Library of Arabic Linguistics

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Viewed against this background, Arabic linguistics may be defined as: the
scientific investigation and study of the Arabic language in all its aspects.
This embraces the descriptive, comparative and historical aspects of the
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wider circles of readership.
1
Library of Arabic Linguistics

All these reasons justify the establishment of a new forum which is devoted
to all areas of Arabic linguistic studies. It is also hoped that this Series will be
of interest not only to students and researchers in Arabic linguistics but also
to students and scholars of other disciplines who are looking for information
of both theoretical, practical or pragmatic interest.

The Series Editor

ii
Language and linguistic origins in Bahrain
Library of Arabic Linguistics

Series editor
Muhammad Hasan Bakalla
King Saud University, Riyadh, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

Advisory editorial board

Peter F. Abboud University of Texas at Austin
M. H. Abdulaziz University of Nairobi
Yousif El-Khalifa Abu Bakr University of Khartoum
Salih J. Altoma Indiana University
Arne Ambros University of Vienna
El Said M. Badawi American University in Cairo
Michael G. Carter University of Sydney
Ahmad al-Dhubaib King Saud University (formerly, University of Riyadh)
Martin Forstner Johannes Gutenberg University at Mainz
Bruce Ingham University of London
Otto Jastrow University of Erlangen-Nurnberg
Raja T. Nasr University College of Beirut
C. H. M. Versteegh Catholic University at Nijmegen
Bougslaw R. Zagorski University of Warsaw
 Mahdi Abdalla Al-Tajir

Language and linguistic

origins in Bahrain
The Bahārnah dialect of Arabic
•

Monograph No. 5
ROUTLEDGE

Routledge
Taylor &. Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

 First published in 1989 by
Kegan Paul International

This edition first published in 2010 by

Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN

Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada

by Routledge
270 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016

Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business

© Mahdi Abdalla Al-Tajir 1982

Transferred to Digital Printing 2010

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or

utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now
known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in
any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
from the publishers.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 10: 0-7103-0024-7 (hbk)

ISBN 13: 978-0-7103-0024-9 (hbk)

Publisher's Note
The publisher has gone to great lengths to ensure the quality of this reprint
but points out that some imperfections in the original copies may be
apparent. The publisher has made every effort to contact original copyright
holders and would welcome correspondence from those they have been
unable to trace.
In memory of my beloved parents
Editor's note

Dialectology is the systematic study of dialect: its origin, history, pro­

cedures, methods, notions and concepts. This study concerns itself with
findings about dialect singly or in groups. These are studied in various
ways: synchronically, diachronically, historically or comparatively. They
can also be studied geographically, socially, folkloristically and according
to various sociological variables and continua. Early (or traditional) dialect
studies placed emphasis on rural dialects. More recent works, however,
have concentrated on urban dialects.
Dialects are said to be 'the various different forms of the same language'.
Thus the word for 'fish' in Modern Standard Arabic and Meccan Arabic is
samak, but in Bahraini simač. These variants are considered forms of the
same language, i.e. Arabic. In other words, the term dialect covers any
combination of observable variable features of a language, involving
bundles of geographical or social isoglosses.
Over the past two decades or so a great deal of research has been under­
taken on the use of language in a social context and interest in this field has
grown rapidly. Dialectology is considered a branch of sociolinguistics
today, since it has become more seriously concerned with the study of
language in society. It deals with, among other things, the diagnosis of
social dialects, social or religious groups. It also includes discussion of data
collection and analysis. This trend is exemplified by J. K. Chambers and
Peter Trudgill's recent book Dialectology, published in the Series of Cam­
bridge Textbooks in Linguistics, Cambridge University Press, London, etc.,
1980.
The present book falls within the boundaries of sociolinguistic frame­
work, particularly applied to the Arabic dialects of Bahrain. It discusses
these dialects in terms of their linguistic levels indicating the various factors
which have influenced them. Evidence from history and genealogy is
brought forward to explain the variations and differences which already
exist in the dialects under investigation. Statistical data are incorporated to
show the diffusion of the population of Bahrain and the distribution of the
speakers of its dialects.
ix
Editor's note

Linguistic research on Bahrain is still in its infancy despite the fact that it
was once an important region. Two works have been published quite
recently. The first is a research paper by Clive Holes entitled 'Phonological
Variation in Bahraini Arabic: the [j] and [y] allophones of [j]', published in
Zeitschrift fur Arabische Linguistik (ZAL), Volume 4, Wiesbaden, 1980. In
1981 he completed his doctoral dissertation on the sociological aspects of
Bahraini Arabic. The second is a book in Arabic by Dr Abdul Aziz Matar
entitled Phonological Study of the Bahraini Dialects, published by cAyn
Shams University Press, Cairo 1980. In this work Dr Matar discusses certain
phonological variations of Bahraini dialects both descriptively and
comparatively. More recently also T. Prochazka has compared the dialects of
Bahrain with the dialect of al-Ristāq in ZAL, Volume 6, 1981.
The main body of Dr Al-Tajir's book is essentially a synchronic analysis of
the Bahārnah dialect of Arabic. Comparative data is also included to illus­
trate the close relationship between the local dialects on the one hand and
certain Arabic dialects of the Arabian Peninsula on the other. Two main
groups of Bahraini dialects are analysed. They are: (1) the indigenous
Bahārnah dialect and to a somewhat lesser extent (2) the cAnazi dialect of
Bahrain. The book consists of an Introduction and six parts. Part I gives a
detailed analysis of the origins of the Bahārnah Arabs. It also includes an
historical survey of the region. Parts II-IV treat the phonology, morphology
and syntax of the Bahārnah dialect respectively. Part V is a lexical analysis of
Bahraini Arabic which also includes an analysis of loan words from Persian,
English and Hindustani. Part VI presents a comparative study of the
Bahraini dialects and the dialects of the Arabian Peninsula.
Three points should be noted about the present study. First it aims to
determine the linguistic origins of the population of Bahrain. The author
shows the influences of southern, northern and central Arabian dialects on
Bahraini dialects. The author lays particular stress on evidence demon­
strating that Bahrain is linguistically an integral part of the Arabian Penin­
sula and that it is not a dialect produced by outside influences. Secondly the
author points to the existence of many of the present dialectal features of
Bahrain, in early Arabic dialects as shown by early Arab linguists. These
include the phenomena of imālah, kaškašah, can canah and various other
phonological alternations. Similarly he points to morphological, syntactic
and lexical links with Ancient Arabian dialects. Finally he provides maps and
tables illustrating the distribution of different dialectal features in Bahrain as
well as other parts of the Arabian Peninsula.
The present book is the first systematic and comprehensive analysis of the
dialects of Bahrain. It is based on extensive field work and is therefore a
significant contribution to our linguistic knowledge of a region which is
becoming increasingly more important in the world today.
The author was born in 1940. He received his secondary schooling in
Bahrain. In 1961 he joined al-Sacīdiyya Secondary School, Cairo, where he
obtained his Secondary Certificate. In 1965 he received his B.A. in English
x
 Editor's note

