The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara

The Writings of K.P.H.
Suryanagara: Shifting Paradigms in Nineteenth-Century

Javanese Thought and Letters
Author(s): T.E. BEHREND
Source: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde , 1999, Vol. 155, No. 3,
ENCOMPASSING KNOWLEDGE: Indigenous encyclopedias from ninth-century Java to
twentieth-century Riau (1999), pp. 388-415
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/27865544
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T.E. BEHREND
The Writings of K.P.H. Suryanagara

Shifting Paradigms in Nineteenth-Century
Javanese Thought and Letters
Introduction
I have elsewhere on several occasions lamented the still limited success of the
scholarly project in producing a detailed history of Javanese literature, one
that even begins to look away from Surakarta and pay proper attention to all
regions and eras.1 The same may be said, though much more emphatically,
for Javanese intellectual history. Apart from the very interesting - though still
somewhat inchoate - discourse on historiography (much of which has
restricted itself to external issues of referentiality and reliability) we have
very little in the way of a diachronic understanding of the development of
Javanese ideas and science over the period for which we have good docu
mentary evidence.2
In order to encourage the articulation of a history of Javanese ideas, and
at the same time fill a tiny part of the gaping void in Javanese literary histo
ry, in this article I will introduce a particularly significant Javanese writer of
the mid nineteenth century, give an overview of his literary production, then
look at his work specifically in terms of its organizational and intellectual
underpinnings. In the process I will also make observations and comparisons
of how this writer and his ideas might differ from other writers and works of
similar theme from earlier times, then conclude with some general remarks
on the place of this author in the history of Javanese letters.
Kangjeng Pangeran Harya Suryanagara, the last and posthumous child of
1 Pigeaud's Literature of Java (1967-1970) gives an invaluable overview, but thirty years on,
his sketches of the rich regional textures of Javanese writing have still to be fleshed out. This sit
uation is beginning to change, however. Several scholars have made major strides in recent years
in displacing Surakarta as the default centre of our understanding of the literature of Java. Ben
Arps' contributions on the Joseph tale in East Java (1990, 1992), Matthew Cohen's fascinating
work on wayang in the Cirebon region (1997), and Merle Ricklefs' compelling introduction to some
aspects of Kartasura letters (1998a) as well his earlier work on Yogyakarta court literature that
arose in the course of his study of the founder of Yogyakarta (1974) all stand out in this regard.
2 Here, too, some recent publications have made significant contributions. I refer especially
to Ricklefs' work on Kartasura (1993, 1998a) with much of relevance to both intellectual history
and mentalit?, as well as to Ann Kumar's wonderful miscellany on Javanese thought and litera
ture (1997).
BKI155-3 (1999)

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The Writings of K.RH. Suryanagara 389
the young king Hamengkubuwana IV, Sultan of Yogyakarta (b.1804, r.1814

1822), was born on Christmas Day 18223 to Raden Widawati, a lesser wife
[garwa ampeyan) of the newly deceased ruler, said to have been the daugh
ter of a renowned court dhalang of the period.4 Few details are yet known
about his life except these: that he took a wife from the ranks of the Paku
alaman aristocracy;5 that he was a bibliophile, an avid copyist of manu
scripts, and an unusually prolific writer; and that he seems to have gained
some prominence in letters both in Pakualaman and Kasultanan circles.
There are indications that he was on quite friendly terms with local Eurasians
and Dutch, particularly the planter C.W. Baumgarten.6 In 1856 this close
3 Wednesday Legi, Mandhasiya, 10 Rabingulakir, Je 1750 is the date given in YKM/W.7a,

page 352 (Kandha Bedhaya Srimpi). This converts to 25 December 1822 in the Thursday
Calendar. Throughout Lindsay, Soetanto and Feinstein (1994) (for instance page 83), however, 14
December 1822 is cited as Suryanagara's date of birth.
There is a surprising amount of variety in published and manuscript sources about the number
and order of children sired by Hamengkubuwana IV. In MSB/S.115:718 (Babad gayogyakarta
Hamengkubuwana V), for instance, he is said to be the seventeenth of eighteen children, the
tenth of ten to survive infancy; in YKM/W.116d (Sarasilah Warni-wami) two separate sections
name him the seventeenth child of nineteen (pages 19, 464); Padmasusastra (1902:299) corrobo
rates part of the information in YKM/W.116d, stating that Suryanagara was the tenth of ten to
survive while nine others were stillborn or died in infancy; a published genealogy based on
palace sources, Rajaputra (1938:35-6), places him eleventh out of eleven; while Suryanagara him
self, in a palace genealogy he personally copied in 1849 (KBG 651, f. 179v) says he was the ninth
of nine. In Mandoyokusumo (1988:37) he is the seventeenth of eighteen (seven having died as
babies). A Serat Sejarah Leluhur (MSB/Sil.6, page 24) refers to his birth order as tenth out of ten
and mentions Suryanagara's embryonic state at his father's death. \Nalika soeroed dalem], tila
ranipun putra Sang Prabu teksih timur sadhojo, pan sesongo kadjawi kang meksih dhipoen
bobo taken.' Perhaps these citations should suffice, though others are available.
Note in connection with Suryanagaran genealogy that there is at least one reference to a name
other than that by which he was known in later life: Mandoyokusuma (1988:37) states that
Suryanagara's original birth name was B.P.H. Malayakusuma.
4 See Carey (1981:xxviii), who gives the name of Widawati's father as court dhalang Kyahi
Jiwatenaya. His source is R.W. Dwidjosoegondo and R.S. Adisoetrisno, Serat Dharah inggih
Seseboetan Raden (Kediri, 1941), page 105.
5 See, for instance, Carey (1981:xxviii); Pigeaud (1967-70,1:169) says of Suryanagara that he
was 'related to the Pakualaman house'. I am beginning to waver on the accuracy of this associa
tion with the Pakualaman, however, as every search I have done of Pakualaman genealogical
materials has failed to mention any female child 'being accepted into the household' (katrimak
en) of a Suryanagara. This includes both published genealogies of the Yogyakarta and
Pakualaman courts such as Padmasusastra (1902) and Albiladiyah (1985/86), as well as manu
script and archive resources, including Arsip Pakualaman, n.d. (for a microfilm copy of this
archive, see Behrend?(1988:14-5), the Genealogical Society of Utah reel 1208627, items 1, 2. In
addition, the Pakualaman library has neither manuscripts nor texts that can be associated with
Suryanagara, while the Kasultanan has several such manuscripts. As will be discussed below,
however, Surya did work extensively with the Serat Suryanalendra, a text that was politically
and ritually central in the court of Natakusuma and his descendants.
6 C.W. Baumgarten, a leaseholder in mid-nineteenth-century Yogyakarta, was a Eurasian
who spoke Javanese fluently enough to be the trainee translateur in 'Djokjakarta' under C.L. van

