HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE

Author(s): S. D. Kolsky
Source: The Year's Work in Modern Language Studies, Vol. 44 (1982), pp. 541-571
Published by: Modern Humanities Research Association
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 Italian Studies 54i

HUMANISM AND THE RENAISSANCE

By S. D. K o ls k y ,Lecturer in Italian, University ofMelbourne

1. General

Atti . . . (Belgrade) contains an impressive range of contributions on

many aspects of the Italian Renaissance. The volume includes studies
(mentioned individually later) on Aretino, Ariosto, Castiglione,
Machiavelli, Tasso, and other writers and humanists. Also contained
in the collection are a number of essays on more general aspects of the
Renaissance which particularly emphasize the developments that
have taken place in various countries in the ways of seeing the
Renaissance. C. Vasoli, Tl concetto di Rinascimento nel pensiero
pp. 19-43,tne major of the Renaiss
contemporaneo', interpretations
ance since the Second World War are considered. The significance of
research carried out in America is stressed by D. Delia Terza, 'La
recente ricerca storiografica sul Rinascimento negli stati uniti
d'america', pp. 45-62. Particular aspects of Renaissance
scholarship
inRussia and eastern Europe are treated byM. Andreev, Tl primo
Rinascimento italiano nella critica sovietica degli anni 1960?70',
pp. 185-94, and H. Heintze, 'Studi attuali sul Rinascimento in paesi
socialisti', pp. 455-59, which is a much more limited piece of work
than its title suggests, dealing with two publications only from East
and A. Rochon, 'Letteratura e societa nel
Germany Hungary.
Rinascimento italiano', an overall view of the
pp. 63-112, presents
social circumstances affecting the Renaissance writer, whereas A.
Buck in his essay of the same title, pp. 113-33 (previously published
inMC, 10?11, 1981:39-64), restricts himself to a discussion of the
writer's relationship with his public and with his employer. The
unexpected influence of theRenaissance on a modern French writer is
discussed inW. E. Leparulo, 'LTtalia rinascimentale nell'opera di
Albert Camus', pp. 515-23. An anthology of literary texts together
with later criticism on them is C. Salinari and C. Ricci, Storia della
letteratura italiana con antologia degli scrittorie dei critici, vol. 2, Dal
Cinquecento al Settecento,Bari, Laterza, 1,170 pp. The influence of
medieval writers on theRenaissance is discussed in two articles: R.
Bragantini, 'Boccaccio e l'esperienza del Rinascimento', Annali della
Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia delVUniversita di Macerata, 13, 1980
(1982): 57-74, has a misleading title since only a miniscule portion of
the article is devoted to the Renaissance's reception of B. and then
only superficially, and V. Vettori, 'Dante nel Rinascimento', Atti . . .
(Belgrade), pp. 667-70, offers the briefest of surveys which is really
nothing more than a listof names. Attitudes towards theFrench king,

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 542 Italian Studies

Charles VIII, on the part of Italian intellectuals highlight political

and cultural ideals, as isdemonstrated by C. De Frede,' "Piu simile a
mostro che a uomo." La bruttezza e l'incultura di Carlo VIII nella
rappresentazione degli Italiani del Rinascimento', BHR, 44:545-85.
thematic studies. The use of madness as a theme of Renaissance
literature is considered in Colloque . . . (Paris) where a number of
important authors are analysed in detail (see below, Poetry, under
ariosto and tasso, Drama, under ruzante, and under
Prose,
garzoni and .Renaissance women come in for exten
machiavelli)
ded treatment in three books devoted to particular aspects of the
subject. Maria Ludovica Lenzi, Donne emadonne.L'educazionefemminile
nelprimoRinascimento italiano,T, Loescher, 216 pp., proceeds by way of
extracts from the pertinent works of humanist educators and from the
works of thewomen themselves. An anthology of a different kind is
Natalia Costa-Zalessow, Scrittrici italiane dal XIII atXX secolo. Testi e
critica,Ravenna, Longo, 302 pp., inwhich the briefest of introductions
is followed by selections from thewomen writers in question. These
include Alessandra Macinghi Strozzi, Lucrezia Tornabuoni de'
Medici, Antonia Giannotti Pulci, and the better known female poets
of the Cinquecento. Margaret Tomalin, The Fortunes of theWarrior
Heroine inItalian Literature.An Index ofEmancipation, Ravenna, Longo,
238 pp., is of interest to the Renaissance scholar for her chapters on
the figures of Bradamante and Marfisa in the romance epics of the
15th and 16th centuries. The book ismore descriptive than analytical
and suffersfrom a lack of depth. Her basic argument that the theme of
the independent woman is to be seen only in the figure of the female
warrior ishighly tendentious. The transformations that the concept of
'Fortuna' underwent through the intervention of humanists and other
writers, especially Alberti, Machiavelli, and Ariosto is studied inD.
Consoli, 'La "Fortuna", il Rinascimento e l'Ariosto', Studi Paratore,
pp. 1357-73. Some reference ismade toMachiavelli's interpretation
of the wheel of fortune inG. Stabile, 'La ruota della fortuna: tempo
ciclico e ricorso storico', Scienze, credenze occulte, pp. 477-503. F.
Bertini, 'Fortuna medievale ed umanistica della favola dell'asino e del
cinghiale (Phaedr. 1 29)', Studi Paratore, pp. 1063-73, discusses the
publication of two collections of fables by Lorenzo Bevilacqua
(Abstemius) in 1495 and 1499 inwhich the roles of the protagonists
were reversed. M. D. Reeve, 'The Italian tradition of Lucretius',
IMU, 23, 1980 (1981): 27-48, reconstructs the relationships between
the various manuscripts copied and emended by Italian humanists.
The importance of E. S. Piccolomini and G. Campano in the diffusion
ofTacitus's Germania and itsuse inpolitical controversy is assessed by
L. Krapf, 'The literary rediscovery of Tacitus' Germania', RPLit,
5:137-43. Differing interpretations by Renaissance humanists on a

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 Humanism and Renaissance 543
point of detail are discussed by R. Ribuoli, 'Le Nonae Caprotinae dal
Poliziano al Bern bo. Per la storia dell'esegesi di Ovidio, Ars 2, 257-58',
RPLit, 5:269-71. The difficulties inherent in the term 'mannerism'
are confronted several scholars. R. '"Modi" et "Man
by Scrivano,
iere" entre Vasari et Cellini', RLC, 56:305-17, has undertaken a
survey of these two terms. A. Boase, 'Le manierisme tel qu'on peut
l'etablir aujourd'hui', RLC, 56:261-65, looks at Vasari, Patrizi, and
Bruno as mannerist writers, particularly with regard to their
attitudes towards Aristotle. Tasso is regarded as a mannerist poet in
his attempts to find an allegorical meaning which encompasses the
entire plot of the GerusalemmeLiberata by F. Hallyn, 'Anamorphose et
allegorie', RLC, 56:319-30. F. D'Episcopo, "Tmmanita" e "ing
anno" nell'opera di Masuccio Salernitano e di Giovanni Pontano',
Atti. . . (Belgrade), pp. 347-63, discusses the evolution these terms
undergo in thework ofM.S. and how this compares with P.'s usage.
Universita . . . contains two contributions of particular interest for the

organization of Renaissance learning: C. Vasoli, 'Le accademie fra

Cinquecento e Seicento e il loro ruolo nella storia della tradizione

enciclopedica', pp. 81-115, traces the development of the academies
as successors to the humanist schools, and L. 'L'Accademia
Bolzoni,
veneziana: splendore e decadenza di una Utopia enciclopedica',
pp. 117-67, follows the history of this academy, especially its
involvement in the publication of vernacular literature. Ficino is
regarded as the most significant Renaissance figure interested in
'magia spirituale' analysed in some detail along with Delia Porta
whose main interest in this area was naturale' in I. P. Culianu,
'magia
'Magia spirituale e magia demonica nel Rinascimento', RSLR, 17,
1981:360-408. The evolution of theHoratian notion of'decoro' in the
16th century from Castiglione toTasso is traced inG. Mazzacurati,
'"La maesta de' nostri tempi" (Tasso, Discorsi delVartepoetica, 11):
linguaggi del reale e pratica del "decoro" nel Cinquecento', LCrit, 24,
1981:103-24.
individual centres. The that the Renaissance made on
impact
provincial culture is documented in Societa, politica e culturaa Carpi ai
tempidiAlberto IIIPio. Atti del convegnointernazionale(Carpi, 19-21 maggio
1978), 2 vols, Padua, Antenore, 1981, 764pp. (herafter Atti...
(Carpi)). A number of the contributions emphasize that Carpi was
very much open to all the cultural developments that were taking
place in Italian society: C. Vasoli, 'Alberto Pio e la cultura del suo
tempo', pp. 3-42. C. B. Schmitt, 'Alberto Pio and the Aristotelian
studies of his time', ib., pp. 43-64, discusses this ruler's patronage of
philosophers, in particular, Pomponazzi. L. Balsamo, 'Alberto Pio e
Aldo Manuzio: editoria a Venezia e Carpi fra '400 e '500', ib.,
pp. 133-66, examines the relationship between prince and printer.

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544 Italian Studies

J.-C. Margolin, 'Alberto Pio et les Ciceroniens italiens', ib.,

pp. 225-59, l??ks at P.'s 'conversion' to Ciceronianism. Florentine
attitudes towards France in thewake of the firstFrench incursion into
the peninsula are analysed by C. Bee, 'Les florentins et la France ou la
rupture d'un mythe (1494-1540)', PenP, 14, 1981:375~94. F. Klein,
'Considerazioni sull'ideologia della citta di Firenze tra Trecento e
?
Quattrocento (Giovanni Villani Leonardo Bruni)', Ricerche Stor
iette,10, 1980:311-36, seeks to show, taking issue with Hans Baron,
that B. was interested inTuscany as a unit and not merely Florence.
Florence and Venice, 11,throws into relief cultural developments in the
two cities. P. Zambelli, 'Scienza, filosofia, religione nella Toscana di
Cosimo I', pp. 3-52, is in reality a study of the Studio at Pisa while the
uneasy relationship between the intellectuals and the ruling elite is
discussed by A. Baiocchi, 'Considerazioni sul rapporto tra cultura e
politica a Venezia e a Firenze tra Quattro e Cinquecento', ib.,
pp. 55-71. The underlying theme of C. Pincin, 'Machiavegli e altri',
ib., pp. 73-97, isMachiavelli's association with the Orti Oricellari. G.
Bologna, 'Milano nei versi di un poemetto cinquecentesco', Libri e
Documenti, 8:85-88, refers to a poem by Giulio Cesare de Solis in
which Milan receives a full description. F. Apolloni Ghetti, 'Una
poetica storia di Roma nelMedio Evo di Ludovico Ariosto', Strennadei
Romanisti, 43: 7-21, concerns canto xxxm of the Orlando Furioso in the
1532 edition. The use of the new learning in a political context with
special reference toRome is documented in two articles: M. Miglio,
Tl leone e la lupa. Dal simbolo al pasticcio alia francese', StRo,
30:177-86, and C.L. Stinger, 'Roma triumphans: triumphs in
the thought and ceremonies of Renaissance Rome', MH, 10,
1981:189-201. REI, 27, 1981, has as its theme the book-trade at
Venice. L. Moretti, Tl libro veneziano nei secoli', ib.,pp. 300-24, tries
to account for the success of theVenetian book industry in terms of
the attractive design of the finished product. Id., Tl libro illustrato
veneziano del Quattro e Cinquecento', ib., pp. 334-43. A. Chastel,
'La cite du livre illustre', ib., pp. 350-56, argues that it was the
Venetians' sense of good marketing that allowed them to exploit the
possibilities of the book market.
printing and publishing. E. L. Eisenstein, 'The as
early printer
a "Renaissance Man"', PrintingHistory, 3, 1981:6-16, argues that
because of themany qualities required of a printer that term is really
inadequate. A. Ganda, 'Qualche documento ancora su Panfilo
Castaldi, Antonio Zarotto e le prime edizioni milanesi (1471-1472)',
Bibliofilia, 84:1-21, is able to confirm and amplify the details that the
same writer discovered in other notarial deeds (Cf. Bibliofilia, 83,
1981:1-24). M. D. Feld, 'Sweynheym and Pannartz, Cardinal Bessa
rion, Neoplatonism: Renaissance Humanism and two early printers'