literature from Cairo University. He then joined the Department of Educa­

tion in Bahrain. In 1967 he obtained a Post-Graduate Diploma in English
Studies at the University of Leeds, England.
During September 1973, he represented the Department of Education at
the Conference on the Teaching of Foreign Languages in the Arab World,
held under the auspices of the Arab Organization for Education, Culture and
Science. In the summer of 1979 he obtained his Ph.D. in Semitic Studies from
the University of Leeds. His doctoral dissertation was entitled 'A Critical and
Comparative Study of the Bahārnah Dialect of Arabic as Spoken in Present-
Day Bahrain'.
Dr Al-Tajir contributed a paper entitled 'Notes on the Places and Tribes of
the Ancient Region of al-Bahrain and the Island of ?Awāl', to the Seminar
for Arabian Studies held at the University of Cambridge in July 1979.
He obtained an M.A. in Area Studies from the School of Oriental and
African Studies, University of London in 1980 and is at present reading
history at the same School.

M. H. Bakalla
Series Editor
King Saud University
(formerly University of Riyadh)

xi
Contents

PREFACE xxiii
TRANSCRIPTION AND TRANSLITERATION XXV
ABBREVIATIONS xxvii
INTRODUCTION 1
Field Work and the Informants 2
Tape recordings and Transcriptions 3
Arrangement of the Material 3
The Schools and the Emergence of Pan-Arabic 'koine'
Forms 3
The earliest missionary schools 4
The Hidāya School 4
Traditional Bahārnah schools 4
The BAPCO School at Zallāq 4
The Urdu School 4
The first batch of expatriate Arab teachers 4
New Items pertaining to Agriculture 5
The Media 5
Non-Local Element in the Population 6
The local Arabs of Bahrain 7
The Huwalah Arabs 7
The Bahārnah Arabs 7
Geographical Distribution of the Bahārnah 8
Linguistic Contact between local and nonlocal elements 9
Situation in the villages 10
Previous Studies of East Arabian speech 10
The Bahrain Petroleum Company and Arabic studies 10
Further publications on east Arabian speech 11
Local View on Current Spoken Arabic 12
Notes 13
xiii
Contents

PART I: SECTION (A) 15

THE ANCIENT REGION OF AL-BAHRAIN 15
Bahrain and c Umān 16
? Awāl Island and the Region of al-Bahrain 16
The Early Settlers 16
The Emergence of c Abd al-Qais Tribes 16
The descendants of c Ijl ibn c Amr ibn Wadī c ah ibn Lukayz 18
The descendants of Hinb ibn Afsa ibn Du c miyy 18
The descendants of Shann ibn Afsa of c Abd al-Qais 18
The descendants of an-Nimr ibn Qāsit ibn Hinb ibn Afsa
Du c miyy ibn Jadīlah 19
On the Early Inhabitants of the Island of ? Awāl 19
Diverse Arab Elements in Contemporary Bahrain 23
Āl-Khalifah the ruling house of Bahrain 23
The early inhabitants of the island of ? Awāl (a recapitulation) 24
The early inhabitants of Samāhīj 24
The inhabitants of Bani Jamrah village 24
1783 and after 25

PART I: SECTION (B) 27

NOTES ON THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE ISLANDS OF
BAHRAIN 27
The Significance of the Islands 27
Geographical 27
Economic 28
The old pearling industry 28
The coming of oil and the diversification of resources 28
Historical Survey of the Islands 28
The Phoenicians 28
Pre-Islamic and early Islamic Bahrain 28
Bahrain under the Umayyad dynasty 29
Bahrain under the c Abbāsids 29
Bahrain under Sāhib Sāz-Zanj 29
The Carmathians in the region of al-Bahrain
(899-1060 A.D. app.) 29
Abu al-Bahlūl al- c Awwām, independent chief of ?Awāl 29
Bahrain in the twelfth century A.D. and after 30
Bahrain under the Portuguese 1521-1602 30
The arrival of the c Utūb, 1783 and after 30
The Emergence of Shī c ism in the region 33
Notes 34
xiv
 Contents