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390 .E. Behrend
association with Europeans was formalized when he was awarded the hon
orary rank of Lieutenant-Colonel on the Governor General's staff, though
what distinction or accomplishment earned him this designation is unclear.7
Suryanagara seems to have taken great pride in this military honor, as he
inevitably included it as part of his personal identification in the introducto
ry and closing lines of the manuscripts he wrote, copied, or had produced on
his behalf.
He was known in the colonial capital as well as locally. There he received
the special distinction of being one of the few Indonesian members of the
Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences. His membership in that prestigious
research and scientific institution was not simply a matter of being placed on
the roll; his name also appears several times in the published record as a
donor of manuscripts and other items.8 But his relationship with the Society
was not always smooth. In November 1874 Suryanagara had an unpleasant
run in with the administration over a matter of membership.9 Although
repeatedly dunned to pay delinquent annual dues dating back to 1868, he
adamantly refused, insisting that his membership was a bestowed honor. The
secretariat of the Society rejected this claim, stating that he was a regular
member and liable for the dues. In March 1875 the Resident of Yogyakarta,
A.J.B. Wattendorff, appears to have intervened and remitted / 240 on Surya
nagara's behalf, who was then reinstated as a gewoon lid. Later that year
Suryanagara was awarded a government medal of honor for his contribu
tions to Javanese literature.10 The timing of the award seems suspiciously
den Berg in 1853-1854.. He seems to have been politically active against the policies of the Indies
government, and Houben suggests he may have been involved in the 'conspiracy' that took
place three years after the 1846 tumenggung selusin affair (Houben 1994:246). His connection
with Suryanagara is established, or at least indicated, by the fact that his name is written in
Javanese script on page 8 of a manuscript composed and copied by Suryanagara in 1860 (MS
RAS Jav 46; see Ricklefs and Voorhoeve (1977:84)). In Tijdschrift voor Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde (TBG) 10 (1861:302), which contains the notulen for a 12 May 1860 bestuursver
gadering of the Bataviaasch Genootschap, a C. Baumgarten of Yogya is mentioned as having
been made a gewoon lid of the Society.
7 Not every such appointment was based on merit. Houben (1994:134) gives the example of
Yudanagara, youngest son of the vizier Danureja II, who when his brother Gondakusuma was
appointed Danureja V, 'was granted the title of prince and the right to wear the uniform of an
officer of the Governor-General's staff.
8 See for example his gift of a lexicographical study of his own composition mentioned in
Notulen van de algemeene en directievergaderingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van
K?nsten en Wetenschappen (NBG) 2 (1864:31) and mention of a photograph of an Old Javanese
Ungarn from his private collection in NBG 7 (1869), Bijlage N, page cviii.
9 The details of these contretemps are taken from No tulen 12 (1874:117-8) [3 Nov. 74, Il.g) and
13 (1875:40) [9 Maart 75, II1).
10 See Carey (1981:xxviii). Carey adds a note to his text that gives a further reference: 'Dj. Br.
5, "Algemeen Verslag der Residentie Djokjokarta over den jare 1875" [also mentions] that
Suryanagara was one of the most lettered Javanese in Yogyakarta'.

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close to the membership debacle, and one wonders whether it was in some
sense compensatory.11 In the end, though, the insult seems to have been too
great, as Suryanagara's name does not appear in the membership lists of the
Society after 1878.12
Though his is not generally a well-known name, students of Javanese his
tory and culture might have developed a vague familiarity with the bare
facts of Suryanagara's life from fleeting references made to him in Pigeaud's
survey of Javanese literature or through'notes in several of Carey's writings
on Dipanagara that make use of Surya's Bab ad gay ogy akarta13 - a work
which took its final form around 1876, and which will be discussed in more
detail below.
The records I have found to date place Suryanagara in Yogyakarta
between 1822 and 1886.1 have yet to find a clear reference to a date of death.
On deductive grounds, however, there is reason to believe that he died in
1886 which would have made him nearly 64 in Gregorian years, a full and
propitious age for a Muslim.14 In any case, the period of Suryanagara's
known productivity was 1845-1876 and the definitive answer to the question
of his death date will have to be postponed until further research is possible.
Yet despite his rank, his correspondence with the Batavian Society, his
considerable body of writings, and even the high regard accorded him by the
11 A later copyist of a sengkala list written by Suryanagara mentions this medal as one of the
identifying attributes of the author: 'Pangeran Arya Suryanagara, Litnan Kolonel pan Setap,
ingkang sampun kaanggep ing Kangjeng Gupermen, menggah ing pamarsudining kasusastran
sarta kaparingan pratandha medhali mas' (FSUI/SJ.98, page 209). I have not yet been able to find
further references or information about this award to flesh out these incidental references.
12 Even regular membership in the Batavian Society was an extremely rare accomplishment
for Indonesian indigenes at this early date, and must be seen as a mark of great distinction in
any event. The Notulen of 1875 (Bijlage D) and that of 1878 (Bijlage VI, page xxviii) together list
only the following indigenous members: R. Adipati Suryasasraningrat, Pangeran Adipati Anom,
Pangeran Arya Suryanagara, and Raden Adipati Danureja of Yogyakarta; R.A. Tirtanata of
Bojonegoro, R.A.A. Candranagara of Serang; R.A.A. Kusumadiningrat of Galuh, R.M.A.A.
Candranagara of Kudus; and R.M.T. Arya Purbaningrat of Demak. Der Kinderen (1878:90) states
that only three Indonesians ever had the status of honorary members of the Society:
Mangkunagara IV, Surya Sasraningrat (probably Pakualam III, though the source uses the
numeral IV), and 'the painter of kings', Raden Saleh.
13 See also Lindsay (1980), which makes extensive use of Suryanagara's babad, and more
recently, Wieringa (1994:248-52).
14 The strongest evidence I have for Suryanagara's death comes from a survey of the
Regeeringsalmanak, where from 1867 through 1886 Suryanagara is included in every year's list
of 'Inlandsche officieren voor memorie gevoerd bij het militair d?partement'. In it his name is
given as 'Luit, kolonel Pangeran Radhen Ario Soerjo Negoro'. The date of his appointment is
given as 17 Julij-', where the '-' means ditto and refers to the year 1856 in the preceding
line. In the 1876 edition, however, the date is modified to 1858 without explanation. On the basis
of this circumstantial evidence I tentatively date Suryanagara's death to 1886.

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392 T.E. Behrend
Ngayogyan royalty of his generation,15 Suryanagara does not appear to have

been a figure of major importance in Yogya politics of his time. Nor did he
leave traces considerable enough to attract the attention of later historians
either foreign or domestic. Houben's recent study of Solo and Yogya between
1830 and 1875, for example, cites him only once in passing, and then as but
one in a string of more illustrious names, though he does make corporate ref
erence to Suryanagara there as a 'prominent' prince (Houben 1994:246). More
telling, perhaps, is the fact that none of the numerous publications over the
past 50 years produced by government offices, bureaucratic projects, or pri
vate committees with the intention of commemorating Yogya's history and
culture name him at all. Even Ki Hadjar Dewantara's famous address on The
Cultivation of Arts and Letters in the Pakoe Alam Family' (Dewantara 1931),
which dwells at some length (and somewhat sycophantically) on the literary
accomplishments of the Pakualaman house, fails to mention the pujangga
hood or the works of Suryanagara even once, though lesser figures are show
cased.
One reason for Suryanagara's relative obscurity certainly lies in the sim
ple fact that he is a Yogya writer. No Yogya poets had their works published
by the big domestic presses in the late nineteenth or early twentieth century
- probably due in great measure to the much closer relations between Dutch
scholars and Javanese literati in Solo than in Yogya, and to the bias that those
associations built into the Dutch interest and understanding of Javanese cul
ture. By the time local Yogya presses began to come into their own in the
1920s, Suryanagara seems already to have been nearly forgotten. Except for
a single small and extremely rare text, published under the new title Ser at
Nindyamantri in 1935 by the Yogya publisher Sakti as part of a series on
kapoedjanggan djawi,16 the entire Suryanagaran corpus remains effectively
hidden in manuscript form and unknown to the general public in the way
that the Solo writers Yasadipura p?re et fils, Rangg? warsita, Mangkunagara
IV, Sindusastra, or Padmasusastra are known.
What first alerted me to the possibility that Suryanagara was an impor
tant figure, and at the same time made my preliminary work on him possi
ble, was the cataloguing and microfilming work done over the past fifteen
years at the Kraton Ngayogyakarta, the Museum Sonobudoyo, the library of
the Faculty of Letters at the University of Indonesia, and the National Library
of Indonesia. In each of the catalogues produced by the teams of scholars
15 Dwijasaraya suggests this recognition when he says that 'Swargi Band?ra Pangeran
Suryanagara [...] wonten ing kalanganing para band?ra ing Ngayogya [...] kondhang lebda
dhateng kapujanggan Jazv?, (Suryanagara 1935:3).
16 This text, Suryanagara (1935), was edited by Sutarna and Dwijasaraya; it is not even to be
found in the collections of the KITLV or the Leidse Universiteitsbibliotheek. Who knows how it
made its way into the Cornell Library.