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 Humanism and Renaissance 545
choice of texts',HLB, 30:282-335, iswide-ranging in his study. He
notes that the printers' selection of books follows the course of
humanist studies proposed by L. Bruni in his De studiis et litterisand
the peculiar circumstances surrounding the publication of Bessa
rion's In calumniatoremPlatonis are described. J. Allenspach and G.
Frasso, 'Vicende, cultura e scritti di Gerolamo Squarzafico Alessan
drino', IMU, 23, 1980 (1981): 233-92, trace the career of a humanist
who is willing to take advantage of the possibilities offered by
a
printing. An analysis of printing and its effects in small city is offered
by A. G. Cavagna, Libri e tipografia Pavia nel Cinquecento.Note per la
storia delVuniversitae della cultura,Mi, Cisalpino?La Goliardica, 1981,
348 pp. The output of four printers is discussed inM. Schiavone,
'Stampatori italiani del Quattrocento (Bonino de Bonini, Cristoforo
de Pensis, Giovanni Rosso, Giacomo Suigo)', L'Esopo, 16:21-32.
bibliography. D. E. 'Notes on Florentine
Rhodes, early print
ing', Bibliofilia, 84:143-62, continues his painstaking work of
correction and identification of Italian Renaissance books. Id.,
'Altissimo: GW 1581', GJ, 57:234-35, and Id., 'Problemi di bibliog
rafia Veronese alia finedel Quattrocento', Atti eMemorie della Accademia
di Agricoltura Scienze eLetteredi Verona, 156, 1979-80 (1981): 307-17. P.
Veneziani, 'Miscellanea incunabulista', Bibliofilia, 84:23-39, pro
vides information on incunabula printed inNaples, Pescia and Pavia.
According toV. Salierno, 'Le edizioni italiane del Corano\ VEsopo,
13:29-38, the firstItalian edition of thework was published in 1547.
The Aldine edition ofAeschylus is discussed inJ. A. Gruys, The Early
Printed Editions (1518-1664) of Aeschylus. A Chapter in theHistory of
Classical Scholarship, Nieuwkoop, B. De Graaf, 1981, 356 pp. The
following catalogues ofRenaissance books should be noted: Incunaboli
e cinquecentinedella Biblioteca del Seminario diMilano, ed. U. Valentini,
Mi, Nuovi Edizioni Duomo,.1981,600 pp., Achille Bonifacio, Catalogo
degli incunabuli della Biblioteca universitaria di Messina, F, Olschki,
169 pp., Le cinquecentinedella Biblioteca della Fondazione, ed. G. M. Scotto
and G. Thellung, Ro, Fondazione Besso, 1981, xviii + 394 pp.
Catalogues of smaller collections include Biblioteca statale e Libreria
civica di Cremona.Manoscritti dei secoliXII-XVe incunabolidella Biblioteca
del Convento di S. Agostino di Cremona, Cremona, 1981, 48 pp., and
outside Italy, H. Kind, 'Die Inkunabeln der Niedersachsischen
Staatsund Universitatsbibliothek Gottingen', GJ, 57:120-49. R. C.
Melzi, 'Giuntini's correspondence with "II dubbioso accademico"
and observations on editorial principles of the Renaissance in Italy
and France', The Library Chronicle, 45, 1981:30?43, studies G.'s reply
to L. Castelvetro's Lettera.
renaissance libraries. C. Bee, T libridei fiorentini (1413-1608)
e Atti . . .
(Ipotesi proposte)', (Belgrade), pp. 215-29, outlines the

18

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546 Italian Studies

problems and some of the results obtained from using book inventor
ies of personal libraries. F. Ames-Lewis, 'The inventories of Piero di
Cosimo de' Medici's library', Bibliofilia, 84:103-42, discusses the
1456 and 1464-65 inventories, publishing the latterwhich forms the
major part of the article. Poliziano used themanuscripts that were
housed in the library of San Marco according toV. Branca, 'Poliziano
e la libreria medicea di San Marco', Campana Vol., pp. 167-87. That
theMarquis ofMantua was able to buy some books from the library
of Giovanni Aurispa is shown by R. Signorini, 'Acquisitions for
Ludovico II Gonzaga's library', JWCI, 44, 1981:180-83. The
inventory of Lo Stradino's collection ofmanuscripts is published inB.
Maracchi Biagiarelli, 'L'Armadiaccio di Padre Stradino', Bibliofilia,
e un
84:51-57. A. Gattucci, 'Frate Giacomo della Marca bibliofilo
episodio librario del 1450', Campana Vol., pp. 313-54, deals with the
founding of the library of the convent ofMonteprandone. A. Hobson,
'La biblioteca di Giovanni Battista Grimaldi', Atti della Societa Ligure
di Storia Patria, 94, 1979:108-19, describes the books that formed this
mid-16th-century library. G. Severino Polica, 'Libri e cultura
scientifica a Roma alia meta del Quattrocento', Aspetti della vita
economica e culturale a Roma net Quattrocento,ed. A. Esch et at., Ro, II
centro di ricerca, 1981, 276 pp. (pp. 149-94), is concerned with the
library of a doctor with humanist interests, Paolo de' Celestini di
Nerola. A. Esposito Aliano, 'Famiglia, mercanzia e libri nel tes
tamento di Andrea Santacroce (1471)', ib., pp. 195-220, demons
trates the importance A.S. gave to his books from a careful reading of
his will.
2. Humanism

Intellettuali e potere is an important contribution to the study of

humanism in its social context. Various humanist attitudes to
are discussed in L. Sozzi, 'Retorica e umanesimo', pp. 47
eloquence
78. P. Camporesi, 'Cultura popolare e cultura d'elite fraMedioevo ed
eta moderna', pp. 79-157, is particularly interesting for its comments
on Lorenzo de' Medici and in general on the relationship between
'high' and 'low' cultures. L. Perini, 'Gli utopisti: delusioni della
realta, sogni dell'avvenire', pp. 303-413, takes in a number of i6th-c.
themes such as 'citta ideali', Florence as Jerusalem and the New
World. A brief survey of the major Italian humanists and their
innovations is provided by Rudolf Pfeiffer,Die Klassische Philologie von
Petrarca bisMommsen, Munich, Beck, 260 pp. Wilhelm Kolmel, Aspekte
des Humanismus, Miinster, Aschendorf, 1981, viii 4- 255 pp., chal
in order to
lenges a number of accepted interpretations of humanism
put forward his rather questionable view that humanism added
nothing that was not known or done in the Middle Ages. A. T.

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 Humanism and Renaissance 547
Grafton and L. Jardine, 'Humanism and the school of Guarino: a
problem of evaluation', Past and Present, 96:51-80, suggests that the
scholar should not be deceived by the humanists' own accounts of
themselves. G.'s teaching equipped his pupils with the skills
necessary to serve any Renaissance ruler well. V. Facchetti,
. . .
'Rilevanza ed aporie dell'umanesimo pedagogico', Atti (Bel
an overall view of the contribution of the
grade), pp. 365-78, presents
humanists to educational theory. E. Kestler, 'Humanistic thought: a
response to scholastic philosophy', RPLit, 2, 1979 (1980): 149-66,
claims that 'thehumanist reaction against Scholasticism did not deny
the basic assumptions ofmedieval philosophy, but itwas a challenge
to the conclusions their contemporaries seemed to draw'. The
philosophical methods of Giovanni Pico and Ermolao Barbaro are
contrasted by M. K. Read, 'Exempla versus Ratio: a re-appraisal of a
crisis in Renaissance linguistics', TPS, 1980:141-52. C.B. Schmitt,
'La cultura scientifica in Italia nel Quattrocento: problemi d'inter
3, 1980 (1982) ^5-70, stresses the need to
pretazione', AION(SF),
analyse the kind of intellectual exchange that took place between the
university scholastic philosophers and the humanists. A collection of
a
previously published articles by famous German scholar isAugust
Buck, Studia humanitatis.GesammelteAufsatze 1973-1980 Festgabe zum 70.
Geburtstag, ed. Bodo Guthmuller et at.,Wiesbaden, Athenaion, 1981,
282 pp. A. Witt, 'Medieval "ars dictaminis" and the beginnings of
humanism: a new construction of the problem', RQ, 35:1-35, argues
that in the 15th c. the 'ars dictaminis' still guided the writing of
diplomatic correspondence while humanistic rhetoric extended its
control over oratory. P. Smiraglia, Tl problema del Diatogus de
oratoribus in eta umanistica: qualche nota inmargine', Campana Vol.,
pp. 729-41, discusses references to this work, presumed by some to
have been written by Tacitus, by I5th-c. humanists. The controversy
between Poggio Bracciolini and Valla is discussed in terms of their
differences over Latin grammar inL. Cesarini Martinelli, 'Nota sulla
polemica Poggio-Valla e sulla fortuna delle Elegantiae', Interpres, 3,
1980 (1982): 29-79. A. Perosa, 'L'edizione veneta di Quintiliano con
Commenti del Valla, Pomponio Leto e di Sulpizio da Veroli',
Campana Vol., pp. 575-610, evaluates the commentaries and traces
their sources and MS traditions, ifpossible. Bessarion is seen as a
defender of Plato in his capacity of a theoretician of rhetoric in the In
calumniatorem Platonis and Cicero is regarded as Plato's faithfuldisciple
inA. Michel, 'L'esthetique de Bessarion: Platon et Ciceron dans la
rhetorique humaniste', RPLit, 5:183-90. Alexander Altmann, 'Ars
rhetorica as reflected in some Jewish figures of the Italian Renaiss
ance', pp. 97-118 of his Essays inJewish IntellectualHistory, New
x 4- demonstrates the of
England U.P., 1981, 324 pp., openness

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 548 Italian Studies

Jewish intellectuals toCiceronian humanism. G.-M. Anselmi, 'Citta

e civilta inFlavio Biondo', AASB, 76, 1979-80:5-28, views Biondo as
a historian of the development of theRenaissance in Italy seen as the
reconstruction of Italy's culture brought about by humanism. G.
Billanovich, 'Alle origini della scrittura umanistica: Padova 1261 e
Firenze 1397', Campana Vol., pp. 127-40, stresses the importance of
the Paduan Lovato Lovati in the development of humanistic script
and describes the earliest attempts of Poggio Bracciolini at copying
classical MSS. Unexpected influences are traced inR. Chlodowski,
'L'umanesimo del Rinascimento italiano e la letteratura russa',
Atti. . . (Belgrade), pp. 299-310.
religious thought. The role of humanists in the religious
reforms in i6th-c. Italy ismentioned by G. Gonnet, 'Les debuts de la
reforme en Italie', Revue de VHistoire desReligions, 199:37-65. Robbins,
Religion, contains much that is of interest to the student of humanism.
One can select D. Hay, "Scholarship, religion and the Church',
pp. 1-18, inwhich Giovanni Dominici and Lorenzo Valla are given as
examples of opposing views on Christian scholarship. Dominici's
anti-humanism is analysed in greater depth by P. Denley, 'Giovanni
Dominici's opposition to humanism', pp. 103-14. Some of the
major supporters of Lutheran doctrine in Italy are discussed in
P. M. J. McNair, 'The Reformation of the sixteenth century in
Renaissance Italy', pp. 149-66. The relationship between Church
and intellectuals comes in for substantial analysis by A. Prosperi,
Tntellettuali e chiesa all'inizio dell'eta moderna', Intellettuali epotere,
pp. 159-252, which covers the 16th c. An over-view of Reformation
thought is to be found inA. Biondi, 'Aspetti della cultura cattolica
post-tridentina. Religione e controllo sociale', ib., pp. 253-302. D.
Hay, 'Religion north and south: Christendom and theAlps on the eve
. .
of theReformation',^//. (Carpi), pp. 189-206, tries todiscover the
reason as towhy therewas no Reformation in Italy but emphasizes, at
the same time, that Italy was not spiritually dead. Two singular
examples of Erasmus's influence in Italy are provided by S. Seidel
Menchi, 'La discussione su Erasmo nell'Italia del Rinascimento.
Ambrogio Flandino vescovo a Mantova, Ambrogio Quistelli teologo
padovano e Alberto Pio principe di Carpi', ib., pp. 291-381. S.I.
Camporeale, 'Giovanni Caroli e le Vitae fratrum S.M. Novellae.
Umanesimo e crisi religiosa (1460?1480)', Memorie Domenicane, 12,
1981:141-267, illustrates a document that is important for an
understanding of the religious atmosphere in Florence before Savo
narola. The increase in currency of the term 'atheus' to replace
'impius' is noted by C. Bianca, 'Per la storia del termine "atheus" nel
Cinquecento: fonti e traduzioni greco-latine', AION(SF), 3, 1980
(1982): 71-104. The career ofCesare Baronio is seriously examined in

