wajabiwajabi ['wajabi'wajabi], n., (I?), wanmirri, n., (I), rib [syn. garlimbaji]
black-eared cuckoo [Chrysococcyx wanmurru see anmurru
osculans] [syn. jirrbilijirrbili]
wanyga, n., (Iv; Gudanji), armpit [syn.
wajangarnja, v.î., swim
gardibirra]
wajarra, n., (IV), bauhinia tree wara, n., (IV), 1. face; 2. forehead
[Lysiphyllum sp.] (Boil the roots, use
warawara, adv., face-to-face
liquid to clean sores.)
wajarri, v.i., fish warabulubulu, n., collared sparrowhawk
[Accipiter cirrhocephalus]
walabadbi, n., (I?), wood duck
waradami, see aradami
walalangarri also alalangarri, adv., very
Waralunggu, n., Borroloola
hard, a lot (intensifier)
 Wambaya-English word list 293

wararru, n., (IV), paperbark tree [syn. wayigurrajbi see ayigurrajbi

bajarra] wayigurru see ayigurru
wardangarri, n., (I), moon wayiwayigurru, t.nom., (Reduplication of
wardanguji, n., (I), young boy to be wayigurru), late afternoon
initiated wilwili, v.i., flap wings (as if to stay in
wardbaji, n., (I), butterfly one place in the air)
wardguwardgu, n., (IV?), round fitted winmurri, n., little wire fishing spear
headpiece. (made of string), worn by wiringarri, n., barn owl [Tyto alba]
initiate during initiation ceremony wirrilgarra ?also wirridgala, n., (II),
warima, v.t., hold on to, stick to cockatiel [Leptolophus bollandicus]
warladi, v.i., peep wubi, v.i., be red
warlidaji, n., (I), magpie goose wugalama, n., (III?), tree sp. (apple bush?)
[Anseranas semipalmata] wugbardi also wugwardi, v.t., cook
warnami, n., (I), water [syn. galyurringi, wugwardi also wugbardi
nguwi (G)]
wujubardi, v.t., (wujubi-ardi
warlugu, adv., for a little while [syn. bibi CAUS'), lie to someone
(G), mundurumi (G?)]
wujubi, v. i., lie, fib
warnda, n., (IV; Gudanji?), grass
wulunjurra, n., (IV), corkwood tree
warnnganji, n., (I), fly [Acacia sutherlandii].
warnu, n., (IV), tobacco (esp. chewing wunba, n., (IV), wind [syn. magurra]
tobacco)
wundawulyana, n., (II?), kite? (Lives in
warrabubu, adj., red [syn. girrina] the river country, looks like an
warrajbi, v.î., moan, grunt, whinge eaglehawk.)
warrawarra, v.i., be drunk wundugarri, n., (I?), flying fox [syn.
warrawulyi. adj., dry [syn. buyurru] ginyagbanji (G?)]
warrguma, v.t., slap (with leaves) wunggurrala, n., (IV), dogwood, desert
warrigila, n., (IV), whitewood [Atalaya oak, wirewood [Acacia coriacea]
bemiglauca] wunjugu, interrog., 1. how; 2. somehow
warriji, n., (I), freshwater crocodile [syn. wurarrgbi, v.t., to scrape
binbayi (G)] wurdalyi also urdalyi, n., (I?), ankle
warrimbila, n., (U), echidna [syn. wurdijirrimi, adv., all around (like in a
nyilangunya] circle/loop), all over
warunggala ?also warrunggala, n., (II), wurdurda, v.t., (Gudanji), grind (i.e.
riverside kangaroo, female [syn. between hands/stones) [syn.
yunggumarla] ngugujabi]
wawuna, n., (II), native honey, `girl-one wurranybi, n., (I), a male dancer in one's
sugarbag' (Found in the ground.) initiation ceremony
wawunjî, n., (I), native honey, `boy-one wurranybirna, n., (II), a female dancer in
sugarbag' (Found in trees.) one's initiation ceremony
wayani, v.s., (Gudanji), look for [syn. wurrgbi, v.t., take off, remove, pull out,
ayani] clean up
294 Appendix D

wurrudbanyi, v.t., pull, drag yangulu, interrog., 1. when; 2. sometime

wurrudbi, v.t., carry around yanjuni, n., (I?; Gudanji), water rat?
wurrungaji also urrungaji, adj., (I?), yanybi, v.t., get, pick up [syn. idanyi (G)]
warm yardi, v.d., (Requires an allative indirect
wurrungala, n., (IV), windbreak object), 1. put (down) [syn. nguwarni];
wurrunganymi also urrunganymi, v.t., 2. v.t., make; 3. to make oneself into
(wurrungaji-mi `warm-FAC'), make something (In this use takes two objects,
warm [syn. yunkarri] one of which is reflexive)
wuru, v.î., dive down (i.e. of hawk) yarduga, adj., (IV; yardugarna (II),
yardugama (III)), hard, strong [syn.
wurumbumbi, n., (I), dragonfly
murdurna]
wurunburunbi, v.î.?, hang down
yardugami, v.t., (yarduga-mi `strong-
wurungurra, n., (Iv?), lignum FAC'), make strong
yarrambaja, n., (Iv?), men's secret
Y business
yaba, n., (Gudanji), boy that has already yarru, v.i., go, come [syn. dalwi (G)]
been initiated [syn. bulingi] yarruburdu, v.i., 1. walk, walk around;
yabu, v.t., 1. have; 2. take; 3. bring 2. go around (i.e. in car)
yagayaga, v.i., be no good, be weak yawayi, v.s., be worried that s.o. is
yagu, v.t., leave alone, leave behind talking about you, be paranoid (about)
[yagujbi (G)] yawirri, n., (I?), plains kangaroo, sp.?
yagujbi, v.t., (Gudanji), leave behind, (Described as a white kangaroo from the
leave [syn. yagu] plains country.) [syn. marraji]
yagurragurrana, n., (II), wild fowl, yawulyu, n., (IV?), women's ceremony
black-tailed native hen [Gallinula [syn. gurija]
ventralis] yidarangga see idarrangga
yalanarrama, n., (III), tree sp. (This tree yiligirra see iligirra
has small edible berries and the wood is yilijbi see ilijbi
used to make spears.) yindirra see indirra
Yambayambarna, n., Country around
yinijbi see inijbi
Renner Springs (Warumungu country)
yirrilyi see irrilyi
yandut, v.s., 1. wait [jadbi (G)]; 2.
v. refl., rest yubulala, n., (IV), flower
yandu2, v.t., mind, watch over, look after yugala also yuguwala, n., (IV?), smoke,
steam
yandugururna, n., (II), thunder,
lightening yugu, v.i., cry
yunggumarla ?also yunggumala, n., (I),
yangaji, n., (I), meat [syn. ganybirra,
riverside kangaroo, female [syn.
gunju]
warunggala]
yangami, v.t., turn around, turn over
yunkarri, v.t., warm something (i.e. by
yangulanji, interog., (I; yangulanya (II), the fire) [syn. wurrunganymi]
yangulanyma (III), yangulanja (IV)),
yunumarrga, adv., that way, in that
how much, how many
direction
 Wambaya-English word list 295

yunungani, adv., around the back yurubu, adv., for nothing, just, only
yununggu, adv., like that, thus yurula, n., (IV), name
yurndu, v.t., hit with missile
 APPENDIX E
ENGLISH—WAMBAYA FINDERLIST

This finderlist is intended to be used in conjunction with the Wambaya—English word list
in Appendix D. Its purpose is to help identify the Wambaya equivalent of an English word so
that its full entry can then be located in the Wambaya—English version. It should not be used
simply as an English—Wambaya dictionary.