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The Writings ofK.P.H. Suryanagara 393
associated with these projects the name Suryanagara has appeared with fair
regularity. In addition, two widely distributed books (Pigeaud 1967-70, III;
Gallop and Arps 1991) provide plates or photographs that feature some of
the more graphically impressive manuscripts produced under Surya's hand.
Suryanagara s Writing
Suryanagara was a prolific and innovative writer. More texts can be attrib
uted to his authorship, and more manuscripts to his hand, than to any other
Yogyakarta writer of the nineteenth century. I have thus far identified 68
manuscripts (including copies and transliterations)17 containing more than
50 distinctly named texts - though there is significant overlap of content due
to his frequent reworking* of older material in slightly new form. There is
also, of course, the same phenomenon of titular polynomialism that compli
cates Javanese bibliography generally. Of the 57 manuscripts containing
Suryanagara texts at least 15 come from his own hand, an unusual number
of autographic copies that may only be surpassed by his Surakartan contem
porary, Ranggawarsita.18
For purposes of analysis Suryanagara's writings can be grouped into five
broad categories, though the boundaries are synthetic and most works
straddle at least two areas of interest. The main areas into which his writings
can be classified are:
- the study of language and literature and the associated arts of manuscript
decoration
- encyclopedic compendia of facts
- belles-lettres
- history
- didactic / moralistic iw u la ng
In each of these areas his writing exhibits a profound familiarity with tradi
17 Of these 68 manuscripts, 14 are in Suryanagara's own hand, two more come from his
household or were produced under his supervision, 31 were copied by other hands in the mid
to-late nineteenth and early twentieth century, while 21 are typescript transliterations produced
mainly by the Pigeaud project in the 1930s. It seems probable that a number of other manuscripts
might also have a Suryanagaran origin (for instance MSB/B. 15 and B.16 as well as numerous
manuscripts containing historical texts), but it was not possible to consult these while writing
this article.
18 See Behrend (1993) for notes on a run of manuscripts from Ranggawarsita's hand at the
National Library in Jakarta. Other manuscripts of his production can be found through the index
of Florida (1993).

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394 T.E. Behrend
tional texts, a commitment to the highest standards of courtly esthetics in the

areas of both textual and book arts, but at the same time an unusual com
parative or critical perspective and a synthesizing temperament and ability
that make him one of the most important intellectual innovators of nine
teenth-century Yogyakarta. In the paragraphs that follow I will briefly out
line the main texts that Suryanagara created as he engaged with tradition in
each of the five subject areas outlined above; in the process I will note some
of the ways in which that engagement was new in the universe of Javanese
literature and from what sources that innovation drew part of its inspiration.
Suryanagara wrote extensively, and over at least a twenty year period, in
the area of language, literature, and manuscript decoration. His specific areas
of interest included: Old Javanese language and literature; lexicography and
dictionaries; the art of manuscript illumination; everything to do with script
and writing, including paleography and inscriptions; and the full spectrum
of language tools for textual professionals such as sengkalan cipher words,
the technical aspects of prosody and poetic structures, and the florid, literary
synonymism of courtly composition. He likewise wrote about styles of
Javanese speech, in particular the so-called wkanten bagongan, the special
style of language used only in the precincts of the palace. Some texts that
belong to these categories were extensive, well-developed, book-length stud
ies, such as Buk Sastra Buda (YKM/W.337, composed 1875) and a series of
Carakabasa texts produced between 1845-1863. Most, however, were highly
specialized treatments of single language issues that typically ran fewer than
ten pages; a number of these would then be gathered together in a single
compound text, often in combination with a much more extensive work, and
be presented as compilations of language- and literature-related texts. Such
small treatments might focus on one aspect of prosody, for example, or on
synonyms for a particular class of words, or an antiquated form of the
Javanese alphabet that could be used for cryptic writing; treatments of can
drasengkala, wangsalan, cangkriman, keratabasa, and other special language
topics are also found in numerous compilations.
In addition to the purely language-oriented works, certain other
Suryanagaran texts in the historical, belletristic and piwulang categories
have an added lexical feature in the form of an appended glossary of rkaw?
terms.19 Some of these lists are quite perfunctory, consisting of a small num
ber of literary or antiquated terms with one- or two-word equivalents in the
modern dialect; most, though, are extensive and arranged in an orderly and
highly accessible pattern that makes locating the meaning of obscure words
19 See for example the glossaries found in the Babad gayogyakarta (SMP/Rp. 44), Cabolek
Bratatama (MSB/L.80b and P.201), Sarahwidya (MSB/L.100, et cetera.), and in the published
didactic poem Nindyamantri (Suryanagara 1935).

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in the associated text a simple matter. Such glossing of other texts, of course,
is only a minor reflection of Suryanagara's great lexicographical skill and the
interest that drove him to produce a voluminous dictionary of written
Javanese and then continually revise it over a thirty year period, producing
new versions or 'editions' at regular intervals. More will be said of this below.
The diction and style of all his writings clearly show Suryanagara to be a
rival of Yasadipura II and Ranggawarsita in the extent of his interest in Old
Javanese sesquipedalianism, and Carey has credited him with contributing
materially to the development of the distinctive Yogyan literary idiom. A
contrastive study of Ranggawarsita's Kawi-Jarwa lists with those of
Suryanagara would be a most interesting research topic to pursue for stu
dents of the history of Javanese knowledge of its own linguistic history in the
period before, and in the early years of, the Dutch scholarly rediscovery of
Old Javanese through Sanskrit and comparative Austronesian linguistics.
At least four of Suryanagara's compositions fall under the rubric encyclo
pedic compilations: an undated, untitled work that I will call Se rat
Klempakan Bab Basa lan Sastra (YKM/W.342-343), the SeratPurzva Ukara of
1861 (YKM/W.40 and LOr 6523), the Serat Suryanarendra of 1861 (Bal.
Bhs.DIY 2469), and the Serat Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi of 1867 (MSB/L.99
100).
The Klempakan - which based on the treatment of various parts of the
text appears to be a product of circa 1850 - survives in a single badly dam
aged and partially illegible manuscript whose acidic, sometimes crumbling
pages are mixed up and bound out of order in a two volume set in the palace
library of Ngayogyakarta. Many topics of Suryanagara's interest from his
earliest writings on language are brought together here, including formal
and mystic aspects of Javanese scripts (Ya?janasastra, Namaning Aksyara
Kalihdasa, Werganing Sastra Kalihdasa), cryptics (Aksyara Saudi Gunung),
rules of prosody for sekar kawi, sekar dhagelan, and sekar macapatan
meters, lists of literary synonyms (Pracekaning Dasanama, including
Sorahing Bebasan Dasanama Dewa Ratu Sapangandhap), traditional as well
as practical lexicography (Pratelaning Keratabasa, Keratabasa Kawi,
Carakabasa, Kertabasa), words used in cryptic dates (Mahartining
Candrasengkala), examples of illuminated punctuation marks for scribes
(Pratelaning ad a Ukara Carik), and a single historical text listing all the
rulers of Java since the arrival of Ajisaka in the first year of the calendar
(Candra Lambanging Negari Jawi Awit ing Medhang). In the years that fol
lowed his creation of this hodgepodge of language arts Suryanagara
reworked many of these texts, incorporating them into other compendia,
especially his expanding dictionaries. Others became the central topics in
greatly expanded, single theme works, as for example the expansion of the
two pages on cryptic writing based on antique Javanese alphabets to a manu

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396 T.E. Behrend
script 'monograph' of thirty pages called Buk Sastra Buda (YKM/W.337).

Some of the texts featured in the Klempakan also reappear in new form in
Suryanagara's second major encyclopedic work, the Purwa Ukara.
In the Purwa Ukara, however, Suryanagara has introduced an important
innovation by attempting to change the basic structural organization under
lying the compilation. This appears to have been inspired by a published
Surakarta source originating in the Dutch scientific community - CF.
Winter's Javaansche Zamenspraken which was printed in two volumes in
1848 and 1858. This work, composed as a primer for Dutch students of
Javanese, contained materials relating to Javanese history, culture, and liter
ature but presented in the form of a collection of conversations between a
curious Dutchman and several Javanese experts or informants responding to
his questions.
The Purwa Ukara, which can be translated as 'First Principles', is a com
pendium of Ngayogyakartan knowledge consisting of 37 separate chapters
of prose and occasionally verse texts. Each chapter is labelled in the author's
table of contents at the front of the book. Two things hold these quite dis
parate sections together as a single work. First is the author's actual intention
of creating an integral whole or unit, something that he called the Purwa
Ukara in several internal self-referential observations written in the process
of assembling the text. More important, though, and much more memorable,
is the use of the unifying narrative device mentioned above, namely the
framing of the work as a set of Javaansche Zamenspraken style conversations
between two brothers, Ontawecana and Kakang Sasrawecana. Sometimes
these two elements are intertwined, as when Sasrawecana tries to convince
Ontawecana that a certain topic should be presented poetically rather than in
dry prose. Otherwise, he argues, the Javanese readers of the text will be bored
to death, since they are used to being poetically entertained by their readings,
and - unlike the Dutch - cannot take the flatness of prose for very long.
First Principles is perhaps best understood as a sampler presenting types
of knowledge that a literate Javanese gentleman should possess in the mid
dle of the nineteenth century. It covers the following topics, among others
(note that the first three texts represent re workings of Klempakan material):
- detailed information on 100 different poetic meters