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 Humanism and Renaissance 549
a number of contributions: A. D. Wright, 'Federico Borromeo and
Baronius', Atti . . . (Sora), pp. 167-82, S. Grassi Fiorentino, 'Note
suH'antiquaria romana nella seconda meta del secolo XVF, ib.,
pp. 197-211, M. Stirpe, 'C. B. a Veroli', ib., pp. 213-18, S. Mastel
lone, 'Tommaso Bozio, fintransigente" amico del B., teorico
delPordine ecclesiastico', ib., pp. 219-30, A. Ferrarini, 'Socrates nova
tianus homo: giudizio storico e metodologia storiografica inC. B.', ib.,
pp. 309-46. Antonio Querenghi and his contact with Roman culture
in the 1590s, especially with F. Patrizi, are considered by L. Bolzoni,
'Ercole e i pigmei, ovvero controriforma e intellettuali neoplatonici',
Rinascimento, 21, 1981 (1982): 285-96. A comprehensive guide to
sermons and preachers is offered by R. Rusconi, 'Predicatori e
predicazione (secoli IX-XVIII)', Intellettuali e potere, pp. 949-1035.
Enrico Lombardi, lo Bernardino cittadinomassetano, Siena, Cantagalli,
1981, 65 pp., is principally concerned with reconstructing the saint's
family history and correcting common errors concerning his biogra
phy. A. Rossebastiano Bart, 'Frammenti dei quaresimali fiorentini di
S. Bernardino da Siena', StudiFrancescani, 78, 1981:251-305, announ
ces the discovery of a different version of these sermons. A I5th-c.
imitator of S. Bernardino is examined by V. G. Mascia, 'S. Bernar
dino da Siena in due sermoni di S. Giacomo della Marca', Studi e
Ricerche Francescane, 9, and another, more famous one,
1980:99-166,
by O. Visani, 'Un imitatore di Bernardino da Siena: Roberto
Caracciolo', Rinascimento, 21, 1981 (1982): 213-28. V. Leccesi, 'Un
codice quattrocentesco di prediche di autore agostiniano nella
biblioteca francescana di Falconara Marittima', Analecta Augustiniana,
44, 1981:149-247, suggests that these sermons were written between
1428 and 1433 by Andrea Biglia. The humanists' knowledge of the
Church Fathers is studied inO. Mazal, 'Die Byzantinische Literatur
im Buchdruck des 15.Jahrhunderts', GJ, 57:150-69. M. Rozsondai,
'Die Biicher eines Dominikaners des 15. Jahrhunderts', GJ,
57:186-92, refers toLeonardus de Utino and Antoninus Florentinus.
greek influence. G. Cavallo, 'La trasmissione scritta della
cultura greca antica in Calabria e in Sicilia tra i secoli X-XV.
Consistenza, tipologia, fruizione', SeC, 4, 1980:157-245, states that
this area of Italy was out of themain-stream of the humanist revival of
Greek and did not produce much in theway ofMSS of ancient texts.A
recently discovered document adds to our incomplete knowledge
about Palla Strozzi's Greek MSS according toH. Gregory, 'A further
note on the Greek manuscripts of Palla Strozzi', JWCI, 44,
1981:183-85. After a general introduction about i5th-c. translations
ofHomer, Renata Fabbri, Nuova traduzionemetricadi Iliade, XIV da una
miscellanea umanistica di Agnolo Manetti con la tavola del codiceMagliab.
XXV 626, Ro, Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1981, 119 pp., tne

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55? Italian Studies

author presents an edition of the textwith a full critical apparatus.

Basinio da Parma's Argonautica is the only known I5th-c. poem based
on Apollonius's original according to G. Resta, 'Vegio, Basinio e
VArgonautica di Apollonio Rodio', Campana Vol., pp. 639-69. A.
Saunders, 'Alciati and theGreek Anthology', JMRS, 12:1-18, reveals
the full extent towhich A. was indebted to theGreek Anthology as a
source for his emblems. D. E. Rhodes, 'The first collected Latin
editions ofXenophon', GJ, 56, 1981:151-53, details the translations
which were made by F. Filelfo, L. Bruni, Ognibene da Lonigo. The
discovery of a MS is announced by A. Tissoni Benvenuti, 'Uno
sconosciuto testimone delle ecloghe di Calpurnio e di Nemesiano',
IMU, 23, 1980 (1981): 381-87. P. O. Kristeller, 'Un opuscolo sconos
ciuto di Cencio de' Rustici dedicato a Bornio da Sala: la traduzione
del dialogo De virtuteattribuito a Platone', Campana Vol., pp. 355-76,
assesses the significance of the translation of an apocryphal Platonic
work by an early I5th-c. humanist. P.W. Gooch, 'The celebration of
Plato's birthday', Classical World, 75:293-94, questions Ficino's
judgement about the dating of P.'s birthday. C.H. Lohr, 'Renaiss
ance Latin Aristotle commentaries. Authors so-z', RQ, 35:164-256,
lists a number of humanists amongst the commentators including
Nicolaus Leonicus, Pomponius Torelli, M. A. Delia Torre. A revised
edition of Raymond Klibansky, The Continuityof thePlatonic Tradition
during the Middle Ages, Kraus, 1981, 55 pp., includes a new chapter
'Plato's Parmenides in theMiddle Ages and the Renaissance'. J.J.
Keaney, 'John Lascaris and Harpocration', Greek, Roman and
ByzantineStudies, 23:93-95, identifies theMS L. brought back with him.
individual centres. E. Bonzi, Tl Dialogus interjuvenem et monacam
dell'umanista faentino Angelo Lapi', Romagna Arte e Storia, 2,
1981:63-67, publishes the verse dialogue together with a brief
A well documented account of a mid-i5th-c. humanist
biography.
teacher is provided by M. Cortesi, 'Alia scuola di Gian Pietro
d'Avenzain Lucca', QFIAB, 61, 1981:109-67. P. Carpeggiani, 'Corte
e citta nel secolo dell'umanesimo. Per una storia urbana di Mantova,
Urbino e Ferrara', Arte Lombarda, 61:33-42, traces the history of the
ideal city as developed by the humanists, particularly Filarete,
Giorgio Martini, and Alberti and how these ideals influenced the
actual development of theRenaissance cities in question. The careers
of Tideo Acciarini and Giovanni Bembo (1473?1545), both school
masters with humanistic interests, are described by P. Parroni,
'Maestri di grammatica a Pesaro nel Quattrocento', RPLit, 5:205-19.
L. Sorrenti, 'Un contratto di lavoro di un "umanista vagante":
Francesco Zambeccari e a Castiglione di Sicilia', Quaderni
a Randazzo
Catanesi, 2, 1980 (1981): 739-46, describes the contract which invol
ved teaching two sons of a noble lady fromCastiglione before they go

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 Humanism and Renaissance 551
to university. P. Parroni, 'Un allievo del Filelfo alia corte di
Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta. Novita su Giacomo da Pesaro con
un'appendice di inediti malatestiani', Campana Vol., pp. 541?60,
reconstructs, with new documents, his subject's life and activity
more fully than has hitherto been possible. Iiro Kajanto and Ulla
Nyberg, Papal Epigraphy inRenaissance Rome, Helsinki, Suomalainen
Tiedeakatemia, 144 pp., iUus, examines the influence of humanism
on the style and content of papal epigraphs fromBoniface IX to Paul
III. Several humanists are listed inM. C. Dorati da Empoli, T lettori
dello Studio e i maestri di grammatica a Roma da Sisto IV ad
Alessandro VI', Rassegna degli Archivi di Stato, 40, 1980:98-147. The
importance of both Bruni's and F. Filelfo's stays in Siena is
stressed by P. Nardi, 'Umanesimo e cultura giuridica nella Siena
del Quattrocento', Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria, 88, 1981
(1982): 234-53, as *s tne importance of jurists in the city who were
interested in the theoretical aspects of the law. L. Perini, 'Libri e
lettori nella Toscana del Cinquecento', Ricerche Storiche, 11,
1981:575-92, identifies 69 libraries in the period 1531-99 and
transcribes the lists of books forming these libraries. P. Scarcia
Piacentini, 'Un fantasma umbro-marchigiano del '400: Lucio di
Visso', RPLit, 5:233-52, carefully examines the available MSS in
order to construct this obscure humanist's biography.
miscellaneous.
J. L. Butrica, 'Pontanus, Puccius, Pocchus and

Propertius', RPLit, 3, 1980 (1980:5-9, assesses the validity of

Franciscus Puccius's annotations of Propertius. E. E. Ryan, 'Barto
lomeo Cavalcanti as a critic of Thomas Vivarium,
Aquinas', 20:84?95,
indicates the hostility of this i6th-c. political theorist towards T.A.
because of the latter's 'mistakes' in his interpretations of Plato,
Aristotle, and Polybius. Different styles of handwriting for different
in the same are discussed
purposes person by L. Miglio, 'L'avventura

grafica di Iacopo Cocchi-Donati, funzionario mediceo e copista

(1411?1479)', $eC, 6:189-232. Biographical information on a
hitherto obscure scribe is provided by G. N. Petronio, 'Per la
soluzione di un Giovanni Aretino notaio e cancel
enigma: copista,
Here', HL, 30, 1981:1?12. J. L. Butrica, 'A new fragment inNiccoli's
formal hand', Scriptorium, 35, 1981:289-92. Princeton MS 123 was
written by an Italian scribe in the firstquarter of the 15th c. in the
opinion ofJ. E. Krochalis, 'A humanist experiment: Princeton's new
Vergil Roll', The PrincetonUniversityLibrary Chronicle,42, 1981:178-85.
P. F. Grendler, 'Come Zuanne imparo a leggere: scolari e testi in
volgare nelle scuole veneziane del '500', Scienze, credenze occulte,
pp. 87-99 (an Englsh translation of the essay appeared in SCJ,
13:41-54), is interesting for the information concerning the kind of
vernacular books used in schools. "'What Venus did with
R.Jones,

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 552 Italian Studies

Mars": Battista Fiera and Mantegna's Parnassus', JWCI, 44,

1981:193-98, illustrates the difficulties a Renaissance poet had in
interpreting a painting byMantegna.