PART II: THE PHONOLOGY OF THE BAHĀRNAH

DIALECT 40
he Consonants 41
The plosives: The hamza or the glottal stop 41
Elision of the glottal stop 42
The plosive b 43
The plosive t 43
The emphatic t 43
The plosive d 43
Devoicing of d to t 43
The emphatic d 44
The plosive k 44
Affrication of k to č 44
k remains stable 45
The occurrence of c in loan-words 46
The plosive q 46
The fronting of q 47
Realization of q as k 47
The occurrence of q as ġ in A 48
The affrication of g to jinB 48
The occurrence of g in A 49
The occurrence of g < q as j in A 49
j > g in B 50
Realization of j as y 50
The velarized l 50
The liquid r 51
The fricatives: the guttural ġ 52
The guttural x 52
The guttural h 52
The fricative w 52
The fricatives ƒ and t 52
The fricative d 53
The fricative s 53
The fricative z 53
The nasal n 53
Assimilation of consonants 54
Contractions 54
he Vowel System 55
The front vowel a 56
The anaptyctic a 56
Front a > back a 57
Word-final imāla 57
The front vowel i 59
The u variant of i 59
The prosthetic vowel i 61
XV
Contents

The anaptyctic vowel i 61

The back vowel u 62
The occurrence of the long vowels: Long ii 63
Long ee 63
Long aa 63
Back vowel aa 64
Long oo 64
Long uu 65
Diphthongs 65
Consonant Clusters 66
Gemination or Duplication of a Consonant 67
The Syllabic Structure of Certain Nominal and Verbal Forms 67
Stress in B 68
Notes 69

PART III: THE MORPHOLOGY OF THE BAHARNAH

DIALECT 70

The Strong Verb 72

The simple verb: The perfect 72
The imperfect 72
The imperative 74
Some common forms of the perfect, imperfect and imperative 74
Derived themes 74
The Weak Verb 75
The hamzated verb: verbs with initial hamza 75
Verb medial hamza 76
Verb final hamza 76
Verb initial w 77
Derived themes 77
Verb initial y 77
Derived themes 78
Hollow verbs 78
Derived themes 78
Defective verbs 78
Doubly weak verbs 80
Geminate Verbs 80
The Passive Verb 81
Hamzated forms of the passive verb 81
Hollow verbs as passive forms 82
Defective verbs as passive forms 82
Geminate verbs as passive forms 82
Quadriliteral Verb 82
Derived Themes 82
xvi
 Contents

Active and Passive Participles 83

Active participles as verbs 84
Some common forms of the active participles 84
The Nominal Patterns 85
The formation of nouns and adjectives by suffixes:
The singular 86
The dual 86
The sound plural 86
The diminutive 87
Collectives 87
The verbal nouns: derived themes 88
Common forms of nouns and verbal nouns in B 89
The broken plural 91
Common patterns of the broken plural in B 92
Tanwin (nunation): An archaic feature preserved in B 94
The construct state 95
The comparison of adjectives 95
The Numerals 96
The cardinals one to ten 96
The numerals from three to nine 97
The cardinals eleven to nineteen 97
The numerals twenty to ninety 97
Numbers above a hundred 98
The ordinals one to ten 98
The Personal Pronouns 98
The pronominal suffixes 99
The particle iyya + pronominal suffixes 100
The reflexive pronouns nafs and ruuh 100
maal and maalat as possessive pronouns 100
Demonstrative pronouns 101
The demonstrative of place 102
The demonstratives in liaison with pronominal suffixes 102
The relative pronoun ?illi 102
Particles 102
Prepositions 102
Adverbial particles 103
Conjunctions 105
Interjections 105
Interrogative particles 106
Notes 106

PART IV: SOME SYNTACTIC FEATURES 108

The Verb
The perfect 108
xvii
Contents

The imperfect 109

The use of the imperfect verb iji (for about, since) as an adverbial
particle 110
The imperative 110
The active participle 111
The employment of participles to indicate past or future time 111
The passive verb 111
Subject-verb concord 112
Interrogation 112
Negation of verbs 114
Double negation 114
The Noun 115
The indefinite noun 115
Definite and indefinite concord 115
Gender and number concord 116
Adjectives of colour 117
Negation of the nominal sentence 118
Negated forms of the personal pronouns 118
Sentence Structure 119
The nominal sentence 119
The verbal sentence 119
The effect of emphasis on positional variations 120
The sequential order: adj. + noun 120
The adjective xo(o)s (good, excellent) 120
The particle wees 120
The particle kill/e 120
Demonstratives 121
Near objects 121
Remote objects 121
Demonstratives in liaison with pronominal suffixes 122
The particle -iyya 122
Conditional sentences 123
Relative clauses 125
Temporal clauses 126
Notes 127

PART V: LEXICAL FEATURES 128

Section A 128
Specimens of two-word collocates 128
Specimens of common verbal forms 129
Specimens of localisms 129
Some common proverbial expressions 130
Classical Arabic items in B 131
Pan-Arabic koine forms in current speech 131
xviii
 Contents

Comparative lexis: specimens of regional variations 132

Specimens of inter-dialectal variations: rural and urban forms
of B 132
Section B
Notes on English loan-words 133
Notes on Hindustani loan-words 134
Notes on Persian loan-words and place names 134
Further notes on Persian and Hindustani loan-words 135
Arabicized forms in current circulation in the area 135
Specimens of borrowings from English 135
Specimens of borrowings from Hindustani (Urdu) 136
Specimens of borrowings from Persian 137
Specimens of borrowings from Turkish 138
Section C
Specimens of specialized lexis: items pertaining to I-izraaca
(gardening) 138
Items from the text of an interview with a date planter 139
Specimens from the nautical vocabulary of a local bahhaar
(seaman) 139
Specimens from a weaver's specialized vocabulary 140
Specialized lexis: folk-medicine 140
Notes 141