- a short guide to the most basic aspects of manuscript decoration
- a brief overview of royal genealogy
- specific historical information about Javanese kings and Dutch governors
general (emphasizing regnal dates/dates in office)
- short chronicles about several events of the day considered to be of spe
cial significance (including the appointment of Danureja V to the patih
ship in Yogyakarta and a state visit of the governor general to Yogya)

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- descriptions of the different prajurit corps in the palace, together with

their identifying insignia and flags
- a good deal about dance, especially bedhaya and srimpi
- a full listing of the Ngayogyan gamelan repertoire
- numerous kawin texts for wayang of all sorts
- the course of certain state ceremonies including garebeg and ramp ok
macan
- several matters of behavior and protocol for life in the pa

basa bagongan, the use of parasols of rank, and the ceremony
ing the receipt of official letters from the Kraton Kasunanan
- detailed census data for Yogya and especially the make up
dale m and dependants of the Sultan
We can read back through this medley of texts as a checklis

knowledge and so derive from it an intellectual portrait of Sur
alized riyayz-about-court. His mastery of language would co
range of speech styles from civilized intercourse among mutua
social equals to abject linguistic acquiescence in the assumption o
social otherness of the sultan as manifest in the 'ontology play
speech enacted everywhere and everywhen within the
precincts. Absolute familiarity with the ritual, sumptuary, mu
mative, military, genealogical, and historical traditions of the s
also required. In addition to these codes of communication
embedded in, and ever reaffirming, the social fabric of the
nagara's ideal courtier was also expected to develop more solit
arly graces, including manual skill and artistic accomplishm
script decoration; an encyclopedic knowledge of the most abstr
poetic composition; mastery of the recondite codes of wayang t
and familiarity with written encodings of the specific, profess
step details of sacred dances of court. Then, in addition to thes
ditional knowledge Suryanagara, also insisted on familiarity wit
ment of 'modern' facts and figures in which the priest-king at
Javanese space is pragmatically juxtaposed to a very different r
enumerations: court census figures, tabulations of monetary all
stipends, and most disturbingly perhaps, a roll call of the chief o
foreign overlords who have undermined the integrity of Javan
by imposing an alien order. This is everywhere apparent in the text,
topic of the moment is Javanese or European, by the use of Gr
(taun walandi) to fix everything in the space-time hierarchy of
20 We might say that Bathara Kala, the ravenous embodiment of all-consum

replaced by the unilinear calendar of Europe: in colonization, Java has been de-

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398 T.E. Behrend
In the end the Purwa Ukara text has something of an abandoned feel to it,
since it stops abruptly without explanation or summation. Since the text was
put together over a period of time, it may be that Surya had intended to
return to it at a later date, but never did - or that he may have continued his
work in another manuscript now separated from this one or otherwise lost to
the present.
On 28 January 1861, less than two weeks after Suryanagara had begun
work on the Purwa Ukara (17-01-1861) he undertook a similar project, Serai
Suryanarendra, which shares some texts with the Purwa Ukara but places its
emphasis on historical rather than literary issues. It also characterizes itself
intratextually as an analytical development of a previous work. Discussion of
this text is therefore postponed to the section on historical texts where it will
be more easily described in relation to other works dealing with history and
particularly with the text on which it purports to comment.
The last great compendium of knowledge compiled by Suryanagara was
the Sarahwidya, which I have elsewhere called Centhini Suryanagaran
(Behrend 1990:274). Unlike the Serai Klempakan and Purwa Ukara this work
is in many ways a traditional literary text characterized by strong narrative
and dramatic elements and must be considered as much a belletristic as an
encyclopedic work. It comprises a lengthy recomposition of a section of the
well-known and uniquely voluminous Centhini Ka dip aten (or Major
Centhini) corresponding to cantos 448-554 in the Karkono edition.21 It is
incomplete in the manuscript copies that survive and may have been aban
doned by its author before completion. Even so, when compared to the par
allel section of the Major Centhini, Suryanagara's Sarahwidya represents a
three-fold expansion in total lines over its exemplar. Almost all of this extra
text is devoted to technical details and expanded treatment of the same sub
jects that the Ka dip aten introduces. At one point in the text Suryanagara goes
so far as to insert a prose passage, with charts and figures, on the subject of
Javanese verse forms; he also includes a pet subject treated over the years in
many different texts - namely, the proper forms of stanza markers to be used
in cantos of different macapat meters.
One of the most unusual things about this text is that it took as its exem
plar an imported work co-authored by Yasadipura, the most celebrated poet
of the rival Surakarta court, rather than the locally available, specifically
Ngayogyan version composed 20 years earlier under the patronage of
Hamengkubuwana V, Suryanagara's elder brother. That text, the Centhini
21 The equivalent section of the (partial) Bataviaasch Genootschap edition of 1912-1915, edit
ed by Soeradipoera et al, is found in cantos 129-235, while in Soemahatmaka's pr?cis of 1931
(published as Sumahatmaka 1981; see SMP/ MN 343 for an early autograph version of the orig
inal Javanese text) it corresponds to vol. 8, canto 43 through vol. 9, canto 48.

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Kasultanan,11 had itself been more 'appropriately' recomposed on the basis of

a Kartasura version of the Ce nth ini tradition, thus avoiding literary depend
ence on Solo and - as in many similar acts of literary disdain - acting out
Yogyakarta's claim of cultural pre-eminence.
The Centhini Kasultanan and the Sarahwidya are profoundly different
texts in several ways. Most obvious is that the former had all of the simple,
santri lelana characteristics of the original Cirebon version of the text with
out any hint of the encyclopedic elements of the 1814 Kadipaten redaction.
Suryanagara's version, by contrast, retained the encyclopedism of the Kadi
paten, and significantly expanded it. One might speculate that it was the stat
ed purpose of the Centhini Kadipaten to assemble and present 'all Javanese
science gathered together and arranged in metrical form so that those who
hear it will be entertained, not bored'23 that attracted Suryanagara and per
suaded him to employ it as his exemplar rather than the more readily avail
able domestic version. As the corpus of his own literary production testifies,
Suryanagara's inspiration to write seems to have been a personal commit
ment to that same general goal, though interpreted in a very different way.24
Suryanagara's activity in the sphere of belles-lettres included both copy
ing manuscripts of literary works and creating new compositions of his own.
Some of the information here is still hazy. There is a reference to an Ambiya
copied by or for Suryanagara in 1849 (Lindsay, Soetanto, and Feinstein
1994:205), for example; there are likewise several indications in manuscript
notes of a version of the Nitisastra composed or copied by him. I have not yet
been able to confirm these attributions.
There are, however, at least two unequivocal instances of manuscripts
executed by him or under his supervision. Both are copied in the official
court style popular during the reign of Hamengkubuwana V. One
(PNRI/KBG 651) is a handsome and substantial manuscript containing three
texts: the historical chronicle Babad Galuh, a modernized (jarwa) version of
the Wiwaha, and a brief collection of notes on royal genealogy that record the
names of the children of Hamengkubuwana I who survived into adulthood.
This last text is copied in Suryanagara's private hand, and may have been an
addition made after the manuscript was completed.
22 The sole copy of this version of the Ce nth in i is found in YKM / W.264, copied (or composed)
under order of Hamengkubuwana V between 13 September and 12 December 1847.
23 Canto I, verse 1: 'sanggyaning kawruh Jawa, ingimpun tinrap kakawin, mrih tan kemba
karya dhangan kang miyarsa.
24 Thus, while the Major Centhini steadfastly refused to recognize a European presence on
Java in its narrative world (even while it was responding intellectually to that presence by its
very textual structure and being), Suryanagara's search for essential Javanese knowledge led
him to embrace the alien presence as a given in the world of his experience.