A another, gunya (IV), gunyi (I), gunyarna (H)

another camp/country, magajarra
a few, garndarndawuga another place, banggajarra,
a little bit, garndarndawuga jabajabayarra (G)
a lot, walalangarri answer, to, janyi
abduct, lurrgbanyi ant
Aboriginal person, juwa ant bed, jidbi
bull ant, gijana
above, gayangga
red ant with black abdomen, gîrrinyi
absent
Anthony Lagoon Station, Gargarguwaja
be absent from someone, laji
ache, murri argue
argue with, didbidbunga
afterbirth, marlaba fight with, barla
afternoon, ayîgurru give cheek to, gînînyangmî, jidanymî
late afternoon, wayiwayigurru side with someone (e.g. in a fight),
again, milama inma
alcohol, îlarri, lunggarra, ngaragana arm, jarlu
algae, bulinja elbow, munjuna
upper arm, bulalajarlu, munngujarlu
alive, ankî (I), anka (IV) wrist, gardawurri
to give life to, ankami
armpit, gardibirra, wanyga (G)
all
all around (in a circle), wurdijirrimi around
all day, ayigurrajbi all around (in a circle), wurdijirrimi
all night, baralala around the back, yunungani
all the time, nyurranji arse, bunyma
do all, ganjimî ashamed, be, manngurru
allow to, garnarnda ashes, ganburna, jurlurrburra
alone, ilijbi (I), ilijbirna (II) ashes that are mixed with chewing
in your own way, nujungama tobacco, ganburna, garnga
always, nyurranji ask, janganja
angry, jirdalyî aunt
angry person, jidanybarli (I), father's brother's wife, gujînganjarda,
jidanybarlirna (II) gujinya, gambaranya, gambararda
be angry, barla father's sister, barnangilinya, irdinya,
be cross, baliji iriyilinya, iriyirda
mother's brother's wife, barnangilinya,
ankle, wurdalyi irdinya
annoy, aradami mother's sister, gambaranya,

296
 English—Wambaya finderlist 297

garrangulînya, gujinganjarda, gujinya `big mob', gamguja (IV), gamgujbala (IV),

see also great-aunt gamgujbalarna (II), garngujbali (I),
awake, murlu garnguji (I), garngunya (II), garngunyma
to have one's eyes closed but still be
awake, lanbî billy can, jawaranya
away bird, julajî (I), julanga (II)
be absent from someone, laji barn owl, wiringarri
axe, ganybalin a, nyinggarna bird sp., burriiji, janbalyi, jirrbidbira,
marinkila, nganyanggali
black kite, galunji
B black-eared cuckoo, jirrbilijirrbili,
baby wajabiwajabi
newborn baby, manjala black-winged stilt, ngingînji
to `cook' new born babies, ganbunuma brolga, darrmanji
woman who has just had a baby, budgerigar, ngadijirri
jaly'arranga bush turkey, gaminyanji
chickenhawk, garrgarrgayi
back, banduma, didibarra, durrinja cockatiel, wirrilgarra
around the back, yunungani collared sparrow-hawk, warabulubulu
back of neck, jivarra crested pigeon, garlwarlwana
have one's back to someone, durrinja crow, wagalamarri
lower back, banduma curlew, indilyawurna
backbone, dîdibarra darter?, dalwarranji
bad, bagiga (IV), bagiji (I), baginga (II) diamond dove, guluguguma
cause to be bad, baginymi dollarbird, danidani (G?)
feel bad, bagijbi duck (generic), jibilyawuna
rotten, wagula (IV), wagulyî (I), eaglehawk, îlarrarna
wagulya (II) emu, garnanganjana
finch, nyinimirri
bag, bayîgîna, munmagarna
flock bronzewing, gunawurruna
bald, banbarla galah, gîlyinkîlyida
bark (n), bardgabardga grebe, birrida
bark string, jarnaga grey fantail, jugujuguna
bark at, ngarnnga hawk sp., gulumbinya
barramundi, jadiyî heron sp., ganbagaguna
hobby?, barnanggi, gunggudabudabu
bathe, lingba jabiru, garrinji
bauhinia tree, wajarra kingfisher?, danmurrana
be, mina kite sp., didilayi, wundawulyana
beard, jarndama magpie, gulbalawuji (G), ihurraji
magpie goose, warlidaji
bed, jaltiu parrot sp., birriwilîlyi
make a bed, jalyuma peaceful dove, marrababina
before, jaburru peewee, dirdibulyi
begin, jaburrajbî pelican, walanybirri
behind, banjangani plover, dadada, dajarrarrana
pratincole, gurijbijbina
bend, munji, lunanjarrî quail, burrunjuna
bend down to, bunjurrgbarra red-tailed black cockatoo, lirrada
bent, murndugurlu red-winged parrot?, milinya
big, bajbaga (IV), bugayi (I), buguwa (IV), southern boobook owl, gurrguji
marliwa (IV), marliyî (I), ngamaji (I) (G) spinifex pigeon, larrana
spiny-cheeked honeyeater?, jariirri
spoonbill?, bulunbuluda
298 Appendix E

straw-necked ibis, gunymana make/shape boomerangs, ngarajabî

sulphur-crested cockatoo, barraala put the decorative marks on a
tawny frogmouth, gulugulinya boomerang, man garnami
tern sp., gîgura, dudba (G?) Borroloola, Waralunggu
white-faced heron, gawula boss, bugarru, marliyi, mungguji,
wild fowl, yagurragurrana
ngannguyî
willy wagtail, jindirrijbîrrînya
wood duck, walabadbi bottle, bujili
wren?, jijîrda bounce
birth bounce child on knee, gurrugurrumi
afterbirth, marlaba boy, alaji, juga (Gw)
give birth (of animal), wankurarri boy to be initiated, wardanguji
give birth (of person), jaladî boys, alangmîminji
newborn baby, manjala bracelet, jalînjalinja
woman who has just had a baby,
brain, murudidi
jalyarranga
branch, labarlabarnga
bite, dawu, gudayibi (G)
one who bites, dawujbarli (I), bread, bulyuluma
dawujbarlirna (II), gudayibarli (I) (G), break, ngujari
gudayibarlirna (n) (G) break down, ngujari
bust, darrgbi (G)
black, ngumuji (I), ngumurra (Iv) explode, jijambi
blanket, dumajana breast, ngaburlu
blanket lizard, gunbi, mankunyi breast plate, ngamangama
blind breathe, ngarlijbi
blind man, gamamurri, murluwaji be short of breath, garrankajbi,
blind woman, gamamurrunga, ngarrgudi
murluwajarna
bring, nyalima, yabu
blink (v), jibarrî
bring up (child), bajijurndu
blood, ilirri
brolga, darrmanji
bloodwood tree, darralyagi
brother
blow
older brother, baba, bayiliji
blow away/about (of wind),
younger brother, gagulu
burlurlandu
blow nose, burrgbanju brother-in-law, gari, munggujbila
blow on something, burrgbanju Brunette Downs, Nganaarra
blow (wind), bardbî people of Brunette Downs area,
blue-tongue lizard, gulangunya, gardaalanji
mîlirrgbarna (G) brush off, binbinkuma
boat, muwadana budgerigar, ngadijirri
body, ngarninjî build, angbardi
body odour, marndurra bull ant, gijana
`bogey', lîngba burn, daburri (G), najbi
boil (n), garrurdarna, ngundurrîma (G) burp (v), jalanggubi
bone, galaa bury, guliyarri
boomerang, juguli bush banana, ngamandurruma,
hook boomerang, mankaburrurna ngamarragama
instrument used to carve boomerangs, bush medicine, mijanka
binmala, ngarajagana, ngarlarrgu
instrument used to decorate bush passionfruit, minggilyanuma
boomerangs, birdbirrga bush plum, darima
 English—Wambaya fenderlist 299