PART VI: COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS 143

Phonology 143
The plosives 143
Affrication of k 145
2 f.s.-k>-s 146
Devoicing of q to k in rural B 147
q>g in A 148
g>q in A 148
The affrication of q in A 148
Palatalization of j 149
Velar ! 149
The fricatives 150
The occurrence oft_as ƒ in B 150
The occurrence of -n in 2 f .s. and 2 c .pl. in B 151
Imala in B 152
Diphthongs 153
Morphology 154
Verbal forms 154
The imperfect preformative y- 155
The terminations -inne and -tinne 156
xix
Contents

FaMaaMiiL for FaMMaaLuun 157

?aFMaL > FaMaL in A 157
Tanwin 157
-cas and casar 157
Personal pronouns 158
Demonstratives 158
The occurrence of a series of short syllables in B 159
The effect of gutturals on the syllable structure in A 159
Lexis 160
Notes on comparative lexis 160
Distribution of comparative data: Phonological features 163
Morphological features 164
Summary and Conclusion 165
Notes 168
APPENDICES AND TEXTS 174
Distribution by Nationalities 174
Increase by Nationalities 174
Distribution by Religion 175
Distribution of Non-Muslims 175
Distribution by Towns and Villages 175
Census of Dwelling Houses 176
Total Population of Major Civil Divisions by Urban/Rural Resi-
dents, Sex and Nationality, 1971 177
Specimens from Bahärnah Texts 178
The Informants and their Villages 195
BIBLIOGRAPHY 200
GENERAL INDEX 205
INDEX OF LEXICAL ITEMS 207

ARABIC SECTION

EDITOR'S NOTE 1
PREFACE BY THE AUTHOR 8
GLOSSARY OF LINGUISTIC TERMS: ENGLISH-ARABIC 30

XX
Illustrations

Plates between pages 100 and 101

A Bahārnah villager
A Bahārnah gardener displaying his tools
Hajji cAli cAbdalla Nijim at his ground-loom in Bani Jamrah
A fisherman in the process of finishing a wire trap
Fishermen from the village of Dirāz
Traditional houses of Bahrain
Other traditional houses (of Bahrain)

Maps
Map I Bahrain in relation to the rest of the area 213
Map II Old place names mentioned by Medieval Arabic
sources 214
Map III Geographical distribution of tribes in ancient Bahrain 215
Map IV Geographical distribution of speech-communities in
AandB 216
Map V The realization of 2 f .s. -k as -s 217
Map VI Distribution of the affrication of k, g into c, g 218
Map VII The realization of q as g 219
Map VIII Distribution of dental t > labio-dental ƒ 220
Map IX The occurrence of the pronominal suffixes: -c, -cem,
-hem 221
Map X The traditional industries of Bahrain: Geographical
distribution 222

xxi
Preface

The present study notes the existence, in contemporary Bahrain, of two distinct
dialect-groups, viz. (a) the Bahārnah speech-community (b) the c Anazi speech community.
Nowadays, common cultural ties as well as shared linguistic features are factors,
among others, that unite the members in each group. Historically, speakers in group (a)
are largely descendants of the early c Abd al-Qais tribes of eastern Arabia, whereas those
that constitute group (b) are descended from diverse peninsular Arab tribes many of
whom came to Bahrain in the wake of the c Anazi take-over of 1783.
The study attempts to describe, in analytical as well as historical terms the Bahārnah
speech-forms; also it attempts, to some degree, inter-and cross-dialectal comparisons and
relates its findings to the dialects prevailing in the adjoining areas. It is a synchronic as
well as diachronic account of the phonology, morphology, syntax, and lexis of the
Bahārnah dialect of Arabic. The approach followed throughout is in line with the one
employed by linguists interested in the Arabic dialects of the region. In addition, the
study devotes attention to the examination of the origins of the speakers in both com­
munities, especially the Bahārnah Arabs of Bahrain whose tribal descent has been some­
what misrepresented.
Some of the findings of the study are:
(a) In many respects, the Bahārnah speech-forms, which constitute an older stratum in
east Arabian speech, tie in closely with early east and south Arabian Arabic, and less so
with north Arabian.
(b) On the other hand, the c Anazi speech-forms of Bahrain show clear resemblance to
central and north Arabian peninsular Arabic, and hence represent the eastern dimension
of north Arabian speech.
(c) Circulation in current Bahārnah Arabic of a large number of classical and archaic
forms.
(d) The presence in Bahārnah speech of quite a number of localisms which deviate from
the established usage elsewhere in the area, therefore deserve to be noticed.
Since I committed myself to the present study, I have incurred obligations of
gratitude to many people. I am greatly indebted to all those who helped, one way or
another, particularly my informants, males and females who have furnished me with the
basic material without which such a dialect survey would have been impossible. Their
positive attitude, coupled with the courtesy and patience which they exhibited during the
recording sessions, has greatly facilitated my field work. Except for my female informants,
whose names, at their own request, are not disclosed, names of my male informants are
provided on separate lists.
My sincere thanks go to Mr. Anwar al-Dirāzi, who not only assisted me on several
field work sessions, but also arranged for interviews, especially with female Dirāzi speakers.
My thanks are also due to Mr. H. A. al-Madani and my cousins Mrs. Bāqir and Sacīd
al-Tājir, who were all of great help while conducting field work in Bahrain, particularly
Mr. Sacīd who later helped in verifying some of the information recorded on previous
occasions. I would like also to thank Mr. c Abdul Rahmān cAbdalla of Bahrain Radio,
who kindly carried out, on my behalf, the tape-recordings of certain old plays produced
for Bahrain Radio in Mufoarraqi dialect; and to Mr. Ahmad al-cUrayfi of the Drama and
Arts Section of the Ministry of Information who helped in arranging some of my earlier
interviews.