3. Poetry

poetics. Concetta Carestia Greenfield, Humanist and ScholasticPoetics

1200-1500, London and Toronto, Associated U.P., 1981, 337 pp.,
examines the various controversies over poetry that some of themajor
humanists were involved in. These include the debates between
Salutati and Dominici, Guarino da Verona and Giovanni da Prato, E.
Barbaro and A. Becaria, T. Maffei, Bartolomeo da Lendinara. The
writer's conclusions are that humanist poetics originated in the
debates defending poetry and that itdoes not represent a break with
themedieval tradition. In A. Ruschioni, Lineamenti di una storia delta
poetica edelVestetica,Mi, VPen, 1981,308 pp., there isa short but concise
chapter devoted to humanist thought on the subject. The general
outlines of themain developments are given in a clear manner. G.
Capovilla, 'Accertamenti sul testo e sulla struttura del Compendio
ritimaledi Francesco Baratella', Metrica, 2, 1981:123-38, analyses this
treatisewritten in 1447. G.C. assesses B.'s indebtedness toAntonio da
Tempo but stresses that the former's work is no mere copy. There are
excellent chapters concerning the Italian Renaissance inThomas M.
Greene, The Light in Troy. Imitation and Discovery inRenaissance Poetry,
New Haven and London, Yale U.P., xi -h 354 pp. The author
discusses the theoretical background including theG. F. Pico? Bembo
controversy in an illuminating way. The chapter on Poliziano is
particularly noteworthy which sees the Stance as a 'tissue of subtexts'
through which P. continues to struggle against the ravages of time.
The use of classical metres in vernacular poetry is amply discussed by
M. Kravar, 'La struttura prosodica della metrica classica del Rinas
cimento italiano', Atti . . . (Belgrade), pp. 499-513.
forms and genres. A. '"Let us our
Tomarken, laugh pains
away!" The Italian Bernesque poets' encomia on disease', FCS, 3,
1980:211-17, shows that themodel for this type of poetry is Lucian
and Berni's praise of the plague isdiscussed indetail. A comparison is
made between narrative, historical accounts of the fall of Constanti
nople and the poetic versions found in the chivalric epics in order to
suggest the verisimilitude of the latter by A. Franceschetti, 'Tra
letteratura e realta: la presa di Costantinopoli e la tradizione
narrativa della letteratura Atti . . .
cavalleresca', (Belgrade),
pp. 403-18. Pontano, Tito Vespasiano Strozzi, Marullo, Bembo,
Vida, Sannazaro, and Alciati, all receive praise in a poem edited by A.
Wesseling, 'A panegyric on Italian poetry by theDutch poet Janus

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 Humanism and Renaissance 553
Secundus (1511?1536)% EL, 7:40-47. O. Niccoli, Tldiluvio del 1524
fra panico collettivo e irrisione carnevalesca', Scienze, credenzeocculte,
pp. 369-92, looks at several 'popular' poems on the theme ofwhy the
a consequence, these
predicted flood of 1524 did not materialize. As
poems are very harsh in their attitudes towards astrology. Petrarch's
influence on Renaissance poetry is studied by an examination of the
relevant MSS in three articles. C. Gratton, 'La diffusione dei Trionji
del Petrarca nella Roma quattrocentesca', StRo, 30:31-43, has been
almost immediately superseded by G. Guerrini, 'Per uno studio sulla
diffusione manoscritta dei Trionji di Petrarca nella Roma del XV
secolo', RLI, 86:85-97. G. Frasso, 'Per un censimento di incunaboli e
cinquecentine postillate dei Rerum vulgarium fragmenta e dei Triumphi.
1,London: British Library', Aevum, 56:253-62, notes thatmost of the
'postillatori' are anonymous but manages to identify a number
including L. Beccadelli. Renaissance editions ofVirgil are tobe found
in Virgilio (XIX a.C-MCMLXXX), Ro, Istituto Centrale per il
Catalogo Unico, 1981, 158 pp., illus. Donna G. Cardamone, The
Canzone Villanesca alia Napolitana and Related Forms, 1537-1570, 2 vols,
Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1981, 616 pp., demonstrates the close
connection between the poetical and musical forms of the canzone.
R. E. McFarland, 'The Villanella in Italy and the problems of
"popular" art', ItQ, 22, 1981:15-30, puts forward the point of view
that the villanella is not a form rather
'semi-popular' 'quasi-popular,
the product, for themost part, of conscious imitation of a popular
source'. G. Frasso, 'Una lauda d'ambiente domenicano in un
incunabulo milanese', GSLI, 159:64-66, edits the anonymous lauda
which is in the editio princeps of the Legenda minor by Tommaso da
Siena.
anonymous. R. Ballerini, 'Per la fortuna di Franco Sacchetti nel
Quattrocento: il caso del Pataffio\ SPCT, 25:5-17, demonstrates that
S.'s Lingua novawas taken as themodel and literally ransacked by the
author of the Pataffio. K. Wagner, 'Dos impresos del Notturno
Napolitano olvidados y unas rimas desconocidas', Bibliofilia,
84:163-66, has discovered in the Colombina Library, Seville, two
previously unnoted Italian works. //Manganello. La reprensionedel
Cornazano contra Manganello, ed. Diego Zancani, Exeter U.P., 98 pp.,
contains one anon, work against women, written probably in the late
15thc, and a second, the reply to the first,composed by a Cornazano
who may ormay not be Antonio C, active in this period. The edition
has a substantial critical apparatus and is an important document for
the discussions on women at that time. Epigrams composed in praise
of Feltrino B. and two of his sons are brought to light by I. Mariotti,
'Tre epigrammi per casa Boiardo', Campana Vol., pp. 445-81, and
their author is suggested as being Bartolomeo da Prato.

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554 Italian Studies

alberti, l. b. G. Tanturli, 'Note alle rime deirAlberti', Metrica,

2, 1981:103-21, clarifies the poetic relations between A. and
Burchiello. S. Niccoli, 'Le Rime albertiane nella prospettiva poetica
quattrocentesca', Interpres, 3, 1980 (1982): 7-28, asks what was
A.'s influence on later I5th-c. poetry. And the answer seems to
be that nearly all I5th-c. poets of any note were influenced to some
extent by him.
serafino aquilano (de' ciminelli, s.). Antonio Rossi, Serafino
Aquilano e la poesia cortigiana,Brescia, Morcelliana, 1980, 219 pp., sets
A. in the tradition of court poetry and offersa detailed analysis of his
sonnets.

ariosto, l. Elizabeth A. Chesney, The CountervoyageofRabelais and

Ariosto. A Comparative Reading ofTwo RenaissanceMock Epics, Durham
N.C., Duke U.P., 232 pp., has produced a very interesting reading of
the Orlando Furioso inwhich the humanistic voyage towards truth is
undermined by another kind of voyage, that of'self-critical inquest'.
Andrew Fichter, Poets Historical. Dynastic Epic in theRenaissance, New
Haven and London, Yale U.P., 237 pp., focuses on the O.F. as a
Christian re-interpretation ofVirgil's Aeneid in so far as the former is a
dynastic poem. M. Festini, 'Lodovico Ariosto nella critica letteraria
. .
di Giorgio Politeo (Split 1837-Venezia 1913)', Atti. (Belgrade),
pp. 385-92, concentrates on P.'s criticism of Voltaire and V. Gioberti
as far as their reading of theO.F. is concerned. Itmay seem easy to see
madness and reason a.s opposites but inA. Rochon, 'La folie d'amour
dans le Roland Furieux: la sagesse ambigue de l'Arioste', Colloque . . .
(Paris), pp. 93-100, the reader iswarned not to tryand fit the poem
into so rigid a scheme. M. Shapiro, 'Revelation and the vials of sanity
in the O.F.\ RoN, 22:329-34, detects Petrarchan echoes in the
episode of Astolfo on the moon and thinks that St John's Revelations is
the source for the idea of the vials. Orlando's madness is described in
terms of Renaissance medicine, that is, as disordered love that leads
to insanity by M. Ciavolella, 'La licantropia d'Orlando', Atti . . .
(Belgrade), pp. 311-23. P. Desa Wiggins, 'Ariosto's Rinaldo: Homo
prudens or "gran pedone"?', Fol, 16:33-59, is of the opinion that
Rinaldo is earthbound and restricted in his vision and is rather an
absurd character. In contrast toB.'s depiction of the ore A.'s has lost
its freshness in a desire for coherence and scientificity according to P.
Baldan, 'Un orco folclorico del Boiardo tradito dall'Ariosto', //Ponte,
38:342-63. S. M. Gilardino, 'Per una reinterpretazione dell'Olimpia
ariostesca: i contributi della filologia germanica', Atti. . . (Belgrade),
pp. 429-44, uses the findings of German scholars concerning the
sources of this episode in order to provide a coherent reading of this
late addition to the O.F. G. Guntert, 'Le imprese di Isabella d'Este
Gonzaga e YO.F.\ Atti . . . (Belgrade), pp. 445-54, looks at the

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 Humanism and Renaissance 555
place of Isabella in the poem. Making use of the SatireA. A. Iannucci,
'Ariosto umanista: l'educazione di Virginio', Atti . . . (Belgrade),
pp. 485-98, is able to discuss A.'s views on education.
bandello, m. M. Danzi, 'Per l'edizione delle rime di Matteo
Bandello: estravaganti inedite e proposte di attribuzione', SFI,
40:107-53, lists the MSS and printed editions that contain B.'s
poetry and publishes the 'rime estravaganti'. The so-called 'rime
dubbie' are definitely attributed toB. by thewriter.
berni, f. H. F. Woodhouse, Language and Style ina Renaissance Epic:
Berni's Corrections toBoiardo's 'Orlando Innamorato', London, MHRA,
viii + 240 pp., 'offersa comprehensive, even ifnot actually exhaustive,
account of the corrective principles which underlie B.'s
rewriting of
Boiardo'. This is done by examining the phonology, morphology,
grammar, syntax, versification, lexis of the 'rifacimento'.
beroaldo iunior, f. In S. Bonanni, 'Orazio e Filippo Beroaldo
Iunior: uno studio sulla metrica eolica nell'umanesimo', Studi Para
tore,pp. 1343-56, shows that B.'s poetry was mainly written in
Horatiah metres. Reference is also made to other poets who imitated
Horace, in Sannazaro, Marullo, and Pontano.
particular,
boiardo, m. m. After providing a classification of the different
types ofmetamorphoses that take place in the Orlando Innamorato,D.
Alexandre, 'La metamorphose dans le Roland amoureuxde Boiardo',
Demerson, Poetiques, pp. 53-69, the writer notes a process of sim
plification in comparison to B.'s model Ovid and even a tendency to
scepticism on the poet's part. A. Rossebastiano Bart, 'Alle fonti del
Boiardo: il "fier baiser" nell'O./.', SPCT, 25:19-23, suggests that the
source for the 'fierbaiser' is not theLanzelet ofUlrich von Zatzikhoven
but is perhaps to be found in the Voyages of Jean de Mandeville. E.
Bottasso, 'Un articolo sconosciuto di Antonio Panizzi sull'O./.',
GSLI, 159:397-423.
bonaiuti, n. di m. 'Un cas d'archai'sme litteraire au
J.-Y. Tilliette,
debut du Quattrocento: l'ceuvre poetique de N. di M.B.', Melanges de
VEcole Francaise deRome (MoyenAge? TempsModernes), 94:337-91, is
an exhaustive account of this early i5th-c. Florentine
poet who seems
to have had much success in his timewith Latin
epics about the state
ofChristian Europe.
campana, g. P. Cecchini, 'Per un'edizione critica dei Carmina di
Giannantonio C, RPLit, 5:53-76, has found 47 MSS ofC.'s poetical
works and publishes previously unknown poems.
colonna, v. In V.C., ed. Alan
Rime, Bullock, Bari, Laterza,
526 pp., we have the results ofmany years work. The edition contains
all the poetry with an extensive critical apparatus.
D.J. McAuliffe,
'V.C. and Renaissance convention and Atti. . .
poetics, society', (Bel
grade) ,pp. 531-41, finds faultwith a number of interpretations ofC .'s
poetry and he stresses the necessity of a careful reading.