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400 T.E. Behrend
The second manuscript from the Suryanagaran household, LOr 2251, con
tains a fully illuminated personal copy of a new adaptation of both text and
form of the strikingly beautiful Kangjeng Kiyahi Jatipusaka. The Jatipusaka
was first composed in sekar kawi meters by the Ngayogyan prince
Natakusuma in 1800 and subsequently became an important Pakualaman
heirloom - both as a book-object and as a literary work expressing the ethos
of the court - when Natakusuma became the first ruler of the Pakualaman
princedom in 1812.25 Suryanagara's adaptation of the text, carried out in
1845, replaces the verse form of the original with m acapai meters. The spirit
of the original illuminations, though, is maintained. The pages of LOr 2251
are decorated with 27 double-page textual gateways or renggan wadana
gap ura that are in every way the artistic rivals of Natakusuma's original,
though their particular styles are different. It is unclear whether Suryanagara
oversaw the copying of this manuscript or actually carried it out himself; it
is also far from certain that Suryanagara personally worked on the rubrica
tion, gilding, illumination, and painting of the manuscript or whether he had
the work done by an artisan in his household. Suryanagara's interest in the
Jatipusaka, however, seems to have been intense and personal; it also carried
on through his life and he returned to it several times, as will be discussed
below in the section on historical works.
Another text that Suryanagara apparently took a personal interest in was
the Cabolek, a tale of religious debate and heterodoxy that Ricklefs has
recently demonstrated might well have been based on historical events in
Kartasura around 1731.26 According to scribal notes in MSB/L.80b, p. 1, and
MSB/P.201, p. 17, 'the most excellent poet' (pujonggatama) Suryanagara
composed this text in September 1866, either updating it from an ancient text
in kawi (p. 201) or excerpting it from the Chronicles of Kartasura (L.80b) or
taking it from the Sarahwidya (MSB/L.80, p. 138). In all probability, though,
Suryanagara was simply reworking a text that had been current in Surakarta
for some time already, taking literary possession of it in the name of
Yogyakarta through recomposition. This Cabolek seems to have been one of
Suryanagara's more 'popular' works in that several copies from outside the
25 See my forthcoming monograph on the surviving manuscripts of this tradition, entitled

'Literary magic and dynastic identity in a Pakualaman court text: Locating The Jatipusaka in
Yogyakarta literary space'.
26 See Ricklefs (1998a: 127-62) for a synopsis of the story and a fascinating web of arguments
for the historical roots of the tale. See also Ricklefs (1998b) for a list of manuscripts of the Cabolek
in major collections. The latter contains valuable observations on the broad contours of the
Cabolek textual corpus and corrects errors found both in Soebardi's study of 1975 and in sever
al catalogues of the Katalog induk naskah-naskah Nusantara series, but could profitably be gone
through once again using a finer philogical comb to produce a more nuanced textual history of
the complex family of manuscripts that carry the fourty-odd known copies of 'the' Se rat
Cabolek.

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palace are known to exist, some of them copied from other non-fc ra ton manu
scripts. The currency of the text also carried into the twentieth century with
inscribed manuscripts from 1917 (MSB/P.201), 1930 (PNRI/KBG 994);27 a
transliteration made by Pigeaud's staff in 1932 and distributed in four carbon
copies (FSUI/CS.12, LOr 8367, MSB/L.80a, PNRI/G 190) has made this text
accessible to contemporary readers even though no edition of the Bra ta tama
has been published.
Beyond these several texts it should be emphasized that the Sarahwidya
mentioned above as well as the didactic poems and most of the history texts
to be discussed below are also strongly belletristic in their style of composi
tion.
Pigeaud (1967-70, 11:848) mentions two piwulang texts by Suryanagara
found in a single illuminated manuscript, Ad Kit H 835. This manuscript, like
the Pakualaman heirloom mentioned above, bears a personal name, Kyahi
Wijayeng Tarn tama Susandi Wahini, rather than a title. The two texts that it
contains might be called Sasanasunu and Piwulang Estri, though no Javanese
titles are mentioned in the catalogue.28 Pigeaud describes the style of lan
guage in these texts as 'artificial, full of alliteration and synonymy' (1967-70,
11:848). I have not yet seen these didactic works.
A very early work of Suryanagara's, the Purwacampur (PNRI/KBG 80,
written in 1846)29 is another didactic poem, this time dealing with more
abstract philosophical and mystical subjects, including the essential unity of
the worlds of Islam and wayang purwa and the relative merits of the literary
arts versus the musical. As the title of the work implies, however, this is a
'mixed' compilation borrowed from several sources and further research
would be needed to determine which parts of the text are new compositions
27 The KBG copy illustrates an interesting phenomenon. In it, P.A.A. Mangkunagara, the
future Hamengkubuwana VII, highjacks Suryanagara's text and claims it for his own. Compare
the opening lines of the original and this copy for the stark evidence of plagiarism':
trahing madu kusumeng matawis trahing madu pinudyeng matawis
rajaputra ing ngayugyakarta narpaputra kaping nem ngayuja
kaping sekawan pamase karta diningrat paradyeng
segung ing tyas mamangun luri di ning matarum
ing carita carang kinteki kangjeng gusti pangran dipati
pethikan sangking babai, anom mangkunagara
rat kartasura gung digbya rajasunu
somanning jumadiawal naradipaning mataram
lek triwelas lumakswa Alip momanni ing ngayujakarta ad iningrat apti
tata trus and hite ng ngrat mamangun caritarja
28 Both of these titles are well-known in association with didactic works by Yasadipura and
Pakubuwana IX; because Pigeaud doesn't cite those texts I assume that Suryanagara's composi
tions are new works that bear or could bear those titles.
29 Other manuscripts are a Cohen Stuart copy (PNRI/CS 87) and a copy from the scriptori
um of Hamengkubuwana V (YKM/W.302) which deletes the Suryanagara attribution.

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402 T.E. Behrend
(or recompositions), and which parts are carried over whole from other
sources.
Another text that can be classified as a piwulang is a moralistic study o

all the patih dale m or grand viziers of Kartasura, Sur akarta, and Yogy aka
in which their names and dates are given supplemented by a brief poe
summary of their character and accomplishments. I have not yet located
manuscript source for this poem, but am familiar with it from the publis
edition of 1935, edited by Sutarna and Dwijasaraya, where it appeared und
the name Serai Nindyamantri. This is a title of the editors' making; Se
Candraning Papatih Dale m would be a more straightforward designati
As noted earlier, this is the only published text from Suryanagara's assort
opera; it is also one of the few Indonesian printed sources that give even a
few details about his life and compositions.
The largest body of Suryanagara's work is in the area of historical writin
Pigeaud considers him to be principally a Pakualaman historian, but he is
fact a much more wide ranging and catholic scholar of the past. Several of
texts described above under the rubrics of encyclopedic compilations
belletristic writings are also clearly historical in content. These include:
- the Babad Galuh copied in the first part of PNRI/KBG 651, dated 184
- the list of the children of Hamengkubuawana I appended to the back
the same manuscript
- the historically based tale of Cabolek in the Bra ta tarn a, of YKM/W.33
and other manuscripts, dated 1866
- the published Nindyamantri with its characterizations of Javan
viziers, of unknown date but likely to have been written around 1870
- regnal dates for the kings of Mataram, Jumenengipun Para Ratu, in
Purwa Ukara of 1861, YKM/W.40, et cetera
- succession dates for the governors general in Batavia, in the Purwa Ukar
- an historical treatment of R.T. Gondakusuma's appointment as Pat
Danureja V of Yogy akarta in 1847, as well as numerous other historical
cameos, in the Purwa Ukara
- several vignettes describing events within the kraton, including f
instance a visit of the crown prince to Surakarta in March 1847 to visit
bride to be and an undated tour of the governor general throu
Yogy akar ta, in the Purwa Ukara
- a live report on a horrendous flood in the Vorstenlanden in February 18
in the Purwa Ukara
- and of course the nicely detailed results of an 1860 census of the pal
precincts, also found in the Purwa Ukara