xxiii
xxiii
xxiv Preface

My thanks also go to Mulla c Atiyyah, a religious personality from the village of Bani
Jamrah, and to his brother Hajji Husain, and Hajji c Ali cAbdalla Nijim of the same village
for granting me long interviews. I am also grateful to my cousin Muhammad Hasan
al-Tājir of Abū Sēbic village for arranging meetings with the local people of the same
village, all of whom were extremely helpful. My thanks are also due to Mr. c Abdul Jalīi
c
Ali al-Saffār for furnishing me with the relevant issues of al-Mawāqif weekly, viz. those
which included the texts of interviews with the well-known Bahrāni scholar, Mr. Ibrahim
al-cUrāyyīd.
I should like also to thank my brother-in-law Mr. c Ali al-Tājir, for answering my
various early queries, and perhaps even more for providing me with a photocopy of
Chapter I - Part V of his late father's unpublished work cUqūd al-ĀI fi Tārikh Jazā?ir
?Uwāl, to the existence of which attention was drawn in 1968 by R.B. Serjeant in a foot­
note to his article "Fisher-Folk and Fish-Traps in al-Bahrain", BSOAS, vol. X X X I , 1968.
The chapter made available to me deals with the physical and human geography of the
Bahārnah villages.
I should like to express my deep gratitude to Dr. B.S.J. Isserlin, Head of the Depart­
ment of Semitic Studies for his guidance and encouragement throughout, to Mr. S.F.
Sanderson, Head of the Institute of Folklore, Leeds University, and Mr. A.E. Green, from
the same Institute for their kind assistance, and to Professor T.M. Johnstone of the
London School of Oriental and African Studies, who was kind enough to place his great
first-hand knowledge of the linguistic features of the Gulf area at my disposition and who
in addition looked through most parts of the present work and gave me the benefit of
criticism and advice.
I am also grateful to the staff of the following libraries:
The Brotherton Library at Leeds University
The School of Oriental and African Studies main library
The British Library, Main and Oriental rooms, OPL section
India Office Library
Public Records Office
Royal Geographical Society Library.
Finally, I am also grateful to the Al-Tājir Establishments and I should like to express
my deep gratitude to my brother-in-law, Mr. M.M. al-Tājir, for his firm moral and material
support, without which this work might not have materialized. I should also like to thank
him for occasionally correcting me on various points relating to the Bahārnah Arabs of
Bahrain, whose language is the main theme of this study.

M.A. al-Tajir
Transcription and transliteration

Phonetic Transcription

Below are the symbols employed throughout the study to represent the consonantal
sound-units of the Baharnah dialect of Arabic. Free variants or alternative realizations are
shown in parenthesis.

?
Z k (č)
b (p) S (s) g
t š l
t (f) s m
j (y), (g) d n
c t h
h z (d) w
X c y
d 9
d f
r q (g). (k), (j)
Notes:
The vowels are broadly described a, α, e < ee, i, o < oo and u. Their longer
equivalents are aa,αα, ee, ii, oo, uu. The above distinctions were found adequate to the
aims laid down for this study as it also helps avoid typographical complications. Vocalic
lengthening or shortening, brought about as a result of elision or affixation, are discussed
under the appropriate sections. Emphatic consonants are distinguished by the placing of a
dot under the consonant as in the c Anazi form busal, " o n i o n " .
Partial realization of a consonant is indicated by a small circle placed under the
consonant as i n : calašaan, "for, so that".
A vowel in parenthesis such as ma(a) " n o t " is, broadly speaking, indicative of the
occurrence of both long and short forms. Often parentheses are also used to indicate
prosthetic vowels. Final e <a, known as imāla is in effect, an allophonic variant of a in
B.
For typographical convenience, allophonic variants such as front a and back ,
short and long forms are, throughout this study, transcribed a and aa, except where the
distinction between the two is discussed.
Note also, that in connected speech, word-final vowel is in liaison with the initial
consonant of the item following it and word-final consonant is in liaison with the initial
vowel of following item, as in: ?il ġurfa š-šargiyye "the eastern r o o m " and daak jl-yoom
"that day".

Transliteration
Except for slight modifications, the following symbols, such as normally used by
Orientalists, have also been employed for transliteration purposes: e.g.

th dh d c ?
h sh t gh
kh s z q

XXV
xxvi Trascription and Transliteration

In transliterated forms, vowel length is indicated by a dash over the letter as i n : halāyil,
"native islanders from the rural areas."
Names of places quoted in this study generally conform to the official spelling,
without regard to what would be their correct phonetic transcription.
Abbreviations
(a) Works Referred to by Abbreviated Titles:

Abbreviated Author Full title

form

CDB H.Blanc Communal Dialects in Baghdad

EADS T.M. Johnstone Eastern Arabian Dialect Studies
Ein arabischer Ein arabischer Dialekt
Dialect Carl Reinhardt gesprochen in cOman und Zanzibar
Etudes J. Cantineau Etudes sur quelques parlers de nomades
arabes d'orient
GCASP G.R. Driver A Grammar of the Colloquial Arabic of
Syria and Palestine
al-lbdāl Abū al-Tayyib Kitāb al-lbdāi
al-l crāb Ibn jinnī Sirr Sinā cat al-l Crāb
al-Kitāb Sībawaihi Kitāb Sībawaihi
L'Arabo Parlato E. Rossi L 'Arabo Parlato a San cā
Lexicon E.W. Lane Arabic-English Lexicon
Lisān Ibn Manzūr Lisān al-cArab
MDA H.Blanc Mesopotamian Dialect of Arabic
WGAL W.Wright A Grammar of the Arabic Language
al-Muzhir al-Suyūti al-Muzhir fi cUlūm al-Lughah
ODA A.S.G. Jayakar The cOmānee Dialect of Arabic