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 556 Italian Studies

dati, l. J. R. Berrigan, 'The Latin Aesop of the early Quat

trocento: the metrical apologues of Leonardo Dati', Manuscripta,
26:15-23, makes the point that unlike all other collections of
Renaissance fables D.'s are written in verse.
della casa, g. S. Longhi, 'Figure di simmetria e figure di
riecheggiamento in una canzone del Casa (Rime, xxxn)', Metrica, 2,
1981:139-44, offersa fine analysis of the poem in question.
di tarsia, g. Marco Ariani, La scritturae Vimmaginario. Saggio su
G.D.T., Padua, Liviana, 1981, vi 4- 260 pp., isa very careful analysis of
D.T.'s 50 poems.
calentius elisius (galluccio, l.). C.E. (1430-1502/3), Poemata,
ed. M. de Nichilo, Bari, Adriatica, 1981, is a critical edition ofDe hello
ranarumcroacus libellusand Hector libellus.
equicola, m. M. Marti, 'Un carme inedito di M.E. per Isabella
del Balzo', Studi Paratore, pp. 1319-28, sets the poem in its historical
context.
callimaco esperiente L. 'C.E. e
(buonaccorsi, f.). Casarsa,
Gilberto (eMarco Antonio) Grineo: un casodiplagio', MetodieRicerche,
1, 1980, no. 3:43-84, proves that father and son plagiarized thepoetry
ofC.E.

feliciano, f. E. B. Welles, 'The unpublished alchemical sonnets

of F.F.', Ambix, shows how these poems turn into an attack
29:1-16,
against alchemy because thepractice of the science had only succeeded
inmaking thepoet poorer. The 45 sonnets owe as much to Petrarch as
they do toJeber, theArabic author of a treatise on alchemy.
folengo, t. An important addition to studies on F. is Atti . . .
(Brescia) in which there appear several noteworthy contributions.
One can select for a special mention the following: E. Bonora, 'Stato
attuale degli studi folenghiani', pp. 13-31, G. Billanovich, 'Spiritualita
e cultura nei monasteri bresciani e T.F. monaco a Brescia', pp. 33-40,
G. Tonna, Tl mondo contadino nel Baldus: ideologia e struttura',
pp. 41-52, S. Isella Brusamolino, 'Lettura folenghiana: esempi di
un
rapporti sinonimici', pp. 53-65, and, by the same, 'Saggio di
glossariofolenghiano', pp. 131-58. M. Fogarasi, 'Lingua e dialetti nel
maccheronico folenghiano', Atti... (Belgrade), pp. 393-401, places F.
in the context of the 'questione della lingua'.
fossa, e. M. Lippi, 'Evangelista F. Note biografiche e problemi
attributivi', LItal, 34:55-73, contains much information on this
Cremonese poet.
grazzini, a. f. Although delivered in 1979,C. Spalanca, 'Le Rime
di A.F.G. e la cultura del suo tempo', Atti... (Belgrade), pp. 633-49,
was not published until this year and, as a consequence, his book
length study appeared before the publication of his essay, bearing the
titleA.F.G. e la culturadel suo tempo,Palermo, Manfredi, 1981, 94 pp.

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 Humanism and Renaissance 557
machiavelli, n. A. Matucci, 'Le terze rime di M.', AMAT,

47:91-182, observes thatM.'s poetry is a negation of the poetic ideals

of Lorenzo de' Medici and finds its source in the tradition of the 'terza
rima' from Dante.
emanating
marsi, p. of a commentary on Lucan's Pharsalia are
Forming part
new hexametres which according to R. Bianchi, Tl commento a
Lucano e ilNatalis di P.M.', Campana Vol., pp. 71-100, are fragments
of a more ambitious work. The poem is reconstructed and published
as an
appendix.
marullo, m. C. Moreschini, 'Osservazioni sugli Hymni Naturales
di M.M.', RPLit, 5:191-204, links this collection with the influence
exerted by Florentine Neoplatonism. The dedicatees of the same
collection of poems are identified byM. J. McGann, 'The Medicean
dedications of books 1-3 of theHymni Naturales ofM.M.', RPLit, 3,
1980(1980:87-90.
. The
Michelangelo (buonarroti) fragment 'el di e la nocte
parlano e dichono', though strictly prose, bears a close family
resemblance toRime no. 186, in the opinion ofA. Hughes, 'A lost poem
by M.?\JWCI, 44, 1981:202-06. Precise echoes of Boccaccio's Rime
are found inM.'s poetry by F. M. Iannace, 'L'influsso di Giovanni
Boccaccio nella lirica di M.', Atti... (Belgrade), pp. 461-73.
naldi, n. M. Martelli, 'Nota a Naldo N. Elegiarum, 12654',
Interpres, 3, 1980 (1982): 245-54, sees the figure of Marietta as
symbolic of the imminent peace between the
Medici and the Strozzi.
palmieri, m. P.'s retraction of non-Christian elements in his

poetry is the subject of R.J. Palermino, 'P.'s Cittd di vita: more

evidence of Renaissance Platonism', BHR, 44:601 -04.
patrizi, f. O. C. 'F.P.'s two on
Phillips, epigrams epigram',
RPLit, 3, 1980 (1981): 139-41, publishes the two epigrams in full for
the first time.
piccolomini, e. s. Corrections are made to editions of
previous
P.'s poetry and other recently discovered poems are published by R.
Avesani, 'Poesie latine edite ed inedite di E.S.P.', Campana Vol.,
pp. 1-26.

Pico, g. f. S. Rowan and G. S.Williams, 'Jacob Spiegel on G.F.P.

and Reuchlin: poetry, scholarship and politics inGermany in 1512',
BHR, 44:291-305, analyses the Staurostichon in considerable detail
and sees it as 'an extraordinary example of poetry created by an
Italian especially for a German audience'.
poliziano, a. M. Martelli, 'Nota a
P., Epigrammaton Latinorum,
xxix 3', Interpres,3, 1980 (1982): 270-81, urges a historical
interpre
tation of line 3 of the poem.
pulci, l. F. Magnani, e "basso nella
'Trasgressivita corporeo"
Nencia e nella Beca\ Interpres,3, 1980 (1982): 255-62, the subtle double

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 558 Italian Studies

meanings of theNencia are abolished by P. and are replaced by allusions

that leave no doubts in the reader's mind. A sonnet on the death of
Simonetta Cattaneo Vespucci, a 4-line vernacular epigraph and a
novella are published in S. Carrai, 'Due inediti e un raro di L.P.',
Interpres,% 1980(1982): 158-92. M. Martelli, <NotaaAf0rgflwte,xx854
(con una postilla su Bartolomeo Scala eAngelo Poliziano)', Interpres,3,
1980 (1982): 263-69, discusses the historical background to the line.
scroffa, c. C. S., / canticidiFidenzio. Con appendicedi poetifidenziani,
ed. Pietro Trifone, Ro, Salerno, liii+ 221 pp., is in fact a satirical work
against F. who was a disciple of the language found in thePolifilo. The
edition contains a helpful glossary.
stampa, g. Fiora A. Bassanese, Gaspara Stampa, Boston, Twayne,
x + 144 pp., presents an
interesting discussion of her biography and is
also quite good on her poetry, analysing her particular brand of
Petrarchism.

sulpizio, g. (da veroli). Mario Martini, // carme giovanile di

Giovanni Sulpizio Verolano 'De moribuspuerorum inmensa servandicon una
lettera ineditaa Ludovico Podocataro vescovodi Capaccio, Sora, Centro di
Studi Sorani 'Vincenzo Patriarca', 1980, 79 pp., offers a general
introduction of a bio-bibliographical kind and a facing Italian
translation of theLatin text.
tasso, b. A. Agazzi, 'B.T. "famoso padre"', Atti delVAteneo di
Scienze Lettere edArti di Bergamo, 41, 1981:7-30, discusses the place
Bergamo held in the poetry and esteem of father and son.
tasso, t. Two contrasting diagnoses ofT. 'smadness, at the turnof
the 17thc, one by Alessandro Guarini and the other by Gian Battista
Manso who goes so far as todeny thatT. was actually mad, are treated
by A. Godard, 'Le "sage delirant": la "folie" du Tasse, selon ses
. .
premiers biographies', Colloque .(Paris),pp. 13-22.L. Poma, Tlvero
codice Gonzaga', SFI, 40:193-216, looks at the corrections in theMS
and Scipione Gonzaga's transcription practice. T.T., Gerusalemme
Liberata, ed. Bruno Maier, introd. Ezio Raimondi, 2 vols, Mi, Rizzoli,
783 pp., is a new edition of the G.L. By confusing normal syntax and
hence causing the resultant language tobe exceedingly obscure, T. was
able to achieve overwhelmingly complex syntactical patterns accord
ing to L. Waters, 'Milton, Tasso and the Renaissance grand style:
syntax and its effecton the reader', SIR, 2,1981:81-92. Basing himself
on S. M. Eisenstein, E. Catallo, 'Aspetti del montaggio cinematog
rafico nella tecnica narrativa del T.', Atti. . . (Belgrade), pp. 251-58,
the critic suggests that canto ix can be interpreted in the light of
cinematic technique. K. Olson Murtaugh, 'Erminia delivered: notes
on T. and Romance', QI, 3:12-25, claims that the figure of Erminia
was T.'s solution to the problem of harmonizing the different
of and romance.
requirements epic

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 Humanism and Renaissance 559
tolomei, j. P. Medioli Massotti, 'Componimenti bucolici e
rusticali del XV secolo di J.T.', Bullettino Senese di Storia Patria, 88,
1981 (1982): 21-40, publishes the relevant poems together with a
brief discussion of the poet's biography and his output.
zanchi, b. L. V. 'Milton's Damonis and B.Z.'s
Ryan, Epitaphium
elegy on Baldassare Castiglione', HL, 30, 1981:108-23, publishes
Z.'s elegy and points to the similarities with M.'s poem.

4. Drama

Comedy is seen as 'the interfacewhere official language and dialect

meet' by G. A. Iannace, 'Church and comedy as purveyors of
Renaissance culture and ideals', Atti... (Belgrade), pp. 475-83. The
way in which the Renaissance stage influenced the structure of the
theatrical text is illustrated by Q. Galli, 'Tempo e spazio nella scena
rinascimentale: l'intreccio', RPLit, 5:93-107, with reference to the
Cangiaria written by someone no better identified than Sacco. One
should also note Arnaldo Momo, Crisi del modello teatraledel Rinas
cimento, Venice, Marsilio, 1981, 80 pp. A. Porro, 'Volgarizzamenti e
volgarizzatori di drammi euripidei a Firenze nel Cinquecento',
Aevum, concentrates on two
55, 1981:481-508, translators,
Michelangelo Serafini and Giovanni da Falgano, whose methods and
techniques are carefully described. R. Ribuoli, 'Per la storia del
codice bembino di Terenzio', Rivista di Filologia e di IstruzioneClassica,
109, 1981:163-77, discusses the problem of themissing fragments
which were still part of theMS at the end of the 15th c. and were read
by Poliziano and Bembo. Two solid chapters on Renaissance theatre
focusing on political themes makes Marina Calore, Bologna a teatro.
Vita di una citta attraverso i suoi spettacoli 1400-1800, Guidicini e Rosa,
1981, 144 pp., an interesting book for the student of Renaissance
theatre. The same writer has made two recent contributions to the
study of drama in other provincial centres. Religious drama is seen by
her as being part of a conscious policy of court festivities in
'Rappresentazioni sacre a Ferrara ai tempi di Ercolo 10', Atti e
Memorie delta Deputazione Provinciate Ferrarese di Storia Patria, 27,
1980:157-85. A similar conclusion is reached by her, this time for
Forli, in 'Devozione e spettacolo nelle rappresentazioni d'argomento
sacro a Forli nel Quattrocento', Studi Romagnoli, 29, 1978
(1982): 305-15. N. Messora, 'Le lingue nelle opere dei drammaturghi
bresciani del '500', Atti... (Belgrade), pp. 543-52, notes that no plays
from this area seem tohave been written entirely inBrescian dialect in
the 16th c. The critic stresses the 'carattere plurilinguistico' of these
plays. M. Celse-Blanc, 'Du travesti a la folie simulee ou les jeux du
. ..
masque dans la comedie siennoise', Collogue (Paris), pp. 45-54,