bush turkey, garninyanji women's ceremony, gurija, yawulyu

bush, the, dudu, gurdu see also dance, dance ornament,
initiation
business
men's secret business, yarrambaja charcoal, janyala
bustard, garninyanjî chase, mardima, nyurrunyurru
chase away, dula, dunkala, îrriburdu
busy, be, aradajbî
chatterbox, ngarlwarli (I), ngarlwarlirna (II)
butterfly, wardbaji
cheek, garnmangga
buttocks, bunyma
cheeky (of child), ginjiji
`cheeky' (angry)
C be `cheeky', jidalyi
calf (of leg), gumarra, ngalyangalya (Gw?) cheekiness, barla
give cheek to, ginînyangmi, jidanymi
call out to, ardbi make `cheeky', lungganymi
camp, maga troublemaker, jidanybarli (I),
another camp, magajarra jidanybarlirna (II)
single men's camp, ngalangga chest, lînka
single women's camp, guwarla
chew, nyambarli
car, narunguja chew the meat off a bone, ngannganmî
have a car accident, bardgu
run over in a car, nawu chickenhawk, garrgarrgayi
care for, gunkunmi, nananga child, alaji
boy, alajî, juga (Gw)
carry boy to be initiated, wardanguji
carry around, wurrudbi
carry in both arms, ngunjulu children, alajajî, alalangmiminji (I),
carry on head, gulayirda alalangmimînya (II)
carry on hip under arm, esp. coolamon, dead child, guyuwarna
dîdija girl, alanga, ngila (Gw)
carry on shoulders, bigilanyi (G), chin, jarndarna
labalaba chop (of tree), dawu
carve cigarette, burlinjana
instrument used to carve boomerangs,
binmala, ngarajagana, ngarlarrgu circle
make/shape boomerangs, ngarajabi all around (in a circle), wurdijirrirni
put the decorative marks on a clap
boomerang, mangarnami clap (objects) together, dirdibili
cat, gan bulanyi clap by hitting tops of crossed legs
(women only), budburri
catch, lurrgbanyî clapping sticks, danmuga
caterpillar, burruburruma claw, irrilyi
cave, gumayangu clean, galuli (I), galulurna (II)
ceremony clean bark off, wurarrgbi
ceremonial coolamon with handle, clean up, ngarlani
jartu climb, langanbî
ceremonial ground, jamanji
ceremonial white paint, jaraji clitoris, giri
corroboree, wangarra close, ganinggiji
men's business, yarrambaja to come close up, to be close up,
men's ceremony sung after someone's ganinggi
death, jawala to go close behind something/someone.
the ceremony sung for male initiation, ganmanmi
gujiga close (v), jaji
300 Appendix E

clothes, danya country, maga

to dress, jaringma, jarrgarranyi another country, magajarra
skirt (traditional), ngunungarri countryman, marunki (I), marunkirna
trousers, jarrawaja (II)
cloud, nguruji hill country, dawurdawurra (G?)
dark (rain) cloud, bulurna one who belongs to a given country,
cockatiel, wirrilgarra magbarli (I), magbarlirna (II)
one who is from the plains country,
cockatoo manggurinji (I), manggurinya (II)
red-tailed black cockatoo, lirrada people of Brunette Downs area,
sulphur-crested cockatoo, barraala gardaalanji
cock-rag, dungala (G?) plains country, mangguru
cold cousin
be cold, garriji, ngajirri father's brother's daughter, babanya,
cold weather, garrijarrija, ngajirra bayida (G), bayilinya, gagulinya,
coldness, ngajirra gagurda
make cool, garrijanymî father's brother's son, baba, bayiliji,
cold (flu), ngankarra, ngarlurra gagulu
collarbone, ngalirrilili father's sister's daughter, barnganya
father's sister's son, barnga
collect, nyanyuwa mother's brother's daughter, barnganya
come, yarru mother's brother's son, barnga
come back, gannga mother's sister's daughter, babanya,
come out, bungbari bayida (G), bayîlinya, gagulinya,
come towards, bungbari gagurda
come/be close up, ganinggi mother's sister's son, baba, bayiliji,
conkerberry gagulu
conkerberry fruit, marnugujama cover, durnajarri, jaji
conkerberry tree, marnuguja cover newborn baby over with hot dirt,
cook, wugbardi ganbunuma
brown in coals, garrunyama crab
cooked, ilanji `river-side' crab, majîgina, wagina
cooking site, gayirra `sea-side' crab, majigayî
ground oven, munggu
roast in coals, gayirrima crack (n), girrgila
roast in the ground, mungguwa cramp (y), garrbagarrbalyi
cool have a cramp, garrbanbi
make cool, garrijanymî crawl, îlyînmi, junku
coolamon crazy
ceremonial coolamon with handle, crazy person, abajabajirna (II),
jaruma abajabaji (I)
deep (water) coolamon, gamula, make crazy, abajabajami
lujuluju creek, marnangga (G?)
shallow coolamon (i.e. for carrying
babies etc.), lawunji, lagija crocodile
freshwater crocodile, binbayî (G),
coolibah tree, murrinja wamji
corkwood tree, wulunjurra saltwater crocodile, mardumbarra
corroboree, wangarra crooked, murndugurlu
cough (v), ngurnngurli cross
be cross, baliji
 English—Wambaya finderlist 301

cross over daughter-in-law

cross over the water on a bridge), man's son's wife, lambarrarna
jaggy woman's son's wife, jayulinya,
crow, wagalamarri mimayirna
cry, yugu day
all day, ayîgurrajbi
cuckoo, jirrbilijirrbîli, wajabiwajabi
dead
cuddle, anmurru be dead, barlaji
rock child, gurrugurrumi dead child, guyuwarna
cup, barlugudba dead man, bibiyurru
curlew, indilyawurna dead woman, bibiyurrurna
cut, junmî name used to replace name of dead
chop (of tree), dawu person, murrinymurrinji (I),
cut down with axe, nyinggarra murrinymurrinya (II)
cut open a goanna, gurrgurli deaf
to gash one's head in mourning, deaf person, abajabaji (I), abajabajirna
gurlirra (II)
deafen, gurdumi
death
D parent who has cut off hair in mourning
dance for child, damanggayi (I),
a dance performed by women during damanggayirna (II)
initiation ceremonies, mirndigirri men's ceremony sung after someone's
a dancer in one's initiation ceremony, death, jawala
wurranybi (1), wurranybirna (II) to gash one's head in mourning,
a man's dance, part of the initiation gurlîrra
ceremony, gabaji deep, galiba
a women's ceremony, gurija, yawulyu
clap by hitting tops of crossed legs, desert, gayarra
budburri devil-devil, gardajali
to dance (of men), ngarlu, ngarlugbi die, gudijbi
to dance (of women), gajurru be dead, barlaji
to practice dancing, bawunmi
different
see also ceremony, dance ornament, a different place, banggajarra,
initiation
jabajabayarra (G)
dance ornament another, gunya (IV), gunyi (I), gunyarna
bracelet worn around the tops of the
arrns,jalinjalinja another camp/country, magajarra
breastplate, ngamangama
long hat worn by men, gumundungu dig
round fitted headpiece worn by young dig out of fire, galima
man, wardguwardgu dig with stick, nguya
white cloth headband worn by digging stick, maganja
women, barnmarrarna dingo, wamanji (I), wamanya (II)
white cockatoo feather worn on head, dirt, jamba
ngardarru brush dirt off, jundurra
daughter dirty, wagula
man's daughter, jajilinya, jajirda,
dive
jawananya (G?) dive down (of hawk), wuru
mother and daughter pair,
gamburugulanga doctor, marnganinji (G), ngunvbnlugi
woman's daughter, gulinya
see also granddaughter
302 Appendix E