(b) Journals and Series:

AIEO Annates de l'Institut d'Etudes Orientates d'Alger

BASOR The Bulletin of the American School of Oriental Research
BSOAS The Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
London
El Encyclopaedia of Islam
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society, Newhaven
JRAS Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JRCAS Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society
JRGS Journal of the Royal Geographical Society
JRSA Journal of the Royal Society of Arts
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
ME] Middle East Journal, London
MMA Majallat Majamc al-Lughah al-cArabiyyah, Cairo

(c) Other abbreviations and symbols:

c
A Anazi dialect or speech of Bahrain
act. part. active participle
adj. adjective
anap. anaptyctic vowel
app. approximately

xxvii
xxviii Abbreviations

assim. assimilation
B Bahāmah dialect or speech of Bahrain
c. common gender
cf. compare
con. consonant
f. or feminine
fern.
fig. figurative
fin. final
imp. imperative
imperf. imperfect
inf. informant
init. initial
IOR India Office Records
lib. liberal (ly)
lit. literal (ly)
lit. Ar. Literary Arabic
m. or masculine
masc.
MDA Mesopotamian dialect area
med. medial
n. noun
N.A. North Arabian (dialects)
P. person
parag. paragraph
pass. passive participle
part.
perf. perfect
pl. plural
prep. preposition
pron. pronoun
pron. pronominal suffix
suff.
pros. prosthetic vowel
ref. reference
s. or sing. singular
v. vowel
v.n. verbal noun
vd. voiced
vl. voiceless
The sign < means arising or derived from
The sign > means becoming or realized as
Introduction

The aim of the present work is (a) to produce a descriptive study of Bahārnah
Arabic, one of the native dialects of eastern Arabia, and (b) to give a comparative account
of the inter-dialectal forms therein.
As this study is one of the earliest on Bahārnah speech-forms, I have had to rely,
chiefly, on the basic data collected from my informants. Other than Jayakar and Rein-
hardt's works on c Umāni Arabic, followed in 1967 by T.M. Johnstone's EADS, which is
mainly a study of the c Anazi dialects of the area, no other systematic study of relevance
to pre- c Anazi east Arabian speech has been undertaken. Had such a study been at­
tempted, particularly for Qatifī and Hasāwi speech-forms, it would have been of great
comparative value.
The Bahārnah Arabs of Bahrain, whose language is the subject of this study, con­
centrate mainly in the northern green belt which subsumes a series of closely adjoining
settlements, extending from Jufayr and Manāmah to Dirāz, continuing mid-southwards to
a few scattered villages culminating in Dār Chulayb (also: Kulayb), in addition to the
islands of Sitrah and Nabīh Sālih, and a sparse Bahārnah presence on some of the old
villages of Muharraq island (see Map IV (Appendices) on the speech-communities A and
B).
However, in contemporary Bahrain, two major dialect communities, each char­
acterized by certain common cultural links, can be observed. Nevertheless, mutual intel­
ligibility among the speakers of both dialects is maintained without difficulty. These two
speech-communities are: (1) The Bahārnah, native islanders, who dwell largely in the rural
areas of Bahrain and to a lesser degree in Manāmah, the capital, and are entirely of the
Shī c i sect of Islam. (2) The other speech-community whom we will, though somewhat
reluctantly, and for linguistic reasons only, call c Anazi, because, except for Āl-Khalifah,
the ruling house of Bahrain, who also form a substantial minority within this community
and are descendants of the c Anazi tribes of central and northern Arabia, the rest of the
speakers in this community, constituting a substantial majority, are descended from
diverse peninsular Arab tribes. Their immediate ancestors established themselves on the
islands during and after the c Anazi take-over o f 1783. Generally speaking, members of
this speech-community show strong traces of central and northern peninsular Arabic, and
belong predominantly to the Sunni sect of Islam.
Hereafter and throughout we will be referring to all the members of group (2) as
c
Anazi speakers for the reasons explained above. Accordingly, the term c Anazi, as
employed here, designates the Āl-Khalifah take-over of the islands in 1783 from the
Bushire Arabs who were in possession of them and who owed their allegiance to Persia.
Hence, the terms pre- c Anazi, i.e., before 1783 and post- c Anazi, i.e., after 1783; con­
sequently, the Bahārnah speech-forms, like c Umāni, or for that matter Qatīfi and Hasāwi

1
2 Introduction

are pre- Anazi because these constitute an older and native stratum of east Arabian
speech.
As regards the tribal descent of the speakers in both communities, adequate ethno­
logical data is provided in Part I, Section (A) of this work. Meanwhile, we should note:
(a) that the Bahārnah, as certain medieval Arab sources reveal, are largely descendants
of early c Abd al-Qais tribes, who controlled the eastern region of peninsular Arabia and
the island of ?Uwāl in pre-lslamic times. 1
(b) that the c Anazi speakers, viz. the ruling family of Bahrain, are descendants of the
multitudinous c Anazi tribes whose original homelands were in central and northern
Arabia, prior to their settlement in Kuwait, Zubārah, etc., and eventually Bahrain. 2
By reason of the geographical, cultural, and tribal divergences mentioned above,
diverse linguistic features for each of the two dialect-groups are bound to exist. Although
this study focuses mainly on Bahārnah speech-forms, comparable forms such as found in
c
Anazi Arabic of Bahrain are, to some extent, taken into consideration. Contrastive
analysis of the salient features of these two dialects will be of great synchronic as well as
diachronic value, knowing that in view of east Arabian speech, the linguistic strata of B is
older than A.