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 Italian Studies

states thatmadness is regarded as a mask in three i6th-c. plays, the

anonymous GITngannati, A. Piccolomini's L'Alessandro, and G. Bar
gagli's La Pellegrina. Giorgio Padoan, *La commediarinascimentaleveneta
(I433~I5^5)y Vicenza, Neri Pozza, 302 pp. F. Bertini, 'Anfitrione e il
suo doppio: da Plauto a Guilherme Figueiredo', La semioticae il doppio
teatrale,ed. Giulio Ferroni, Naples, Liguori, 1981, 375 pp. (being the
Acta of the conference Testo, comunicazionee spettacolo.II doppio teatrale
held at Arcavacata, 13-16 September 1979, hereafter referred to as La
semiotica e il doppio teatrale), deals with Pandulfo Collenuccio's free
translation of theAmphitruoand Ludovico Dolce's //marito (published
1545) treated in by far the greatest detail. R. H. Terpening, 'Between
lord and lady: the tyrant's captain inRucellai's Rosmunda and Dolce's
Marianna\ Fol, 15, 1981:153-70 (an Italian translation of the same
article had appeared with the titleTopoi tragici del '500: la figura del
capitano nella Rosmunda del Rucellai e nella Marianna del Dolce', Atti
...
(Belgrade), pp. 651-65), shows that the captain isdepicted inboth
plays as torn between his duty and his conscience. In Tl rifiuto della
misura: Pazzi, Rucellai, Martelli', Bella, Eros, pp. 39-80, the point is
made that the classical measure of a play likeTrissino's Sofonisba has
been irredeemably broken. In the case of Alessandro Pazzi de'
Medici's Didone love has been replaced by 'furor'.
anonymous. R. Andrews,' Gli as a text for
Ingannati performance',
ISt, 37:26-48, intends to give 'a reading aimed principally at
deducing how the textwould translate into performance'.
aretino, p. F. Bonanni, 'UOrazia dell'Aretino e PHorace di
Corneille', StRo, 30:187-95, argues that theAmore della Patria (1604),
attributed to Giuliano Goselini, is nothing other than A.'s Orazia.
Thus, C. was 'unwittingly' acquainted with A.'s play and plagiarized
it in his Horace. 'L5Orazia e l'imperialismo romano', Bella, Eros,
pp. 173-89, discovers a correspondence between the victory of
Horace in the play and the hoped-for triumph of the Emperor
Charles V over theLutherans.
ariosto, l. P. 'L'A. da La Cassaria a La Lena. Per
Larivaille,
un'analisi narratologica della trama comica', La semiotica e il doppio
teatrale, pp. 117-36, analyses the two plays as if they were prose
narratives divided into five parts. L. Stefani, 'Un manoscritto mutilo
del Negromante (la redazione) finora sconosciuto', FC, 6, 1981:99-118,
publishes the fragment.
giraldi cinzio, g. b. 'G.B.G.C, Bella, Eros, pp. 83-121, empha
sizes the novelty of the Orbecche in that itdepicts a cruel reality on the
stage instead of trying to sublimate it.Overlapping slightlywith the
above is P. Osborn, '"Fuori di quel costume antico": innovation
versus tradition in theprologues ofG.C.'s tragedies', ISt, 37:49-66, in
which the theory behind the prologues is expounded as well as the

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 Humanism and Renaissance

practical difficulties facing a court playwright who wished to

introduce innovations.

machiavelli, n. A. Guidotti, 'Su alcune soluzioni tipologiche ed

espressive della Mandragola', LItal, 34:157-75, has perceptive com
ments tomake on the role of themore important characters in the play
and how the 'intreccio' seems to leave hardly any space for a leisurely
development of the characters, especially the secondary ones. M.
Luzzati, 'Fra Timoteo da Lucca (1456-1513): appunti di ricerca',
Campana Vol., pp. 377-401, finds no resemblance at all between the
historical friar and the Fra Timoteo ofM.'s Mandragola.
poliziano, a. E. 'Umanita e letterarieta del
Bigi, nell'Orfeo P.',
GSLI, 159:183-215, does not offer any general interpretation of the
play instead the critic prefers to flit from one feature to another
without properly defining his intention in so doing.
ruzante (beolco, a.). The Bilora is perhaps the only play of the
Italian Renaissance where madness is presented both as the result of
and the response to aggression on the part of the ruling class against a
member of the lower classes, according toA. Fontes-Baratto, 'Eclairs
de folie dans le theatre de R.: le Bilora', Colloque . . . (Paris),
pp. 67- 80.
speroni, s. 'La Canace di S.S.', Bella, Eros, pp. 125-70, suggests
that tragedy, in this play, is no longer invested in one character but
that all the characters are involved in it.
tasso, t. j. j. Yoch, 'The limits of sensuality: pastoral wildernes
ses, T.'s Aminta and the gardens of Ferrara', Fol, 16:60-81, suggests
that T. designed the Aminta in order to demonstrate the path that
leads from the folly of passion to the joy ofmoderation. This theme is
emphasized by the setting of the play in a seemingly natural place but
which in fact is part of a highly ordered garden. G. Petrocchi and E.
Malato, 'Sulla paternita degli Intrichi d'amore (Una lettera di G.P. e
una postilla di E.M.)', FC, 5, 1980 (1981): 127-36, offers two views
concerning T.'s authorship of the play in question.
trissino, g. g. 'La di G.G.T.', Bella, Eros,
Sofonisba pp. 13-36,
presents a careful reading of the play, particularly with regard to its
structure.

valerini, a. 'Sensualita dequalificante emistificante: YAfroditedi

A.V.', Bella, Eros, pp. 193-220, observes that love has been transfor

med, in this late i6th-c. into 'un sesso-fiamma, un sesso cocente'.

play,

5. Prose

M. Plaisance, 'La folie comme marquage etmoyen d'exclusion dans la

nouvelle florentine du XVIe siecle', Colloque . . . (Paris), pp. 23-32,
perceives a pattern in the novelle ofGrasso Legnaiuolo and Grazzini

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562 Italian Studies

of the madman being expelled from civil society because he is

someone who breaks the social rules.Winfried Wehle, Novellenerzah
len.Franzbsische Renaissancenovellistik als Diskurs, Munich, Fink, 1981,
264 pp., contains a good deal that is useful to the scholar of the Italian
novella which is frequently mentioned in the text.Unfortunately, the
style of the book is so tortuous that it makes for very difficult
reading.
accolti, f. R. D. Black, 'Ancients and moderns in the Renaiss
ance: rhetoric and history inAccolti's dialogue on the Preeminence of
Men of his own Time', JHI, 43:3-32, argues that the treatise under
discussion was the first inwestern literature expressly devoted to the
quarrel of the ancients and moderns.
alberti, l. b. P. 'Nuovi contributi per la Grammatica
Bongrani,
dell'A.', SFI, 40:65-106, presents a very detailed linguistic commen
taryon the text, suggesting readings different from those offered by C.
Grayson in his edition.
aretino, p. A well documented biography of A. is Cesare
Marchi, L 'Aretino, Mi, Rizzoli, 292 pp. C. Cairns, 'A. e le radici del
potere a Venezia (1527-1538): primi scavi archivistici', Atti... (Bel
grade), pp. 243-49, nnds thatA.'s career can be looked at in terms of
courtly behaviour: in his writings the frequent references toCastig
lione and in his life the efforts to ingratiate himself with theVenetian
patriciate are evidence of the critic's hypothesis. A. Romano, T senesi
nel Morgante (nota a 1 12 nella Cortigiana di P.A.)', SPCT, 25:31-33,
argues that the presence of this anti-Sienese satire inA. is evidence of
Pulci's influence on thiswork.
atanagi, d. The contradictions facing men of letters in mid
i6th-c. Italy, set in the broad framework of intellectual history, are
examined in one particular case by G. De Santi, 'D.A. o l'impossibili
ta dell'universale per fine',RPLit, 5:85-91.
bandello, m. L. Capecchi, 'Romeo and Juliet. Due versioni:
Bandello e Shakespeare', EM, 28-29, 1979-80:61-90, investigates
the characteristics of each work so as to reach a conclusion about the
different ways of treating the same subject. The source for Bellini's
i
opera / Capuleti ed Montecchi is inB., according toL. Gherardi, 'Una
novella di M.B. "riletta" da Felice Romani per Vincenzo Bellini',
Esercizi, 4, 1981:116-26.
barbaro, f. P. Calabrese, 'Nuove lettere di Francesco Barbaro',
AVen, 118:5-55.
barzizza, g. In G. W. III, 'B.'s studies of Cicero',
Pigman
Rinascimento, 21, 1981 (1982): 123-63, B.'s VitaMarci Tulli Ciceronis is
published and compared with Bruni's Cicero novus. Id., 'B.'s treatise
on imitation', BHR, 44:341-52, publishes the treatise De imitatione
with notes on the dating and other pertinent matters.

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 Humanism and Renaissance 563
bembo, p. C. Dionisotti, su B. e su Vittoria
'Appunti Colonna',
Campana Vol., pp. 257-86, traces the course of the relationship
between the two concentrating on both its literary and political
implications.
bessarion, cardinal. 'B.
J. Monfasani, Latinus', Rinascimento,
21, 1981 (1982): 165-209, has discovered that B. employed a ghost
writer to refine his Latin works and that this person was Niccolo
Perotti.

borghini, v. B. was most willing to put his literary skills to

practical and artistic uses, as is shown by R. A. Scorza, 'V.B. and
Invenzione: the Florentine apparato of 1565*,JWCI, 44, 1981:57?75.
braccesi, a. P. Viti, T volgarizzamenti di A.B. delYHistoria de
duobus amantibus di Enea Silvio Piccolomini', EL, 7, no. 3:49-68,
announces the discovery of a MS containing the firstdraft of the
Historia.

bracciolini, 1. di poggio. The that existed between

friendship
P.B. and Federico Montefeltro is discussed without very much
evidence for the hypotheses put forward by L. Michelini Tocci,
'Poggio fiorentino e Federico di Montefeltro (con una lettera inedita
di I. di Poggio)', Campana Vol., pp. 505-36.
bracciolini, p. B.'s skill as an emendator of classical texts is
discussed with particular reference to the kind of errors he made inC.
Questa, Tl testo dello Pseudolus nei codici C D (Plauto dagli "Scrip
toria" medievali a Poggio)', Campana Vol., pp.611-37. P. Casciano,
'Per il testo dell'Invectiva Quarta in Vallam di B. (con postille di A. La
Penna), Maia, 34: 161?66, improves upon the edition by R. Fubini of
this piece which she republishes with corrections. B.'s interventions
on a classical author are the subject ofR.
Cappelletto, 'Marginalia di
Poggio in due codici di Ammiano Marcellino (Vat. Lat. 1873 e Vat.
Lat. 2969), Campana Vol., pp. 189-211. C. Vasoli points to a hidden
side ofB.'s personality, the humanist as a moralist who is aware of the
inevitable failure of all human actions in his 'L'altro volto di P.B.: il
gioco della fortuna e l'infelicita della condizione umana', Atti e
Memorie delVAccademia Petrarca di Lettere,Arti e Scienze, 43, 1979-80
(1982):269-92.
bruni, l. 'Selected letters of L.B.', transl. A. Rubin, Allegorica, 6,
1981:21-63, has a useful introduction and notes. G. Cipriani, 'Per
una lettura del keql nofaxstag (frXooevrivovdi L.B.', Ricerche storiche,
11, 1981:619-24, argues that thework was written inGreek to stress
the links between Florence and the Eastern Church.
bruno, g. Previously published essays on the theme of B. in
England are brought together in Frances A. Yates, Lull and Bruno.
Collected Essays, vol. 1, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, xii +
280 pp. A systematic examination of the Aristotelian sources of B.'s