dog, galalarrarna (II), galalarrinji (I), janjî (I) echidna, nyilangunya, warrîmbila
(G), janya (H) (G), wanggamayi (G) needle of the echidna, nyila
dingo, wamanji (I), wamanya (H) egg, marrgulu
dollarbird, danîdanî elbow, munjuna
don't know emu, garnanganjana
`I don't know', gunku enter, larlagbi
not to know someone, ngiyangbi
explode, jijambi
doubt (v), galagbi
eye, nzurlu
dove
eyebrow, milindi
diamond dove, gulugugurna
peaceful dove, marrababina eyelashes, ibijibiji
down, jangi, jayili (G)
go down, jalandabî F
drag, wurrudbanyi
face, wara
dragonfly, wurumbumbî be facing someone, juruma
dream face-to-face, warawara
a dream, buwarraja faint
dream about, buwarrajinga feel faint, guruburri
Dreamtime, buwarraja fall, bardgu
Dreamtime story, buwarraja fall into hole, garlarli
dress (v), jaringma, jarrgarranyî fell something, bardgujirrimi
drink, ngarabî trip someone up, janmajardi
a drunk, ngarabarli (I), ngarabarlirna far, marlu
fart (n), dirrbî
alcohol, ilarrî, lunggarra, ngaragana fast, gajigajirra
be drunk, warrawarra
fat, gurija
drop, bardgujirrimi
father, irda
drown, ginganbi father of boy to be initiated, banybayi
drunk (see drink) see also grandfather
dry, buyurru, warrawulyi father-in-law, gardunganji, lambarra
dry season, buyurru
dry skin, gilwa fear
to dry something, banngarrardi be a `chicken' (slang), dumbi
be frightened, durra, ilagbi
duck, jibilyawuna, dalwarranjî, walabadbî fearful person, durrajbarlî (I),
dugong, walyayi (G) durrajbarlirna (II), ilagbarli (I) (G),
dust, jundurra ilagbarlirna (II) (G)
to kick dust on someone by walking feather, mardaja
past, jundurnmi white cockatoo feather, ngardarru
feel, manku
feel around, maramaranbi
E feel bad, bagijbi
eaglehawk, ilarrama feel faint, guruburri
ear, manka feel good, gurijbi
feel happy (about something),
ear wax, mankuluguluda marrugbî, ngunkarri
early morning, gambardarda few, garndarndawuga
east, gagarra fight, daguma
eat, gajbi argue with, didbidbunga
feed, bundurrumî fight with, barla
meal, bundurra
 English—Wambaya finderlist 303

pick a fight with someone, gininyangmi, fork (of tree), labarlabarnga

jidanymî fowl, yagurragurrana
side with someone (e.g. in a fight), friend, barnga, ngarrinybi (I), ngarrinybirna
inma
file snake, bunubununa childhood friend, magungunu
finch, nyinimirri frightened, be, durra, ilagbi
find, aliyulu see also fear
finger, labirra, mama (G) frog, burrgunji
fingernail, irrilyî fruit, manja
finish, ganjimi bush banana, ngamandurruma,
ngamarragama
fire, gu iga• ngangaba bush coconut?, magudidi
firewood, ngangaba bush fruit sp., miyagama
fish, gaguwi bush passionfruit, minggilyanuma
barramundi, jadivi bush plum, darima
fish sp., bulmanji, gaguna, gararna, bush tomato, muralama
mankularrana, wagujirri conkerberry, marnugujama
hollow log used for catching fish, skin of fruit/vegetable, gilwa
lcvnanma white berry, sp., julamarrima,
little wire fishing spear, winmurri ngabararrima
to fish, wajarri wild orange, burnaringma
see also plant, tree
flat, bilimbila
fuck, durî
flea, nguyala
float, bulubulugbi full, bundurru (IV), bundurrurna (II)
be/get full, bundurrijbi
flow ( ri ver), bardbi full up, banbardarda
flower, yubulala make full, bundurrumi
flu, ngankarra, ngarlurra fur, nyungga
fly (n), warnnganji
fly (y), baba
fly up (into the sky), dingbari G
hover, wilwîli galah, gilyinkilyîda
flying fox, ginyagbanji (G?), wundugarrî game (esp. cards), mawulajana
follow, bardganyî gather
food, man ganyma collect, nyalima
bread, bulvuluma gather together, mujumi
meal, bundurra gecko, gangbirna
meat, ganybirra, gunju, yangaji get, idanyi (G), yanybi
non-flesh food, manganyma collect, nyalima
see also fruit gather together, mujumi
foot, janga, mandawayi get something from inside, larlagbarra
heel, munngujanga pick up, yanybi
football, bulvi get out, duwa
footprint, malya get up (and leave), duwa
for ever, nyurranji gidgee tree, gardaala, garclawala (G)
for nothing, yurubu girl, alanga, ngila (Gw)
forehead, wara girls, alangrnîminya
foreskin, gilwa, jangurla give, jiyawu
forget, gudijbî give an order, irrinynti
give cheek to, gininyangmi, jidanymî
304 Appendix E

give birth grass snake, bumarna

give birth (of animal), wankurarrî grasshopper, dajbidajbi
give birth (of person), jaladî short-horned grasshopper, nirrînîrri
glans penis, gubija grease (n), gurija
glider great-aunt
sugar glider, wagalagalana father's father's sister, ganggunya
go, dalwi (G), yarru father's mother's sister, ngayijinya,
get out (of pouch, egg etc.), duwa ngayijirda
get up (and leave), duwa mother's father's sister, jaminjilinya,
go around (i.e. in car), yarruburdu jaminjilirda, mimirna (Gw)
go down, jalandabî mother's mother's sister, gugunya,
go inside, larlagbi gugurda
go past, banymi, barulajbi (G?) great-nephew
goanna, mayinanji (I), mayinanjana (II) brother's daughter's son, jaminjaminji,
cut open a goanna, gurrgurli mimi (Gw)
goanna sp., bagarrinji brother's son's son, ganggumiji
plains goanna, jurrgubarrî, mangirriji sister's daughter's son, gugumiji
(G) sister's son's son, ngajimiji
God, marliyi great-niece
good, gurijbî (I), gurijbirna (II), gurijbama, brother's daughter's daughter,
(III) gurijba (IV) jaminjaminya
feel good, gurijbi brother's son's daughter, gangguminya
make good, gurinymi sister's daughter's daughter, guguminya
sister's son's daughter, ngajiminya
goodbye, alima
great-uncle
gossip father's father's brother, ganggu
gossip about, inijbi father's mother's brother, ngabuji
to worry that s.o. is talking about you, mother's father's brother, jaminjila,
yawayi
mimi (Gw)
grab, jimbanyi, lurrgbanyi mother's mother's brother, gugu
granddaughter grebe, bîrrîda
man's daughter's daughter, greedy
jaminjaminya, mimirna (Gw)
greedy person, gulîyanzbirra (I),
man's son's daughter, gangguminya
woman's daughter's daughter, guliyambirrarna (II)
guguminya grey-haired
woman's son's daughter, ngajiminya be grey-haired, bugurabi
grandfather grey-haired person, buguramila (II),
father's father, ganggu buguramilyi (I)
mother's father, jaminjila, mimi (Gw) grind, ngugujabi, wurdurda (G)
grandmother big round grinding stone, minggalija
father's mother, ngayijinya, ngayijirda make soft/fine from grinding, luyunynzi
mother's mother, gugunya, gugurda small round grinding stone, burulyi
grandson grog, îlarri, lunggarra, ngaragana
man's daughter's son, jamînjaminji, ground, jamba
mimi (Gw) ceremonial ground, jamanji
man's son's son, ganggumijî ground oven, munggu
woman's daughter's son, gugumijî grow, baji
woman's son's son, ngajimiji `grow up', bajijurndu
grass, warnda (G?) growl, ngirrwî
grass sp., bilama
green grass, bigîrra growl at, ngarnnga
 English—Wambaya finderlist 305