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In addition to these, however, Suryanagara is also the author of at least

five works dedicated principally or entirely to history. The first of these is a
genealogically oriented history of Java written in 1845 that covers the period
from Adam, through the Islamic prophets, and concludes with the sultans of
Yogyakarta. More specifically, it offers a detailed survey of the most impor
tant events and prophets of Islam: creation, Adam, Nuh and the flood,
Ibrahim, Isma'il, Yusup, Kilir, Musa, Harun, Daud, Sulaiman, Iskandar, Isa,
and Muhammad with separate cantos on the different eras in his life. The sec
tion on Javanese kings begins with the wall sanga and Demak then treats
each king from Senapati through Hamengkubuwana IV in a separate canto,
creating short, evocative characterizations of each reign. This text is called by
various names, including Jatipusaka, Dahor Palak, Suryanarendra, Suryana
lendra; as mentioned above it represents a reworking of part of Nataku
suma's Kangjeng Kiyahi Jatipusaka text which became a Pakualaman heir
loom.30 Manuscript copies appear in LOr 2251 and MSB/S.l, both richly
illuminated.
There is also a second, more extensive version of the previous work, prob
ably representing a later expansion by the author, though it maintains the
1845 date in its colophons. The single known copy is FSUI/SJ.98, together
with its quadruplicate transliterations in typescript by Pigeaud's staff.
A third historical text, dated 1861, is also based on the Jatipusaka /Surya
nalendra. It converts the high poetry of the earlier adaptations into a more
prosaic, even scientifically historical form by adding other texts and infor
mation drawn from various sources. As mentioned above this text might
more appropriately be listed in the section on encyclopedic compilations, but
it seemed easier to describe and introduce it in conjunction with the two pre
vious texts. Its expanded contents, some of which are drawn analytically
from the original, are as follows: dates of succession for the rulers of Java
together with the names of the governors general who appointed them (the
names of the kings are said to have been taken from the Suryanarendra
exemplar); a list of the kawi verse forms and associated stanza markers used
in the exemplar; a list of governors general from 1610-1851; the Suryanaren
dra proper, mentioning the Javanese kings from Senapati to Hamengkubu
wana IV, but in the process describing (rather than replicating) the renggan
wadana gapura decorations that accompany each in the original; a collection
of three didactic texts ascribed respectively to Mangkurat Ageng (Amang
kurat II), Pakubuwana II, Hamengkubuwana I (instructions to his grandson
30 This part of the Jatipusaka, in some texts referred to by the separate title Suryanalendra, is
also known under various alternate names, including Serat Candranipun Para Panjenengan
Dale m Nata. See for example YKM/W.52a, which has recently been referred to in the first vol
ume of Ricklefs' study of Kartasura (1993:314).

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404 T.E. Behrend
who would become Hamengkubuwana III); descriptions of the candra - in

this case referring to sumptuary rights - of the princes at court from the
establishment of Yogyakarta to the time of writing; lists of the 28 military
units in service to the sultans from the time of Hamengkubuwana I to
Hamengkubuwana V. The text then ends abruptly but leaving the impression
that it still had some distance to cover.31 The sole manuscript of this work is
Bal. Bhs. DIY 2469.
Suryanagara also created an outline history of Java from Ajisaka through
Hamengkubuwana VI composed in the form of a chronogram list; written in
1865 and titled Babad Sengkalaning Montana. Copies are found in
FSUI/SJ.98 and its typescript transliterations, KBG 1052, KITLV Or 257, LOr
8560, LOr 8989, and MSB/S.2; excerpts also appear in SMP/Rp.44.
In 1876, with the assistance of Danureja V, Suryanagara wrote a major his
tory of the second half of the eighteenth century, Babad gay o gy akarta,
which traces the career of Mangkubumi and the establishment of Yogyakarta,
then continues into the early years of Hamengkubuwana II's reign, gives
detailed coverage of events surrounding the Dipanagara rebellion, then car
ries through into the reign of Hamengkubuwana IV. Found in three thick vol
umes (see LOr 8552a-c, MSB/S.105-107 and its transliterations), this text has
been fruitfully employed by RB.R. Carey in his extensive writings on
Yogyakarta history in the nineteenth century. See his Babad Dipanagara; An
Account of the Outbreak of the Java War (1981:xxviii-xxix) for a discussion of
this text, including its array of sources. An earlier version of this work
appears to have been written in 1870; the single surviving manuscript is now
in Surakarta (SMP/Rp.40, see Florida 1981).
Concepts, Assumptions, Mechanics
The volume of his production, the style of his writing, the distinctive treat
ment of his topics all make Suryanagara a literary figure deserving of exten
sive study. Such a study will be particularly valuable because of the insight
that the Suryanagaran corpus gives into one of the central intellectual
processes occurring in the mid nineteenth-century Javanese courts: the
accommodation of Dutch science, or perhaps better, the incorporation of cer
tain European ways of thinking, within the larger world of Javanese
thought.32 The result of this process was a profoundly new way of organiz
31 It seems possible that the Nindyamantri text of uncertain origin described under the didac
tic texts in the previous section might have come from this text or one like it.
32 I am indebted to Marc Perlman of Brown University for the first formulation of the germ
of this idea, as it formed in a series of email exchanges early in 1995. At the time he was trying

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ing or giving system to the world. Preliminary evidence points to Surya

nagara as a principal articulator of change in this fundamental re-systemati
zation of Javanese knowledge in Yogyakarta. In this sense he is the
Ngayogyan counterpart of the Solonese poet and scholar Ranggawarsita.
In order to illustrate the importance of Suryanagara's perspective and
contribution, I would like to return to a more detailed consideration of sev
eral of his writings on language, literature, and manuscript production,
comparing representative bits of his work with pre-existing texts of similar
theme or content in order to juxtapose both the organization and the presen
tation of the materials. The particular texts I wish to consider are his
Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa and his treatment of dasanama (synonyms), sen
gkala (chronogram words), and tembang macapat in the Purwa Ukara and
several other places.
The Carakabasa, as the name implies, has something to do with an alpha
bet based study of language. In this case, the full title Carakabasa Kawi
Sinasa is best translated as Descriptive Dictionary of Poetic Language, where
kawi refers not to Old Javanese but to the contemporaneous literary idiom of
Yogyakarta. Based on the evidence of existing manuscripts, there does not
appear to have been a pre-existing Javanese dictionary tradition per se,33
although word study, word play, glossing for meaning, and studies of writ
ing and the alphabet are among other topics of a roughly lexicographical
nature that were frequently written about in other genres and other forms.
The oldest identified manuscripts that are written or assembled in a form
that might be said to be dictionary-like in some ways are two mid-eight
eenth-century glossaries from Cirebon, MSB/B.7, dated 1761, and PNRI/
KBG 49, undated but of the same period. Both contain Old Javanese words
drawn from the Bratayuda with short one or two word glosses in the con
temporary idiom. The organization of the material is of crucial importance.
The Old Javanese lexemes are written in one color of ink (red or black) while
the definitional glosses are written in another (grey). The words are not
alphabetized for general reference, but listed in the order they fall in a paral
lel text of the Bratayuda.34 The words are written in continuous text without
line breaks for new items, but they are clustered according to the verse in
which they appear.
The value of these texts, then, which use the title Dasanama Kawi, or Old
to understand the ways in which the creation of notation systems by nineteenth-century

Javanese musicians might be seen to represent a concurrent reorganization of the ways in which
they conceptualized and understood their tradition.
33 But see Kuntara Wiryamartana (1988) on the earlier tradition of Old Javanese and Sanskrit
lexicography.
34 In the case of MSB/B.7 the manuscript upon which the word list was based is also known:
MSB/L.65.