Field Work and the Informants

Field work for the present study was conducted on two separate missions carried
out during November and December of 1976 and again, in the same period, in 1977. As
regards the main island, it was found that the distances separating certain villages from
others are not remote enough to warrant their seclusion for any specific field work.
Therefore, field work was restricted to the areas where a sizeable and long established
Bahārnah community was found. The basic linguistic data obtained from around thirty
informants, mostly males, form the main corpus of this study. The criteria for the selec­
tion of informants were generally based on these principles:
(a) that the informant should be an elderly person, preferably with little or no formal
schooling
(b) that for a living he should pursue a traditional trade or craft.
Accordingly, the majority of my informants are elderly people; retired gardeners or
date planters, fisher folk, weavers, potters, and the owner of a local laboratory for the
extraction of folk medicines. A few are employees of the Bahrain Petroleum Company, a
painter, a carpenter, and the operator of an artesian well installed in a date garden.
My female informants come from Manāmah, Abū Sēbi c and Dirāz. These have
provided me with considerable material mostly of a folkloristic nature, some of which I
have excluded from the present work. It remains to be said that the peculiarities of female
speech, especially in rural areas of the Bahārnah community call for further attention.
Being a Bahrāni myself, I occasionally acted as my own informant. Listed below are
the names of the villages involved in this study:
(1) Abū S ē b i c (2) c Ā l i (3) Bani Jamrah
(4) Damistān (5) Dirāz (6) c Ēn Dār
(7) Jid Hafs (8) Karrānah (9) Budayyic
(10) Mhazza (Sitrah island) (11) Markubān (Sitrah)
(12) Shahrakkān.
Finally, my data on c Anazi speech-forms come from informants from the village of
Budayyi c . Often, I had to check on the c Anazi forms of Bahrain with Bahraini colleagues
studying at the Institute of Education, Leeds University.
For the location o f the Bahārnah villages and the geographical areas they occupy, a
copy of a detailed map produced by the India Office and surveyed under the direction of
3 Introduction

Lieutenant Colonel F.B. Longe, Surveyor General of India, Seasons 1904-1905 is ap­
pended.

Tape Recordings and Transcriptions

The basic material was recorded on tapes, which were then transcribed phonetically
on paper. The symbols used for transcriptions were imainly such as those employed by
Orientalists. All the tapes were transcribed regardless of the material they contained.
Material such as pertaining to folk-lore was only used for whatever relevance it had to this
work.
The terminology employed for linguistic analysis, corresponds throughout to that
normally used by linguists interested in Arabic dialect studies.

Arrangement of the Material

The material is divided into six parts. Part I (Section A) treats of the pre-lslamic
tribes of Bahrain, their descendants in the area, and to some extent, traces the origins of
the contemporary Arab population of Bahrain. This was necessitated mainly by the
inadequacy of the ethnological data, particularly in respect of the origins of the Bahārnah
of Bahrain, prevailing in the literature on the area. In addition, a historical survey of
Bahrain is provided in Section B of the same part.
Part II is devoted to the phonology of the Bahārnah dialect. Characteristic phono­
logical features and dialectal peculiarities are discussed in this part. Inter-dialectal com­
parisons, where considered necessary because of regional variations etc. are made; and to
some degree the Bahārnah forms which diverge from their cAnazi counterforms are also
considered. Definitions of local terms and occasional diachronic remarks on certain fea­
tures are made. At the start of each part, a brief account of the findings and the topics
discussed is given.
In Part III of the study the morphology of B is examined. Here, again, a descriptive
analysis of the basic nominal and verbal forms is made. Comparisons especially in those
areas where no marked differences are observed, are held to a minimum. Again, char­
acteristic features and peculiarities are sorted out and commented upon.
Part IV examines syntactical features of this dialect. It investigates the syntactic
behaviour of certain verbs, the concepts of past, present, and future. In addition, it
examines interrogation, negation, definite and indefinite concord, gender and number of
nouns and adjectives, plus the special features of verbal and nominal constructions. An
analysis of comparable features of the syntax of A and B is also attempted.
Part V deals with lexis, which is examined under three sections:
Section A sets out specimens of noun-adjective collocates, localisms, classical and archaic
Arabic forms, pan-Arabic "koine" forms, and some account of comparative data in A and
B.
Section B deals with borrowings—mainly from Persian, English and Hindustani.
Section C looks into the special registers of language such as pertaining to traditional
activities.
Part VI deals with the comparative data, viz. the special features of cAnazi and
Bahārnah speech-forms, together with the peculiarities of rural and urban B. The compara­
tive data is also examined in relation to other dialects in the area, and a brief historical
account of the striking features in A and B is attempted.

The Schools and the Emergence of Pan-Arabic "koine" Forms

The occurrence of a large number of koine forms in current speech is to a large
extent the result of expansion in education and the spread of the media among the
4 Introduction

population. A brief look at the old, traditional system and the new western-style schooling
will surely help us to understand the impact of educational developments on the verbal
behaviour of the people.
Prior to 1921, there were no public schools in the modern sense of the word.
Teaching or religious edification of young children was the job of the m callim "tradi­
tional teacher" or m calme "female counterpart of the former", kuttāb " l i t . literate per­
sons", matāwca3 "teachers of the Koran" and sometimes even malāli " S h ī c i , religious
preachers". All these were well versed in Qur'anic and religious matters. Their main job,
as parents demanded, was to enable the young to learn basic Qur'anic suras, i.e., chapters,
and to say their prayers by heart.