guts, gagania hear, ilînga, manku

gutta percha tree, manyingila heart, gurdurlu, marala
heavy, jarlwarla
heel, munngujanga
H here, bangami, ginmanjî
hair, nyungga
be grey-haired, bugurabi heron
heron sp., ganbagaguna
grey-haired person, buguramila (II),
white-faced heron, gawula
buguramilyi (I)
hairstring, jagbarri hiccup (v), ngamaganbi
hairstring belt, jarlardu, munungguma hide, andajarrî
parent who has cut off hair in mourning high, gayangga
for child, damanggayi (I), make go high, gayanggami
damanggayirna (II) hill country, dawurdawurra (G?)
roll hair on leg to make string,
hip, mira
banjanmi
hairstring belt, farlardu, munungguma hit, daguma, majbi (G)
hit with hand, daguma
halfway, buyunku hit with instrument, lurdbî
hammer (v), dardaluma hit with something thrown, yurndu
hand, labirra, marna (G) slap with leaves, warrguma.
to knock someone out, guruburrardî
handle (n), jarlu
hobby (bird), barnanggi, gunggudabudabu
hang
hang down, wurunburunbi hold, warima
hang up, langanjardi hole, lagurra
happy fall into hole, garlarli
feel happy (about something), put something into a hole, garlarlardi
marrugbi, ngunkarri home, maga
hard, murdurna, yarduga (IV), yarduga (IV), honey, wawuna, wawunji
yardugarna (Il) honeyeater, jariirri
hassle (v), aradami hook, ginguli
hatch, darrgulumi hook boomerang, mankaburrurna
have, yabu hot
keep, gunugunumi be hot, linjarrgbi, ngarrangarra
hawk make warm, wurrunganymi
chickenhawk, garrgarrgayi house, barrawu
collared sparrow-hawk, warabulttbulu
how, wunjugu
hawk sp., gulumbinya
head, damangga, guyuguya (G) how much, yangulanji (I), yangulanya (II),
gash one's head in mourning, gurlirra yangulanyma (III), yangulanja (IV)
headpiece `humbug', aradami
long hat worn by men during ceremony, hungry, be, balijî
gumundungu hunt, alalangtni, ngirrigbi (G)
round fitted headpiece worn by young `hunt away', dula, dunkala, irriburdu
man during initiation ceremony,.
wardguwardgu hurt, murri
white cloth headband worn by women hurt someone, nusrrijbulurni
during ceremony, barnmarrarna to be in pain, ngadijbî
white cockatoo feather worn on head husband, gari, munggujbila
during ceremonies, ngardarru
heap up, dardbiyardi, ijijardi
306 Appendix E

I riverside kangaroo, yunggumarla,

warunggala
`I don't know', gunku tablelands kangaroo, marraji
ibis, gunymana keep, gunugunumi
initiation kick, gugujardi
a dance performed by women, kick dust on someone, jundurnmi
mirndigirri kidney, idarangga
a dancer in one's initiation ceremony,
wurranybi (I), wurranybirna (II) kill, barlajardi, gurdajirrimi
a man's dance, gabaji king brown snake, ngurlwayi
boy who has been initiated, bulingi, kiss (y), jarungbi
yaba (G) kite (bird)
boy to be initiated, wardanguji black kite, galunji
ceremonial ground, jamanji kite sp., wundawulyana, didîlayi
ceremony sung for male initiation,
knee, banggîrra
gujiga
men's secret business, yarrambaja knee cap, gandanîyama
parent of boy to be initiated, banybayi kneel down to, bunjurrgbarra
(I), banybayima (II) knife, garligarli, jabirri
round fitted headpiece worn by young instrument used to carve boomerangs,
man, wardguwardgu binmala, ngarajagana, ngarlarrgu
second-degree initiate, murnunguji instrument used to decorate
see also ceremony, dance, dance boomerangs, birdbirrga
ornament knock
inside, murrgu knock down, janmajardi
get something from inside, larlagbarra knock over, gurlurlardi, nzunggardi
go inside, larlagbî knock someone out, guruburrardi
itchy, be, muwari knock back, nyunmi
know, jiyanggi
`I don't know', gunku
know-all, jiyanggijbarli (I),
jabiru, garrînjî jiyanggijbarlirna (II)
jail (v), jangbidi not to know someone, ngiyangbi
jaw, garnmangga
jealous
be jealous, nguwajbi L
be jealous of, junggungguwa,
nguwajbarra
lacking, anggarrinja, guyalinja
jealous person, nguwajbarlî (I), lagoon, barlumbarra
nguwajbarlirna (H) lancewood tree, garnawunka
joey, ganarrgulyi (G?) language, ngarlana
juice, ngurlungga later, marndiji
jump, dirragbi laugh, garni, gamijbî (G)
laugh at, gamijanga
lay
K lay egg, wankurarri
kangaroo lay something down, gulugardi
baby kangaroo, ganarrgulyî (G?) lazy, be, danbarra
kangaroo sp., mandida, yawirri leaf, ilyirrga, wanjirra
mountain kangaroo, judama, mandida, leave alone/behind, yagu, yagujbi (G)
wadayina
red kangaroo, marraji leech, magami
 English—Wambaya finderlist 307