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406 .E. Behrend
Javanese Synonyms, is largely restricted to aiding in the reading of a par

ticular text. They cannot be abstracted for general application because they
lack an overall structural organization keyed to a general code that could be
applied under other circumstances to other texts, or to needs other than the
reading of a single manuscript. If these Cirebon manuscripts represent the
eighteenth-century state of traditional lexicography in Java, then we can
characterize that tradition as one of single task-oriented particularism with
out any sense of a whole language project.
Other manuscripts, too numerous to need enumeration, drawn from the
parallel tradition of Arabic studies and Javanese literature written in Arabic
script, illustrate a similar proto-lexicographical phenomenon. Arabic texts on
theology, law, and grammar used as textbooks in the pesantren milieu were
specially prepared with widely spaced lines. In these spaces students and
their tutors would make interlinear notes giving Javanese equivalents to
Arabic technical terms. There is not, however, any evidence of word lists or
other organized studies of the language. Instead we find extremely limited
personal lexical tools keyed to single applications and arising from the per
sonal circumstances of individual students.
In the 1840s a new type of lexical format and philosophy appears all at
once in several places in Java - first in Solo, but very soon afterwards in
Yogya and Cirebon. The obvious inspiration for this phenomenon is the work
of Winter and Wilkens in Surakarta, where, aided by Javanese informants
including the poet Ranggawarsita, they were working to assemble a com
prehensive Javanese-Dutch dictionary under sponsorship of the colonial
government.
Suryanagara's Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa is the best and most extensive
example of the purely Javanese versions of this new type of text. Its organi
zation had a rigorous rationalism to it based on an early scheme of Javanese
alphabetization. Unlike the particularist Dasanama Kawi of Cirebon, it also
had a broad vision that in some sense attempted to include the entirety of the
language. To aid in its accessibility it made novel use of the manuscript page,
treating it in ways never before witnessed in Javanese codicology. The page
was divided into pairs of double columns in which the lexeme was recorded
on the left and its Javanese gloss on the right. Further, all entries were clus
tered into boxed groups according to their first two aksara. At the end of each
subsection a tally was made of the number of words in that section. Likewise,
at the end of each large section corresponding to an entire aksara s listings a
subtotal would be given for that letter. At the end, of course, the number of
entries in the dictionary was totalled up.
Several other things about Suryanagara's dictionary should also be noted.
Very significantly, the Carakabasa was not a one off experiment in lexicogra
phy, but a project carried out over several decades. The first version of the

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dictionary (without the entries being counted) was prepared in 1845. No

copies of this early effort have been identified with certainty, but it is referred
to by the author in later editions.35 Suryanagara produced a much expanded
version in 1863, altogether numbering 15,875 words. A copy of this was given
to the Batavian Society where it remains in its successor collection at the
National Library today. Other copies circulated among the literary elite of
Yogyakarta where they were copied and copied again. The following year
Suryanagara prepared a slightly expanded edition with 17,845 entries. This
edition appears to have remained within the palace walls, as no other copies
have yet been noted.
Not only did the number of entries increase from edition to hand written
edition, or from draft to corrected draft; other aspects of the text were also
expanded. The later editions, for instance, have additional sections on met
rics, the alphabet, use of special aksara in writing, special categories of words
and so forth. In addition, the author's own broadening language study is also
reflected in his incorporation of new ideas from various sources. The 1863
redaction, for example, carries unmistakable evidence of Suryanagara's hav
ing read and adapted phonological explanations in Taco Roorda's Javanese
grammar (1855). It also shows him undertaking a generative exercise in
Javanese lexicography by which words are produced through the systematic
application of all syllabic variations to mono- and di-aksara bases, following
alphabetic principles, and then defined. He quickly grows tired of this exer
cise, however, as it produces large numbers of nonsense words for which def
initions have to be forced or invented whole, and part way through he
switches to a variant on the system which deals only with actual words in the
paradigmatic patterns.
Let us turn briefly now to the other set of exemplary texts in which
Suryanagara displays his deeply rational, highly systematizing intellect at
work. As with his dictionary, the texts dealing with chronogram words, man
uscript illumination, aksara studies, and traditional prosody all go through a
process of expansion and perfection over the course of his career. They all
appear in several places, sometimes as the main focus of a short piece of
scholarship, other times as part of a larger compilation. All are treated to a
greater or lesser extent in the 1861 edition of the Purwa Ukara encyclopedia.
And most significantly, all are treated in new ways as part of Suryanagara's
attempt to bring new intellectual system and vigor to traditional subjects.
How were these subjects treated traditionally? Representative pre-nine
teenth-century explications of chronogram words are numerous. Sengkalan
35 I suspect that YKM/W.329, an unattributed Carakabasa copied in Hamengkubuwana Vs

scriptorium in 1850 is actually a copy of Suryanagara's early work, but further study is needed
to be certain.

202.94.83.195 on Fri, 03 Jun 2022 05:19:19 UTC
408 T.E. Behrend
words were used extensively in Javanese texts in place of numerals to

express years in exordia and chronologies of important events. There is a
conventional system by which each numeral from 0 through 9 is represented
by words belonging to established semantic groups.36 Traditional texts on
sengkala are designed to teach the semantic-numeric equivalents by associ
ating representative words with their respective numbers. This is done in
poetic stanzas meant to be memorized. The order and phrasing of the word
equivalents given is determined by the rules of prosody. On the manuscript
page there is no way to quickly identify words, numbers, or explanations, as
these verses were to be internalized and sung back privately and quietly
when needed to figure out a chronogram date. Their existence in written
form is simply to preserve them for the fragile memory.
Suryanagara's treatment of chronograms differs fundamentally from this
tradition precisely because he is producing a reference guide meant to be
used with the eye and the finger tip. To this end he does away with the poet
ic organization and replaces it with words listed in columns under clearly
marked headings giving numerical values. He also greatly expands the
number of entries to include far more numerous and specific examples. He
also briefly mentions a small number of words that have historically had
more than one valuation or that might be incorrectly interpreted. The result
is a very useful reference handbook, lacking only an alphabetic index keyed
to the words used rather than numeric value. This particular lack makes the
lists feel as if they were designed for authors and copyists trying to compose
chronograms rather than readers trying to decipher them.
Suryanagara's work with prosody and certain aspects of manuscript illu
mination is even more obviously intended for writers and copyists.
Traditionally, the rules of prosody governing line length, final syllabic rhyme,
and stanza length for macapat poetry were not explained, but demonstrated
in sample verses that were committed to memory. In the few cases where
prosody is discussed, as in the Centhini Kadipaten verses devoted to sekar
ageng, the explanations given are quite minimal and their presentation
always conditioned by the metric requirements of the verses that contain
them. The Centhini Kadipaten also offers a silent showcase or sampler of
macapat prosody which takes the form of a cavalcade of 15 consecutive can
tos, each numbering about ten stanzas, in which every meter used in the text
is on display.
Once again Suryanagara takes this dense tangle of material and converts
it into readily accessible reference form. For each verse type {sekar kawi,
dhagelan, macapatan) he first presents in tabular form a list of meters with a
rough translation of the meter name into everyday Javanese. He then offers
36 On the origin and logic of the chronogram system see Noorduyn (1993).

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two or three stanzas as examples of each type. These are not written in the
standard Javanese style of running text with tiny signs showing the ends of
lines and larger decorative punctuation marks indicating the ends of stanzas.
Instead they are written out in European style as numbered stanzas centred
on the page; each line of poetry (gatra) is also written as a separate line of text
- just as they are represented in works like Cohen Stuart's 1860 edition of the
Bratayuda. Following the examples Suryanagara constructs tables in which
the particular rules governing lines and rhymes are entered in appropriate
columns. A count of total syllables over all the lines of a stanza ends the entry
for each meter - a somewhat useless bit of information.37 Finally, a very spe
cific form of the punctuation mark used to close each stanza is indicated for
use in cantos of every type of meter. These are not necessarily meant to be
prescriptive, he says, but are added as a little conceit for the pleasure or
entertainment of his readers (sesenengan). In a few cases Suryanagara adds
an explanatory note about relevant issues. With respect to the tunes associat
ed with sekar kawi, for example, he explains that they are of secondary
importance and that poets should worry only about getting the number of
syllables and the end rhymes right as they compose.38
Summary
Arguments and analyses of form and content similar to these could easily be
multiplied. This is not the place, however, to continue such detailed treat
ments. Instead I will stop at this level of detail and draw some simple con
clusions about the contributions to Javanese thought and literature made by
this princely poet. Most obvious is his graphic reorganization of the manu
script page. Although it has not been established that Suryanagara was the
absolute first innovator in this area, he was certainly one of the pioneers and
he stands out for the comprehensiveness of the changes evident in the prod
ucts of his hand, and for the sheer number of texts and manuscripts that he
produced and passed on. Most of his manuscript copies are equipped with
tables of contents, section headings, and a visual and conceptual organiza
37 It should be noted, though, that in a tiny number of specially prepared and illuminated
Ngayogyan manuscripts from this period syllable counts by canto and for the entire text are
indicated in the codex. Perhaps Suryanagara's interest in counting and quantifying as a pure sci
entific activity in its own right was somewhat infectious.
38 One issue that, very significantly, is nowhere mentioned or discussed is the so-called
watak, the unique evocative or emotional character of each meter. It's absence from this very
thorough document strengthens the argument that I have put forward elsewhere that the ascrip
tion of watak was a late-nineteenth-century Surakarta development that was more notional than
actual.