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 564 Italian Studies

thought is contained in P. R. Blum, Aristoteles bei G.B. Studien zur

Munich, Fink, 1980. //passero solitarioand La
philosophischen rezeption,
ginestra find their inspiration in B. in the opinion of S. Tombari,
'Tracce di G.B. nelle opere di Leopardi', Michelangelo, 38-39:12-16.
cacciante, b. Mario Martini, Bernardino Cacciante Aletrinate. Con
tributealia steriadelVumanesimo,Sora, Centro di Studi Sorani 'Vincenzo
Patriarca', 428 pp., is important for the publication of three pre
viously unpublished works by this humanist: the Libretto apologetico
delle donne, dedicated to Elisabetta Gonzaga, the Dialogus inscriptus
lamentatioand the Epistola at patrizio romanoLatino Giovenale detta cDe
nobilitate\
castiglione, b. Bruno Maier has revised and brought up to date
his edition of // libro del cortegiano.Con una scelta delle opereminori,T,
UTET, 744 pp. O. Zorzi Pugliese, 'Realismo strutturale-ideologico
nel Libro del cortegiano',Atti . . . (Belgrade), pp. 683-94, insists that the
Cortegiano is neither an abstract nor evasive book but iswitness to a
new kind of reality. Latin notes on women (lists of classical women,
brief notes on their virtues) and on Guidobaldo Montefeltro's
biography are published by G. La Rocca, 'Un taccuino autografo per
ilCortegiano', IMU, 23, 1980 (1981): 341-73. C. H. Clough, 'Review of
B.C., Le Lettere, ed. G. La Rocca, Verona, Mondadori, 1981, cx +
1440 pp.', MLN, 97:192-208, corrects a number of errors that crept
into the edition and makes some interesting suggestions about the
volume. C. Mozzarelli, 'Corte e amministrazione nel principato
Societa e storia, contains an
gonzaghesco', 16:245-62, interesting
interpretation of C.'s relations with the Gonzaga and the writer
briefly compares this picture with that drawn in the Cortegiano.
cereta, l. Albert Rabil, Jr, L.C QuattrocentoHumanist, Bing
hampton N.Y., Center forMedieval and Early Renaissance Studies,
1981, viii + 182 pp., has a brief biographical introduction to the
female humanist followed by a critical appreciation of her works and
an edition of the unpublished materials in theC. corpus.
ciriaco d'ancona. Jean Colin, Cyriaque d'Ancbne. Le voyageur,le
marchand,Vhumaniste,Paris, Maloine, 1981, 610 pp., illus., is a detailed
biography of the humanist.
colonna, f. F.C., Hypnerotomachia Poliphili, ed. Giovanni Pozzi
and Lucia A. Ciapponi, 2 vols, Padua, Antenore, 1980, 1, xv 4
470 pp., 11,372 pp., is an up-dating of the previous edition. It contains
a new introduction, corrections, and a new bibliography. O. Pelosi,
'L'iperlingua del Polifilo: problemi e prospettive', MC, 37-39,
1981:65-70, is as almost obscure as the original in its language,
suggesting that the style of thework matches themultiformity of its
meaning.
di conversino, g. (da ravenna) . G.D.C.,
Dragmalogia deEligibili
Vite Genere, ed. and transl. Helen Lanneau Eaker, ann. G.
Benjamin

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 Humanism and Renaissance 565
Kohl, Lewisburg, Associated U.P., 1980, 291 pp., is interesting foran
early I5th-c. view of themes that would gain in importance as the
Renaissance progressed: republicanism against monarchy, country
and city, vices and virtues.
cornaro, a. M. Milani, 'Appunti su A.C. e la Vita sobria. In
margine a una mostra a lui dedicata', GSLI, 159:216-44, discusses
the publication history of the treatise and the changes thatwere made
in the title and text. C.'s relationship with Speroni is discussed,
especially since the Accademia degli Infiammati was held in C.'s
house.

cornazzano, a. A. Ceruti Burgio, T Proverbi infacetie, raccolta di

novelle di A.C. e ilDecameron del Boccaccio', Aurea Parma, 66:39-52,
shows that B.'s presence is felt everywhere inC.'s collection.
cortesi, p. J. F. D'Amico, 'P.C.'s rehabilitation ofGiovanni Pico
della Mirandola', BHR, 44:37-51, suggests that C.'s presentation of
Pico in theDe Cardinatatu is essentially one of acceptance of him as
orthodox and therefore a proper model for a Christian, even a
cardinal.

decembrio, a. P. Scarcia Piacentini pieces together the fragments

ofD.'s biography and identifies theMSS written by him in 'A.D. e la
sua scrittura', SeC, 4, 1980:247-77.
della casa, g. It is the view of G. 'Per una lettura
Prosperi,
antropologica del Galateo di D.C, Studium, 76, 1980:379-86, that 'il
libretto dellacasiano propone un modello ideale le cui linee direttrici
(sono) ispirate ad un platonismo di fondo'.
della porta, g. b. The of D.P.'s work on
significance physiog
nomy is stressed by L. Van Delft, 'A la recherche de G.B.D.P.', WRM,
6:37-42.
egnazio, b. g. S. Rizzo, di B.E. ad
(cipelli, b.). 'Congetture
orazioni di Cicerone', Campana Vol., pp. 671-80, notes the import
ance of a humanist who edited classical texts forAldo and then Paolo
Manuzio.

equicola, m. G. Barberi 'L'amore in corte: il trattato

Squarotti,
dell'E.', CLett, 35:211-24, refers to the Libro de natura de amore and is
particularly illuminating on E.'s views on spoken Italian.
facio, b. M. Regoliosi, 'Per la tradizione delle InvectiveinL. Vallam
di B.F.', IMU, 23, 1980 (1981): 389-97, warns against an edition of
thiswork based on a singleMS and looks at several MSS containing
the Invective.

ficino, m. Paul Oskar Kristeller, M.F. letteratoe leglosse attribuitea

lui net codiceCaetani di Dante, Ro, Fondazione Camillo Caetani, 1981,
76 pp. M.J.B. Allen, 'F.'s theory of the five substances and the
Neoplatonists' Parmenides', JMRS, 12:19-44, states that the writer
seeks 'to establish the source of F.'s commitment at times to the

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 566 Italian Studies

fivefold scheme and of his wavering at other times over the number of
hypostases subsequent to the Soul'. Id. and R. A. White, 'F.'s Hermias
translation and a new apologue', Scriptorium,35, 1981:39-47, dates
the translation to 1484 and remarks that F. inserted afabula in the text
on Dionysius's birth. The sources for the notion of Plato's third eye
which enabled him to contemplate the divine are discussed in Id.,
'M.F. on Plato's Pythagorean eye', MLN, 97:171-82. The MS
tradition of F.'s commentary on Plato's Symposium is carefully studied
in S. Gentile, 4Per la storia del testo del CommentariuminConviviumdi
M.F.', Rinascimento, 21, 1981 (i982):3~27. Id., 'Un codice delle
epistole di M.F.', Interpres,3, 1980 (1982) :8o-i57, allows the scholar
to follow F.'s method of composition of books v and vi of the letters.
The Letters ofM.F., transl. members of the Language Department of
the School ofEconomic Science, London, vol. 3 (being a translation of
Liber iv), London, Shepheard-Walwyn, 1981, xiv 4- 162 pp., con
tains some very useful notes on the letters, including variants,
together with the biographies of the people mentioned in them. C.
Tanturli, 'Codici di Antonio Manetti e ricette del F.', Rinascimento, 20,
1980 (1981): 313-25, assesses the debt of the former to the latter.
flaminio, m. a. T. Pisanti, 'M.A.F. fra umanesimo, riforma e

controriforma', Atti. . . (Belgrade), pp. 575-88, is a fairly detailed

biographical account which is linked up with the main religious
movements of the period.
fonzio, b. The annotations on a copy of the first part of the
Miscellanea are identified and analysed by L. A. Ciapponi, 'B.F. e la
prima centuria dei Miscellanea del Poliziano', IMU, 23, 1980
(1981) : 165-77.
garzoni, t. A. C. Fiorato, 'La folie universelle, burles
spectacle
que et instrument ideologique, dans YHospidale de T.G. (1586)',
. . .
Colloque (Paris), pp. 131-45, shows how thework attacks all that
is irrational in the author's society.
guicciardini, f. G.'s abhorrence of and to war is
opposition
examined A. Bonadeo, 'G. on war and PenP, 14,
by conquest',
1981:214-42. C. De Frede, Tl discorso di re Ferrandino ai
napoletani. Commento a G., Storia c.
dTtalia, 1, XIX', AAP, 30, 1981
(1982) :207-22, analyses the humanistically inspired condone and
demonstrates how G. manipulates his historical sources in accord
ance with the ideals of humanist historiography. Id., 'F.G. come
storico di Napoli', ASI, 140:215-61, considers G. as historian of the
French invasion of 1494 as far as itaffectedNaples.
landino, c. A. Field, 'An inaugural oration by C.L. in praise of
Virgil (From codex "2", Casa Cavalli, Ravenna)', Rinascimento, 21,
1981 (1982): 235-45, argues that the oration was probably composed
in the late 1460s.

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 Humanism and Renaissance 567
lando, o. After examining 42 copies of theParadossi, C. Fahy, 'Le
edizioni dei Paradossi di O.L.', SFI, 40:155-91, which all bear the
date 1544, the scholar is able to distinguish one edition and two
reprints from this pirate press.
Leonardo (da vinci). G. Calvi and A. Marinoni, Manoscritti di
L.D.V. dal punto di vista cronologico,storico e biografico,Busto Arsizio,
Bramante, 270 pp., illus, is a useful contribution to the subject.
Information on theMilanese background as well as examples of L.'s
'pensieri' and 'favolette' are to be found in Leonida Villani, L. a
Milano, Aosta, Musumeci, 143 pp. S. Ghita, *'Le sens philosophique
de la pensee de L.D.V.', Revue Roumaine des Sciences Sociales. Serie
Philosophic etLogique, 25, 1981:357?67.
leto, p. M. Accame Lanzillotta, 'L'opera di Festo nel Dictatum
varroniano di P.L. (Vat. Lat. 3415)', GIF, 11, 1980 (1981)1265-99,
discusses L.'s sources and the difficulties he had in interpreting the
text.
lorenzo (de' medici). Antonio Altomonte, Magnifico. Vita di
L.D.M., Mi, Rusconi, 312 pp., illus. E. Fumagalli, 'Nuovi documenti
su Lorenzo eGiulianode' Medici', IMU, 23, 1980 (1981):
115-64, has
been able to locate or reconstruct from available information lettersof
and concerning L. and Giuliano.
machiavelli, n. The discovery of new documents by J. N.
Stephens and H. C. Butters, 'New lightonM.', EHR, 97:54-69, helps
to fill in gaps and sometimes adds a different dimension towhat we
already know ofM. The key importance of Francesco Soderini in the
affairs of the Florentine Republic is stressed by R. Pesman Cooper,
'M., Francesco Soderini and Don Michelotto', NRS, 66:342-57, and
by the same writer, 'M., Pier Soderini and //Principe', Altro Polo. A
Volume ofItalian Renaissance Studies, Sydney, Frederick May Foundation
for Italian Studies, University of Sydney, 157 pp., which discusses
M.'s career under P.S. and then examines how the Gonfaloniere is
treated in M.'s works. Herfried Miinkler, M. Die Bergr'undungdes
politischen Denkens der Neuzeit aus der Krise der Republik Florenz,
Frankfurt, Europaische Verlagsanstalt, 506 pp. E. Mazzali, 'Nota su
"M. umanista"', Atti . . . (Belgrade), pp. 525-29, argues thatM. was
a humanist. Silvia Ruffo-Fiore, Niccolb Machiavelli, Boston,
Twayne,
179 pp., 'intends to make better known how the literary and
rhetorical dimensions of his writings contribute to theirmeaning ?
how politics, history and literature interacted'. Both G. Sasso, Tl
Principe ebbe due redazioni?', La Cultura, 19, 1981:52-109, and R.
Ridolfi, 'De principatus: unica redazione', Bibliofilia, 84:71-73, argue
against the thesis that //Principe had two redactions. For R. Esposito,
'Forma e scissione inM.', //Centauro, 1981, 1:3-29, the image of the
centaur inM. epitomizes the split between subject and object. F.