left side, wagunyungga log

leg, jaga hollow log used for catching fish,
ankle, wurdalyi lamanma
calf (of leg), gumarra, ngalyangalya long, garnaa (IV), garnayi (I), garnama (III)
(Gw?) long time ago, ginbila (G), marndija
knee, banggirra look, ngajbi
knee cap, gandaniyama stare, gurrgbarra
lower leg, gandurru
thigh, jaga, munngujaga look after, gunkunmî, nananga, yandu
let go of something, marlinga look for, ayani
look for a boyfriend/girlfriend,
lick, nganyangbî barmganbi
lie, wujubi lose, gudijbi
lie to someone, wujubardi
louse, mugunjana
lie (down)
to lie on one's back, ganbalaga luck
to lie on one's back with ankle on other bad luck, gimurra
knee, jaging' lunchtime, dannganî, mugunjana
to lie on one's side propped up on one
elbow, mirrinjungu, ngurndurrurlu
to lie on one's stomach, jirrbali, M
juruwala maggot, gululyi
life, anka magpie, gulbalawujî (G), iburraji
lift (up), gayanggami, ngunjulanyî magpie goose, warlîdaji
light (a fire), lajarri make, yardi
lightning, yandugururna build, angbardi
to flash lightning, barnamuluma make a bed, jalyuma
like, ngunnga make oneself into something, yardi
lily root, darramalama roll hair on leg to make string,
banjanmi
lily seeds, jiyanma to shape/make (a boomerang, spear),
line ngarajabî
be in a line, darridarrî man, juwa
listen, ilînga, manku dead man, bîbîyurru
little, bulyingi (n, bulyungu (IV), man who has cut off his hair in
bulyungurna (i), gubaja (IV) (G), mourning for his child, damanggayi
munduru (IV), munduri (I), mundururna men, juwarda, juwarramba
(II) (G) old man, baajbali, bungmaji
old men, bungmungmaji
little bit, garndarndawuga
white man, marndaji, ngarrwanji (G)
little while, bîbi (G), mundurumi, warlugu young man, bajaji (G?), bulingi, yaba
live, mina (G)
liver, malamba many, gamguja (IV), garngujbala (IV),
lizard types garngujbalarna (II), garngujbali (I),
blanket lizard, gunbi, mankunyi garnguji (I), gamgunya (II), garngunyma
blue-tongue lizard, gulangunya,
milirrgbarna (G) mark (n), malya
left-hand li7ard9, gaburri
lizard sp., garngulugulu, jalabanya meal, bundurra
plains lizard, garrgalyi meat, ganybirra, gunju, yangaji
slippery lizard, dabuluna medicine, mijanka
menstruation, marlaba, mujuju
308 Appendix E

mess around with someone else's things, neck

irringgurli front of neck/throat, gurranganyma,
middle, buyunku birnmanma
nape of neck, jiyarra
milk, ngaburlu
needle, mudînya
mind (v), yandu needle of echidna, nyila
mirage, durrugidurrugi nephew
mischievous, gînjiji brother's son, gajagaja (G), jajila,
moan, warrajbi jawanaji
money, gijilulu sister's son, gulu
see also great-nephew
moon, wardangarrî
nest, jalyu
more, mîlama
morning new, jîlija (IV), jilinya (II)
early in the morning, gambardarda next time, ngunybajarra
mosquito, banggulyana niece
mother, gujinganjarda, gujînya brother's daughter, jajilinya, jajirda,
mother and daughter pair, jawananya (G)
gamburugulanga sister's daughter, gulinya
mother of boy to be initiated, see also great-niece
banybayirna night, baralala, ngurraramba
see also grandmother during the night, baralala
mother-in-law, jayulinya, mimayirna no, guyala
mouse, munyunyuna no good, bagîga (Iv), bagijî (I), baginga (II)
mouth, bamarra (G?), nganggarrga be no good, lunggaji, yagayaga
feel no good, bagijbi
move make no good, baginymî, lungganymi
move around/fidget, nyanyayu
move location, gugujbi, irrijbi noise
move someone/something, nyanyayumi, to not talk, jagurdi
irrijardi be too noisy for someone, gurdumi
one who fidgets a lot, nyanyayijbarli (I), make noise, girrili
nyanyayijbarlirna (II) stop noise, laji
mud, marnarrga north, langga
mussel nose, galama
freshwater mussel, jagugayi, blow nose, burrgbanju
marlangarrî (G), nganggayi (G), rub nose, bujirringa
nguyiminji nothing, guyala
type of big mussel, jugulambirri for nothing, yurubu
lacking, anggarrinja, guyalinja
now, jalanyî
N nulla-nulla, barrgu, gudbajirra
nail, îrrîlyî numb
name, yurula be numb, garrbagarrbalyi
bush (Aboriginal) name, gurduminja go numb, mambulyajbi
name used to replace name of dead nurse (n), ngunybulunguna
person, murrinymurrinji (I), nurse (v)
murrinymurrinya (II) nurse child, anmurru
navel, mabuluma rock child, gurrugurrumi
 English—Wambaya finderlist 309

parrot
o parrot sp., birriwililyi
oak red-winged parrot?, milinya
desert oak, wunggurrala pass
oar, rimina (G) pass by, banymi, barulajbi
to kick dust on someone by walking
ochre
red ochre, girrina past, jundurnmi
white ochre, magirra peel off, galyanymi
O.K., alima peep, warladi
be O.K., ngilwi peewee, dîrdîbulyi
old pelican, walanybirri
old man, baajbali, bungmaji penis, junama
old men, bungmungmaji person, juwa
old woman, baajbalarna, bungmanya Aboriginal person, juwa
old women, bungmungmanya people, juwarda, juwarramba
to cause to wrinkle/age, danggulyanymi white person, marndaji
olden times, jabuburranjî pick up, idanyi, nyanyuwa, yanybi
one, garndawuga (Iv), garndawugi (I), scoop something up, ngalanyi
jj i pierce, darrgulumi, dudiyarri
only, yurubu pigeon
open crested pigeon, garlwarlwana
be open, ngangbi spinifex pigeon, larrana
to open, bunybarrimi, ngangbulumî pigweed, galagama
to open wide, walyulyumi
pile up, dardbiyardi, ijijardi, mujumi
order
give an order, irrinymi pillow, marrajana
pins and needles, garrbagarrbalyi
other, gunya (IV), gunyî (I), gunyarna (II)
another camp/country, magajarra place, maga
another place, banggajarra, another country/camp, magajarra
jabajabcryarra (G) another place, banggajarra,
outside, barlwara jabajabayarra (G)
ceremonial ground, jamanji
oven cooking site, gayirra
ground oven, ntunggu
placename
owl Anthony Lagoon Station,
barn owl, wiringarri Gargarguwaja
southern boobook owl, gurrguji Borroloola, Waralunggu
owner, mungguji (I) Brunette Downs, Nganaarra
Count ry around Banka Banka station
and Tennant Creek, Junggurragurra
P Country around Renner Springs,
Yambayambarna
Pain
to be in pain, ngadijbi Country somewhere east of Elliott, Lija,
Muwardbi
paint Kiana Station, Gayana
ceremonial white paint, jaraji Places along McArthur River,
to paint, fila Ganjarrani, Lanybiya
white paint, magirra Places along the Nicholson River,
paper, burruburru Garnalanja, Jalînjabarda, Janurruwa,
paperback tree, bajarra, wararru Murunmurula
310 Appendix E