202.94.83.195 on Fri, 03 Jun 2022 05:19:19 UTC
410 . E. Behrend
tion of the page that makes finding and retrieving specific types of informa
tion a simple task. Many of his manuscripts also have glossaries providing
interpretation of obscure or antiquated words used in the text, in a sense
desacralizing the language of priest-poets and their fellow purveyors of
secret meanings, the puppet masters. When later scribes copied Suryana
gara's glossed texts, they almost always copied the lexical annexes as well.
All of these practical modifications to the dense, even impenetrable, lay
out of traditional manuscripts indicate that a fundamental conceptual revo
lution is occurring. This change came about due to contact with and willing
borrowing from European models, and equally to the natural effects associ
ated with the process of readjustment as the chirographic culture of pre-print
Java changed under the material influence of the technology of mechanical
reproduction. Under the new regime the manuscript or book was becoming
an object for personal study and reference, a repository for documentation
and stored information meant for instant retrieval rather than a prop for per
formance or a guide to memorization that could be used productively only
by those familiar with the idiosyncratic organization and hidden contents of
each unlabelled volume.
In the process the ways in which knowledge was organized were also
undergoing change. Suryanagara helped introduce the idea of comparative,
critical analysis, the unravelling or breaking down of the universe and its
reassembly according to universal principals of Objectivity' in which author
ity is derived from a new numerology of externally based quantitative com
putation (syllable counts, census figures, charts and graphs of all sorts) rather
than the internally derived analysis of cryptic meanings and significance (for
example, keratabasa-style logomancy) and mystical paradigms (for example,
regnal cycles of 100 years). Just as textual variation in manuscript copying
diminishes and almost disappears in this period of transition, and the scribe
turns from a creative center reworking infinitely plastic text into a warm
blooded copy machine bound by the authority of a dictatorial and unchang
ing text, so factual variation and a creative epistemology inspired by literary
associations and the cultural Id give way to a more demanding hermeneutic
that requires replicability from text to text, genre to genre, through the impo
sition of a scientific superego.
These are straightforward oral-versus-visual developments that Ong,
Finnegan, Goody, Havelock cum suis have prepared us to anticipate; here,
though, they are not abstracted ph?nom?nologies arrived at ex ratio, but par
ticular human experiences caught on paper in the midst of a paradigm shift
of immense import during the first quarter century following the establish
ment of vernacular printing in Java.
Suryanagara's corpus reveals an intelligence devoted to the preservation
of all forms of traditional knowledge through their systematic restatement or

202.94.83.195 on Fri, 03 Jun 2022 05:19:19 UTC
The Writings of K.RH. Suryanagar a 411
reorganization in new terms that seem to borrow heavily from European

exemplars, and that are based on comparative study. He was by no means
alone in this project which stretches at least over the century between
Ranggawarsita's first commissioned studies of Javanese vocabulary and
writing in 1840 and continuing through Poerbatjaraka's overview of Javanese
literature - and Ranggawarsita's place in it - in the 1950s. Suryanagara's role
as an early articulator in this process is an especially important one due to his
rank, the scope of his output, the seeming independence of his intellectual
development from European dictation, and the insistent, even excited,
modernity of his mentality despite his residence in the very seat of tradition.
Bibliography
Abbrevations
AdKIT (Manuscript from) Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen, Amsterdam

Bal. Bhs. DIY (Manuscript from) the Balai Bahasa Daerah Istimewah Yogyakarta
FSUI (Manuscript from) Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia, Jakarta
GSU Genealogical Society of Utah
KBG Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap
KITLV (Manuscript from) Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde
LOr (Manuscript from) Leiden University Library, Oriental Collection
MSB (Manuscript from) Museum Sonobudoyo, Yogyakarta
PNRI (Manuscript from) Perpustakaan Nasional Republik Indonesia,
Jakarta
RAS (Manuscript from) Royal Asiatic Society, London
SMP (Manuscript from) Surakarta Manuscript Project
YKM Yogyakarta Kraton Manuscript
Manuscripts cited, including all manuscripts associated with Suryanagara
AdKIT H 835 Kiyahi Wijayeng Tantama Susandi Wahini

Bal. Bhs. DIY 2469 Suryanalendra History
FSUI/ BA.119 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.879 entries (+194 =16.073)
FSUI/ BA.119a Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.879 entries (+194 -16.073)
FSUI/ CS. 12 Cabolek Bratatama
FSUI/ CS. 71 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I
FSUI/ CS. 72 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II
FSUI/ SI. 98 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana
FSUI/ SJ. 99 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana
GSU 1208627 [Arsip Pakualaman]
KITLV Or 257 Babad Sengkalaning Momana
KITLV Or 467a-c Babad Ngayogyakarta

202.94.83.195 on Fri, 03 Jun 2022 05:19:19 UTC
412 T.E. Behrend
LOr 2251 Dahor Palak

LOr 6523 Purwa Ukara
LOr 6796a Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I
LOr 8367 Cabo lek Bratatama
LOr 8552a-c Babad Ngayogyakarta
LOr 8560 Babad Sengkalaning Momana
LOr 8989 Babad Sengkalaning Momana
MSB/ B. 14 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.874 entries
MSB/ L. 80 Cabolek Bratatama, Panitisastra
MSB/ L. 80a Cabolek Bratatama
MSB/ L. 80b Cabolek Bratatama
MSB/ L. 99 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I
MSB/ L. 99a Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I
MSB/ L.100 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II
MSB/ L.lOOa Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II
MSB/ L.lOOb Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, II
MSB/ P.201 Cabolek Bratatama
MSB/ S. 1 Dahor Palak
MSB/ S. 2 Babad Sengkalaning Momana
MSB/ S. 3 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana
MSB/ S.105-107 Babad Ngayogyakarta
MSB/ S.105a-106a, 108 Babad Ngayogyakarta
MSB/ S.115 Babad Ngayogyakarta: Hamengkubuwana V
MSB/ S.116d Sarasilah Warni-warni
MSB/ Sil. 6 Serat Sajarah Leluhur
PNRI/ CS 87 Purwacampur
PNRI/ G 113 Sarahwidya Sujayengresmi, I
PNRI/ G 176 Jatipusaka; Babad Sengkalaning Momana
PNRI/ G 190 Cabolek Bratatama
PNRI/ KBG 16 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 15.879 entries (+194 =16.073)
PNRI/ KBG 80 Purwacampur (Sastra Gendhing)
PNRI/ KBG 651 Babad Galuh, Wiwaha Jarwa, Silsilah
Hamengkubuwana I
PNRI/ KBG 994 Cabolek Bratatama
PNRI/ KBG 1052 Babad Sengkalaning Momana
RAS Jav 46 Buk Renggan Wadana utawi Pada Sekar
SMP/ MN.343 Reringkasanipun serat ingkang awasta Suluk Tambang
Laras utawi Centhini, by R.M. Soemahatmaka
SMP/ Rp 44 Babad Ngayogyakarta, Penget rarepenipun sekar kawi
utawi sekar ageng, Pangetang saking Babad Moma
na tuwin bab Panjenenganing Ratu awit ing
Mamenang
YKM/ W. 7a Kandha Bedhaya Srimpi
YKM/ W. 37-39 Purwa Ukara
YKM/ W. 40 Purwa Ukara
YKM/ W.116d Sarasilah warni-warni nalika jumeneng dalem
Hamengkubuwana VI

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YKM/ W.264 Senzf Centhini [Centhini Kasultanan]

YKM/ W.284 Cathetan bab warninipun pada pupuh
YKM/ W.302 Purwacampur
YKM/ W.324a Ambiya
YKM/ W.329 Carakabasa
YKM/ W.33?C Cabolek Bratatama
YKM/ W.337 Buk Sastra Buda
YKM/ W.338 Babar Tuladan (Carakabasa , 1861-12-02)
YKM/ W.342-343 Kaklempakan bab Basa, n.d.
YKM/ W.344 Carakabasa
YKM/ W.349 Carakabasa Kawi Sinasa, 17.485 entries
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