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568 Italian Studies

Fornari, 'Le strutture affettivedel Principe di M. Analisi della dedica',

Italianistica, io, 1981:348-60, is in fact a chapter of his book, //
collettivoe le strutture affettive 'Principe3diM., Mi, UNICOPLI,
del 1981,
352 pp., which is a thorough-going psychoanalytical study of the
famous work. Such an approach does yield interesting results but one
wonders if the present study has not gone too far in this direction. M.
McCanles, 'M.'s Principe and the textualization of history', MLN,
97:1-18, in a densely argued piece ofwriting suggests that //Principe
'emphasizes the semiotic nature of concrete events'. Madness inM.
becomes a political act according toM. Marietti, 'Folie simulee et
tyrannicide: reflexions sur un chapitre de M. (Discours, 111,2)',
. . .
Colloque (Paris), pp. 147-53. Florentine history was a record of
dismal failure, inM.'s view, because of the state's inability to channel
as a whole. This
personal ambition into something useful for the state
point of view is discussed by J. D'Amico, 'Three forms of character:
virtu, ordini, and materia inM.'s DiscorsV, ItQ, 22, 1981:5-13. It is
argued in J. D'Amico, 'Love and fear inM.'s DiscorsV, II Politico, 45,
1980:429-41, thatM. identifies lovewith the prince and fearwith the
republican leader. A rather vague and doubtful contribution is F.
Sisinni, 'La politica di N.M.', Attie Memorie della Accademia Petrarca di
Lettere,Arti e Scienze, 43, 1979-80 (1982)197-111. G. Cadoni, 'Note
machiavelliane Storia e Politica, 21:99-111, corrects G. Sasso on
(in)',
of interpretation of M.'s A. D. . . che
points writings. Thompson,'".
si alzi in piedi il vero M.!"', Civilta Italiana, 4, 1980:172-79, asks why
there are so many interpretations of //Principe, suggesting that the
answer may lie inM.'s lack of a true system. G. Inglese, 'Per il testo
del Discursus florentinarumrerume altre note inmargine a un'edizione
machiavelliana', Bibliofilia, 84:41-50, urges the necessity for a critical
edition of the above work which would satisfy themost scrupulous
scholar. L. Chalon, 'A propos du Belfagor arcidiavolode M.', MRo, 31,
1981:25-32, presents a general introduction to thework. M. Martelli,
'Questioni di filologia attributiva', LItal, 34:232-44, continues to
argue that theDialogo could not have possibly been written byM. A
very detailed study of a particular aspect of the subject-predicate
relationship in //Principe is offered by D. Cernecca, 'L'inversione del
soggetto nella prosa del Principe di N.M.', Atti. . . (Belgrade),
pp. 259-73. M.'s ideas on language are translated into modern
linguistic terminology by J. Gacic and S. Ceh-Tomasic, 'Contributo
alia analisi delle concezioni del M. sulla lingua', Atti... (Belgrade),
E. M. Beame, 'The use and abuse of M.: the sixteenth
pp. 419-28.
.
century French adaptation', JHI, 43 33-54, looks atMachiavellian
ism as a French cultural phenomenon. A i6th-c. re-interpretation of
// Principe is examined by C. Vasoli, 'Lucio Paolo Rosello e
un'immagine cinquecentesca del principe', NRS, 65, 1981:552-71.

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 Humanism and Renaissance 569
M.'s influence on theDialogo nel qual siforma unperfettoprencipe e una
perfetta republica is more than evident in the opinion of E. Scarpa,
'Giovan Maria Memmo plagiario di M.', PenP, 14, 19811421-39. T.
Schieder, 'Friedrich der GroBe und M. ? das Dilemma von
Machtpolitik und Aufklarung', HZ, 234:265-94, discusses a well
known example ofM.'s influence. Gramsci's interest inM. is studied
by Federico Sanguined, Gramsci eM., Bari, Laterza, 120 pp., and the
evidence for this interest is to be found inA. Gramsci, Quaderno 13.
Noterelle sulla politica delM., ed. Carmine Donzelli, T, Einaudi, 1981,
cii 4 257 pp. K. Zaboklicki, 'N.M. visto dalla critica polacca di oggi',
Atti . . . (Belgrade), pp. 671-82, discusses how M. is viewed in an
Eastern European country.
palmieri, m. M.P., Vita civile, ed. Gino Belloni, F, Sansoni,
lxxxviii 4- 229 pp., contains details of theMSS and the criteria used in
editing the text are painstakingly enunciated.
parrasio, a. g. A. Greco, 'A.G.P.', Studi Paratore, pp. 1329-41,
provides a useful summary of the humanist's lifeand works.
patrizi, f. M. Muccillo, 'La vita e le opere di Aristotele nelle
Discussiones peripateticae di F.P. da Cherso', Rinascimento, 21, 1981
(1982): 53?119, consists of a detailed analysis of vol. 1 of the
Discussiones in which P. rages against the principle of authority. P.
Rossi, 'F.P.: heavenly spheres and flocks of cranes', Italian Studies in the
Philosophy ofScience, ed. Maria Luisa Dalla Chiara, Dordrecht, Reidel,
1981, xi 4 529 pp. (pp. 363-88), demonstrates that P. rejected the
idea of the heavenly spheres and replaced itwith the idea of celestial
bodies as divine and living beings.
perotti, n. S. Prete, L'umanista N.P., Istituto
Sassoferrato,
Internazionale di Studi Piceni, 1980, 18 pp., gives a brief account of
the various polemics inwhich P. became embroiled. Id., Osservazioni e
note sulVumanistaN.P. cittadino veneziano,Venice, Centro tedesco di
studi veneziani, 1981, 26 pp. is a slightly extended version of the
previous essay. Id., 'N.P. e VOraculumApollinis de Isthmo\Rinascimento,
21, 1981 (1982): 229-33, describes thework and briefly discusses the
sources. RPLit, 4, 1981, is almost entirely devoted to studies of various
aspects of the humanist. Of particular note are P. O. Kristeller, 'N.P.
e i suoi contributi alia storia dell'umanesimo', RPLit, 4, 1981: 7-25, F.
D'Episcopo, 'L'estetica del poeta-teologo e l'enciclopedismo di N.P.',
ib.,pp. 43-66, J.-C. Margolin, 'La fonction pragmatique et l'influence
culturelle de la Cornucopiae de N.P.', ib., pp. 123?715 J*Monfasani, Tl
P. e la controversia tra platonici ed aristotelici', ib., pp. 195-231.
Other studies on P. includeW. Milde, 'Zur Druckhaufigkeit von N.P.
Cornucopiae und Rudimenta grammatices im 15. und 16. Jahrhundert',
RPLit, 5:29-37, J. Leonhardt, 'N.P. und die Ars versificandivon
Conrad Celtis', HL, 30, 1981:13-18, V. Piermattei, 'Un insigne
umanista: N.P.', 35,
Michelangelo, 1981:11-13.

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 57? Italian Studies

pigcolomini, e. s. G. 'E.S.P. e il mondo

Zippel, germanico.
Impegno cristiano e civile dell'umanesimo', La Cultura, 19,
1981:267-350, underlines the importance of P.'s interest in the
world.
German-speaking
Pino, g. b. G.B.P.,Ragionamentosovradel3asino, ed. OlgaCasale, Ro,
Salerno, 180 pp., attacks the entourage of theVice-Roy ofNaples don
Pedro di Toledo in the style ofApuleius.
pio, g. b. A detailed biography of P. with six letters addressed to
him fromGiovanni Garzoni is to be found inV. Del Nero, 'Note sulla
vita di G.B.P. (con alcune lettere inedite)', Rinascimento, 21, 1981
(1982):247-63.
poliziano, a. Riccardo Ribuoli, La collazione polizianea del codice
bembinodi Terenzio con lepostille ineditedel P. e note suPietro Bembo, Ro,
Storia e Letteratura, 1981, 94 pp., examines P.'s method of collating
this particular MS and then lists the errors the humanist made. A.
Perosa, 'Un codice della Badia fiesolana con postille del P.',
Rinascimento, 21, 1981 (1982): 29-51, examines thenotabilia that P. left
in aMS of theChurch Fathers. T. Zanato, 'Per il testodei Detti piacevoli
di A. P.', FC, 6,1981:50?98, lays the foundations fora critical edition of
the text.M. Martelli, 'Foscolofiorentino traP. eMachiavelli', Interpres,
3,1980 (1982): 193-244, studies the influence of these twowriters on F.
during his stay inFlorence in the period 1812-13.
pontano, g. L. Monti Sabia, 'L'estremo di G.P.', IMU,
autografo
23, 1980 (1981): 293-314, has discovered that a letter addressed to
Louis XII of France, probably written before 12May 1503, bears P.'s
signature.
ruzante G. Padoan, 'Note ruzantesche', LItal,
(beolco, a.).
34:226-31, elaborates on the kinds of difficulties facing the editor of
some of R.'s prose works.
sabadino (degli arienti). P. Stoppelli, 'Due manoscritti e un
incunabolo sconosciuto di G.S.D.A.', SPCT, 25:25-30, discusses the
MSS Colloquium adFerrariam urbemand theDe Hymeneo.The printed text
is a translation of aMeditatio super salveRegina. We now have a critical
edition ofLe Porretane, ed. Bruno Basile, Ro., Salerno, lxiv 4- 672 pp.
salutati, c. Hermann Langkabel, Die Staatsbriefe C Salutatis.
Untersuchungenzum Fruhhumanismus in der Florentiner Staatskanzlei und
Auswahledition, Cologne, Bohlau, 1981. S.'s contradictory attitude
towards the active and contemplative life is discussed in P. A.
Lombardo, 'Vita activa versus vita contemplativa inPetrarch and S.',
Italica, B. Ross, 'S.'s defeated candidate for humanistic
59:83-92.
script', SeC, 5, 1981:187-98, examines the 'pre-antiqua' type of script
which gave way to the trulyhumanistic 'antiqua' script.
salviati, l. F. Musarra, 'L' Orazione in lodedellafiorentinalingua ede3
fiorentini autori: un momento cruciale della storia della lingua nel

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 Humanism and Renaissance 57i
Rinascimento', Atti . . . (Belgrade), pp. 553-65, assesses the signifi
cance of S.'s defence of Bembo.
san Bernardino. The background to S.B.'s visits to Aquila is
analysed in E. Pontieri, 'S.B. da Siena e la citta dell'Aquila a meta del
secolo XV, Archivio Storico per le Province Napoletane, 98, 1980
(1982)129-42. P. Sollazzi, 'Espressivita del parlato bernardiniano',
Studi Francescani, 77, 1980:285-324, gives an excellent analysis of the
features of S.B.'s sermons.
stylistic
sannazaro, j. P. Fiorini, 'Lettere inedite di J.S.', IMU, 23, 1980
(1981): 315-39, publishes ten letters fromJ.S. toAntonio Seripando.
Savonarola, g. R. Ridolfi, 'Qualche notizia sopra l'Edizione
Nazionale delle opere di G.S.', Bibliojilia, discusses editorial policy.
straparola, g. f. G. Villani, 'Da Morlini a S.: problemi di
traduzione e problemi del testo', GSLI, 159:67-73, discusses the
question of the importance of the partial translation ofM.'s Novellae
by S. for the history of the text.
tasso, t. T., in his Malpiglio, rejects Castiglione's ideal of the
courtier because of the changed historical conditions of the late
16th c. according toG. Barberi Squarotti, Tl forestiero in corte', LItal,
34:328-47. A. D. Sellstrom, 'La mort de Pompee: Roman history and
T.'s theory ofChristian epic', PMLA, 97:830-43, concludes that one
of the sources of Corneille's play is the unavowed Discorsi del poema
eroico.
'
traversari, a. P. Castelli, "Lux Italiae": A.T. monaco camal
dolese. Idee e immagini nel Quattrocento fiorentino', AMAT,
47:39-90, sets out to prove that Ghiberti's 'Gates of Paradise'

depended on a programme formulated by A.T.

trissino, g. g. Willi Hirdt, G.G.T.s Portr'at der Isabella d'Este. Ein

Beitrag zur Lukian-Rezeption in Italien, Heidelberg, Winter, 1981,

123 pp., studies the different traditions, such as the Petrarchist and
Neoplatonist, which go to compose the portrait inwords.
valla, g. Although Copernicus never mentioned G. V.
by name,
he used two of his works as is explained in E. Rosen, 'Nicholas
Copernicus and G.V.', Physis, 23, 1981:449-57.
valla, l. Laurentii Valle Antidotum in Facium, ed.
Mariangela
Regoliosi, Padua, Antenore, 1981, 422 pp., is a meticulous edition of
the invective.

vasari, g. V.'s modifications of Boccaccio are discussed in L.

Ricco, 'Tipologia novellistica degli artisti vasariani', Paragone, Letter
atura, 32, 1981:10-34.
vittorino (da feltre). M. Cortesi, 'Libri e vicende di V.D.F.',
IMU, 23, 1980 (1981): 77-114, compiles and publishes archival
documents to V.'s career inMantua.
relating

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