Places on Anthony Lagoon Station, boomerang, man garnami

Anjirringma, Gibimija, put together, mujumî
Marndanymija, Mida to put water on something (i.e. plants),
plains country, mangguru ngunjurabi
one who is from the plains country, python
manggurinji (I), manggurinya (II) children's python, bubuyirna
plant python sp., mirrîdmirrida
algae, bulînja
caustic vine, manjala
lignum, wurungurra Q
little onion plant, nyirrawurruma quail, burrunjuna
pigweed, galagama quickly, gajigajirra
plant sp., birrîmbirra, bulunbulunji,
quiet
gunjugunja, wamirri, wamuri
be quiet, lajî
tassel top/pussycats tails, mawuruma
make be quiet, lajîrrimi
vine sp., gurnarlu
not to talk, jagurdî
wild potato, gambanyuma
wild rice, ginggirra
yam sp., gabalama, jigama,
ngarrijinyma
R
see also fruit, tree rain (n), galyurrungurna
play, mawula rainbow, gangma
plover, dadada, dajarrarrana raise, dulanymi
poison, lunggarra rat
poke, jimbulu bush rat, gudingi
water rat?, yanjunî (G)
policeman, lunggajî
raw, gankima, gurlurdarri
`poor bugger', bardibardi (I), bardibardîrna
(II), bayibayi (I), bayibayina (II)
red, gîrrina, warrabubu
be red, wubi
`porcupine', nyilangunya, warrimbila
refuse, to ngarrinbi, nyunmi
possessive
be possessive, ngarrinbî relation, marunki (I), marunkirna (II)
possum, gawunka remember, îlinga, manku
pound, to, lurdbi remove, jananmi, wurrgbi
remove dirt from, jundurra
pratincole, gurijbijbina
rest, (v) yandu
pregnant, bundurrurna
be pregnant, bundurrijbî return, gannga
properly rib, garlimbaji, wanmirri
do something properly, gurinymi right side, dimdija
provoke • ripe, ilanjî
give cheek to, gînînyangmi, jîdanymî river, îlîgirra, marnangga (G?)
pull, wurrudbanyi flow (river), bardbi
pull out, wurrgbi rivers, ililirri
puppy, gujuguju riverbank, jîmanka
push road, garrunyma
push away, gugujardi roast
put, nguwani (G), yardi ground oven, munggu
roast in coals, gayirrima
put in water, bulugardi
roast in the ground, mungguwa
put something down firmly, namanmi
put something into a hole, garlarlardi rock
put the decorative marks on a rock a child, gurrugurrumi
 English—Wanibaya finderlist 31 1

roll shake, birrîrri

roll hair on leg to make string, shake something off, durndurlimi
banjanmi shake something., binbinkuma
roll up into a ball, burruburrumi shallow, gurranja
root, indirra `be shamed', manngurru
rotten, wagula shell, gilwa, rawuwanggu (G)
round, gurlugurla shield (v), gamdani
rub, nimijbi shit (n), gagama, ngangma
rub nose, bujirringa
Shit!, idii
rubbish, durnbu
shiver (v), bîrrîrri
run, bardbi, bujbi (G)
short, gubaja (IV), gubaji (I) (G), gurlaanji
(I), munduru (IV), munduri (I),
S mundururna (II) (G)
saliva, banga, jabula shoulder, bigala (G), marlanganji
carry on shoulders, bigilanyi (G),
salt, lunggarra labalaba
saltwater, walamagamaga (G) show, barinymi, dirndirrinyml, mirridimi
saltwater crocodile, mardumbarra a show-off, bunmajarda (I),
sand, garlangga bunmajardarna (II), ngunngajarda (I),
sandhill, garlangga ngunngajardarna (II)
sap to show off, jinggali
edible sap, marungma shut, jaji
say, durdurrgu (G), ngarlwi shy, be, ilagbi (G)
scar, gîlwa sick
ornamental scars, burruna be sick, gurda
scrape, galyanymi, wurarrgbî make feel nauseous, gurluribî
make sick, gurdajirrimi
scratch, îrrijabî, nguya
sick person, gurdanymîla (II),
scrub, the, garuga marlumarlu (I), marlumarlurna (II)
season to be sick from having been `sung',
dry season, buyurru balaji
wet season, garnumba side-by-side
see, ngajbi put side-by-side, ganjurrardi
stare, gurrgbarra sift, garnanybi
seed, nganji silver box gum, buyarragu
lily seeds, jiyanma
seed pod, nganji sing, nijbi
sing for something, angarrurru
selfish
to be sick from having been `sung',
be selfish, ngarrinbi balajî
send, garnarnda
sister
send away, gugujardi older sister, babanya, bayida (G),
sex bayilinya
fuck, duri younger sister, ga,qulinya, gagurda
have sex with, gajbi sister-in-law, gariîrda, garinya,
shade, manjungu manggujbilinya
shadow, ngururra (G?) sit, mirra
sit on, nawu
sit with legs straight out, gardurrardî
312 Appendix E

sit with one's legs crossed (yoga style), make soft, mambulyami
barngala make soft/fine from grinding, luyunymî
skin, angaanga, waba someone, gayini (I), gayinirna (II), gayina
dry/peeling skin, gilwa (N)
skin of fruit/vegetable, gilwa something, gayini (I), gayinirna (II), gayina
(IV)
skin group (generic), gardibirra, marndurra
see 1.2.3 for list of skin names somewhere, injani
skirt (traditional), ngunungarri son
sleep, gulugbi man's son, gajagaja (G), jajila, jawanaji
be sleepy, ngunybungunybarri woman's son, gulu
heavily asleep, gurdagurdarna (II), see also grandson
gurdagurdi (I) son-in-law
one who sleeps a lot, gulugbarli (I), man's daughter's husband,
gulugbarlirna (II) gardunganji, lambarra
sleep (i.e. in the eyes), wagula woman's daughter's husband, mimayi
to have one's eyes closed but still be soon, marndijî
awake, lanbi
sore, iliga
slowly, mirnanmi be sore, murri
smell boil (n), garrurdarna, ngundurrirna (G)
(to give off) smell, buja soup, ngurlungga
(to perceive) smell, bujanga
body odour, marndurra south, ngirnii, ngirniwi (G)
smelly, wagula (IV), wagulyî (I), speak, durdurrgu (G), ngarlwi
wagulya (II) spear, balamurru, mugura
smile, garnî little wire fishing spear, winmurri
smoke (n), yugala sharp stone for spear head, jangani
spear for killing dugong and big fish,
smoke (v), burlinja maganmurru, narra (G)
smooth, damarla spear (v), dalyaganyi, dudiyarri
make smooth, damanymi
spider, marawunji
snail big black spider, garruji
freshwater snail, marnanggi
spill, gurlurlardi, munggardi
snake, mimarri
children's python, bubuyirna spinifex, burinyma
spinifex wax, ginima
file snake, bunubununa
grass snake, bumarna spit
king brown snake, ngurlwayi spit at (i.e. in anger), jugbi
python sp., mirridmirrida spit on/at, jabularni
snake sp., îndura, judangunya spittle, banga, jabula
water snake sp., bujarda, ganbuwi split
snappy gum, wamba make a split (i.e. in wood), gilinmi
snatch, jimbanyi, lurrgbanyi stab, darrgulumi, jimbulu
sneak stand, garranbi
sneak away, nanganangali make stand up, garranjardî
sneak up on, bunjunymi stand on, nawu
sneeze, jinya star, jinkiji
milky way, garrunyma
snore, bawurrbi
star formation said to be a goanna's
snot, ngarlurra backbone, durrinja
soak, burlugardi stare, gurrgbarra
soft, mambulya
go soft, mambulyajbî
 English-Wambaya finderlist 313

steal, ngirra sun, gambada

grab, lurrgbanyi to get warm (in the sun), banngarru
step sundown
step on, nawu until sundown, ayigurrajbi
step over someone's outstretched legs, sunrise
gardurranyi around sunrise, gambardarda
stick (n), darranggu supplejack, ngandarrgala
clapping sticks, danmuga swallow, ngurrguma
digging stick, maganja
fighting stick, barrgu, gudbajirra swear, barndanyî
stick (v), gagbi swear word, barndanybarla
still sweat (v), girundajbi
be still (of wind), laji swell up, lumbîlumbi
stilt (bird), nginginji swim, wajangarnja
sting, jimbulu `bogey', lingba
stomach, juruma
stone, guda (G), namirra T
big round grinding stone, minggalija tadpole, burrulyi
sharp stone for spear head, janaani
small round grinding stone, burulyi tail, banjanganima, judiyama
stone axe, ganybalinya, nyinggarna take, yabu
stone knife, garligarli, jabirri grab, lurrgbanyi
stop take off/out, jananmî
stop someone/something from making take something away from someone,
noise, lajirrimi ngarringga
story, marranva talk, durdurrgu (G), ngarlwi
tell a story, babarra, didima chatterbox, ngarlwarli (1), ngarlwarlirna
straig ht, dirndija (II)
talk about someone else, inijbî
make straight, dîrndinymî to not talk, jagurdi
stretch, nawunawujbi to worry that s.o. is talking about you,
strin g yawayi
bark string, jarnaga tall, garnaa (IV), garnayi (I), garnama (III)
hair string, jagbarri tea, nyanyalu
hair string belt, jarlardu, munungguma
roll hair on leg to make stri ng, teach, dirndirrinymi, mirridimi
banjanmi tear (v), gilinmi
strong, murdurna, yarduga (Iv), yardugarna tears, milarra
(In, yardugarna (III) tell, babarra, didima
make strong, yardugamî tell someone to be quiet, lajirrîmi
subincision, ngaranma tell someone what to do, irrinymi
subsections tendon, ngajaji
skin group (generic), gardibirra, testicles, luranyma, nurranma
marndurra see 1.2.3 for list of skin that way, yunumarrga
terms
there, gîlîyaga, ginkî
suck (something), bungbungbi
thigh, jaga, munngujaga
sugarbag, wawuna, wawunji
sugarbag wax, binyirda thingummyjig, ngambaji (I), ngambarna (II),
ngambaga (III)
sulk, bagurrbî, gurdurdu
think about, manku
314 Appendix E

thirsty, be, gurranji gidgee, gardaala, gardawala (G)

this way, ginkanyi gooramurra, jrayijala, marndardbarla
gutta percha, manyingila
three, murrgunbala (IV), murrgunbalarna lancewood, garnawunka
(II), murrgunbali (I), murrgunji (I),
leaf, ilyirrga, wanjîrra
murrgunka (IV), murrgunma (III), pandanus?, manyarra
murrgurna (II) paperbark, bajarra, wararru
throat, birnmanma, gurranganyma root, indirra
through silver box gum, buyarragu
right through, laragîbarli snappy gum, wamba
stump (of tree), munngu
throw, banjarrî
supplejack, ngandarrgala
thunder, yandugururna tree sp., barlanggubarlanggu, gajura,
thus, yununggu garagara, wugalama, yalanarrama
tickle, gijigijibi turpentine, murlurru
whitewood, warrigila
tie
wild orange, burnariga
tie up, jangbîdî see also fruit, plant
untie, jananmi
trouble
time
make trouble for someone, garndarra
at a later time, marndiji
trouble maker, jidanybarlî (I),
long time ago, gînbîla (G), marndija
jidanybarlirna (II)
next time, ngunybajarra
now, jalanyi trousers, jarrawaja
olden times, jabuburranji truth, nganinymi
tired `tucker', manganyma
be tired, nyagajbî turn
be sleepy, ngunybungunybarri turn around, gunyarri, yangami
make tired, nyaganymi turn over, gunyarri, yangami
tobacco, warnu turpentine tree, murlurru
ashes that are mixed with chewing
tobacco, ganburna, garnga turtle
to `feel funny in mouth for tobacco', long-neck turtle, gulamandarrina
gagabara two, gujarra (IV), gujarrî (I), gujarrama (II),
today, jalanyî gujarrama (III), gujarrawulu
toe, janga
toenail, irrilyî U
tomorrow, bulinama (G), ngijininima unable
the day after tomorrow, ngijiniyarra be unable to, dabudaburri
tongue, nganjala make unable to, dabudabunymi
tooth, gujangga, lija uncle
track, janga, malya father's brother, bamangila, îrda
to track, bîrdarri (G), jarrgî father's sister's husband, gambara,
tree, darranggu jugu
mother's brother, gambara, jugu
bauhinia, wajarra mother's sister's husband, barnangila,
bloodwood?, darralyagi irda
beefwood, jilinggirra see also great-uncle
branch, labarlabarnga
conkerberry, marnuguja untie, jananmî
coolibah, murrinja urine, gumbu
corkwood, wulunjurra
desert oak, wunggurrala
fork, labarlabarnga
 English—Wanzbaya finderlist 315

well
V
do something well, gurinymi
vagina, gindarni, jindinarri, lurrguma
west, bayungu
vehicle, narunguja
wet, jîrrgula
very hard, walalangarri be/get wet, jîrrgulyî
vine make wet, jirrgunymi
caustic vine, manjala wet season, garnumba
vine sp., gurnarlu what, gayînî (I), gayinirna (II), gayîna (IV)
voice, gurrangan ma `what's-his-name', ngambaji (I),
vomit (v), jabamda . ngambarna (II), ngambaga (III)
when, yangulu
w where, injani
where from, înjannga
wait, jadbi (G), yandu which, gayîni (I), gayinîrna (II), gayina (IV)
wake somebody up, dulanymi whinge, warrajbi
walk around, yarruburdu whiskers, jamdama
wallaby whisper, jalyalyi
grey wallaby sp., wankarri, ngulungulu
whistle, burlinja
want
to `feel funny in mouth for tobacco', white, jarragurra, magirra
gagabara white man, mamdaji, ngarrwanji (G)
to want to do something, garajbî white woman, gurrînya (G), nzarndanga,
warm, wumingall wanmarrî (G)
get warm (in the sun), banngarru whitewood tree, warrîgila
make warm, wurrunganymî, yunkarrî
who, gayini (I), gayinîrna (II), gayîna (IV)
wart, jaabi
why, gayinanka
wash, wagardbi
bathe, lingba wichetty grub, buringi
water, galyurringi, nguwi (G?), warna nî wife, garîirda, garinya, munggujbilinya
cross over the water (i.e. along a `wild blackfella', mulungu
bridge), jagara willy wagtail, jindirrijbirrinya
float in water, bulubulugbi willy-willy, mayamba
saltwater, walamagamaga (G)
to water something (i.e. plants), wind, magurra (G?), wunba
ngunjurabi blow away/about (of wind),
burlurlandu
wave blow (of wind), bardbi
wave at, banya whirlwind, nzayamba
wave hand across face (i.e. to shoo
flies), wankuma windbreak, wurrungala
wax wing, jarlu
ear wax, mankuluguluda woman, gîrriya, nardurna (G), nayida
spinifex wax, ginima dead woman, bibiyurrurna
sugarbag wax, binyirda old woman, baajbalarna, bun gmanya
weak old women, brn zgmungnianya
be weak, dabudaburri, yagayaga white woman, gurrinya (G),
make weak, dabudabunymi marndangcz, wanmarri (G)
woman who has cut off her hair in
weather mourning for her child,
cold weather, garrijamja, ngajirra damanggayima
dry season, buyurru woman who has just had a baby,
wet season, garnumba
316 Appendix E

jalyarranga wrist, gardawurri

women, nayirrundurna
young woman, bulungurna,
gurdangirra Y
woomera, gimînka, ngarliga yam sp., gabalama, jîgama, ngarrijinyma
word, ngarlana yawn, jaru
worry that s.o. is talking about you, yellow, dankurra
yawayi yesterday, ngijinî
wrinkle young man, bajaji (G?), bulingi, yaba (G)
one who is wrinkled, danggulyana (II)
young woman, bulungurna, gurdangîrra
to be/get wrinkled, danggulyzjbi
to cause to wrinkle/age, danggulyanymî
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