The earliest missionary schools

R.B. Winder in a well-informed article, 4 observes that the first western-style schools
in Bahrain were founded by the Arabian Mission, an independent group which began its
operations in Bahrain in 1892 and which was "adopted" by the Dutch Reformed Church
in America in 1894. 5
In 1905, Winder adds, the school moved from Mr. and Mrs. S. Zwemer's house into
'The Memorial School and Chapel".
In 1940, the Roman Catholic Sacred Heart School was opened in Manāmah.

The Hidāya School

1921 marks the inception of what may be called systematic schooling in Bahrain. In
that year, the Hidāya Boys' Primary School was established on Muharraq island. Shaikh
Hāfiz Wahba, who was later to become the Sa c ūdi Ambassador to Great Britain, served
for a couple of years as the headmaster of the Hidāya School.

Traditional Bahārnah Schools

The Shīcah Arabs of Bahrain had their own traditional schools. In 1927 al-Madrasah
al-cAlawiyyah was founded in the village-town of al-Khamīs; and in the following year the
Ja c fariyyah School, on the lines of the former, was established in Manāmah. The teaching
of Qur?an, prayers, arithmetic and Arabic, took precedence in school syllabus over any­
thing else.

The BAPCO School at Zallāq

In November 1948, the Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAPCO) opened a small
school at Zallāq. The school provided local BAPCO employees with a four-month course
in basic English. With the expansion in BAPCO operations, a new school built in c Awāli
in October 1949, replaced the one at Zallāq.

The Urdu School

The Urdu School, founded, financed, and administered largely by the Pakistani
community on the island, was established in 1956.

The first batch of expatriate Arab teachers

In 1926, that is in the wake of the Syrian uprising of 1925 against the French, a
few Syrians joined the teaching staff of Bahrain's Primary schools.
In 1931 the Official Department of Education was founded. Earlier there had been
a local committee in charge of the administrative and pedagogical affairs of schools.
In 1944, in response to a demand by the Bahrain Government, the first Egyptian
mission was despatched to teach literary and scientific subjects.
5 Introduction

With the increase in the number of students, who according to recent official
estimates number more than one fifth of the total population (boys and girls) the tendency
to employ " k o i n e " forms has gained momentum. Alongside this process, a tendency to
employ correct pronunciation, and therefore to reintroduce Arabic inter-dentals t, d, z,
hitherto only partially preserved, can be noted.
The bulk of the above developments not only affected the traditional system of
religious education but also helped in the shaping of new linguistic attitudes. Certain
dialectal forms were dropped in favour of their pan-Arabic " k o i n e " forms. With the rise
in national feelings, a tendency to shun borrowings and to favour their literary Arabic
equivalents, has begun to show itself, especially among the young literates. The examples
appearing below are indicative of the changes noted above:

Dialectal forms Pan-Arabic forms

m callim "traditional school" midrase
bilbile "tap" hanafiyye
bulisiyye "police" šurta
tiksi "taxi" sayyaarat ijra
ruumaal "handkerchief" mandiil
zinjufra6 "vest" faanile
juuti "shoe" hidaa ?
c
baakeet "packet" ulbe
gawaati " t i n s " (food) mu callabaat
beeb "pipe" ?unbuub
dacme "accident" haadit
diira "village or village-town qarye
c
aks "photograph" suura
ġurb "foreigners, strangers" ?ajaanib
buusta "post-office" bar/id

New Items Pertaining to Agriculture

Since the start of the Government's Experimental Garden at Budayyi c village-
town, a range of new lexical items has gained currency. Local gardeners came to acquire
new vocabulary from visiting experts; these items were not part of a date-planters reper­
toire of vocabulary. Cf:

qarnaabiit "cauliflowers" kameešan "carnation" (flowers)

malfuuf "cabbage" alyandar "oleanders"
šawandar "white beet" samaad keemaawi "chemical fertilizer"

Borrowings, such as names of materials, for which no " k o i n e " forms were coined yet,
have remained stable in local speech. Cf:

bleewuud "plywood" blaastiik "plastic"

farmeeka "Formica" azbestus "asbestos"

The Media
On 4 November 1940, a broadcasting station, on the lines of the British Near-East
Broadcasting Station in Cyprus (i.e.,?Idā cat ash-Sharq al-Adnā) was founded at Hūrah
Telegraphic Office. However, the present Bahrain Radio in the Māhūz area was created in
the summer of 1955.
6 Introduction

Besides, we should not neglect the impact of local T.V. stations on shaping the
verbal behaviour of the people, especially in view of its appearance in the area for over
twenty years now.
In 1943—1944, a public library with generous donations from the British Council,
was opened in Manāmah.

Non-Local Element in the Population

The expatriate population of Bahrain is officially estimated at not less than one
quarter of the total population. The latest figures for non-Bahrainis, available here in
Britain, are those of the 1971 population census which puts these at 37,885 non-Bahrainis
out of a total population of 216,078. 7 This figure has increased largely ever since.
Among the expatriate population, the Iranians, most of whom are naturalized
citizens, figure more than any other single nationality. Many of these are involved in small
businesses. They are mainly of the Shī ci sect of Islam and speak Persian and Arabic.
Indians, Pakistanis and Baluchis, constitute the second largest section of the ex­
patriate community on the islands. Among the first two are doctors who have been
practising medicine for many years. Others pursue clerical jobs such as banking, insurance,
clearance. A few Indian merchants of long standing are also engaged in vital businesses
such as imports and agencies.
With the expansion in construction work and industry, many new workers, chiefly
from the Indian sub-continent, have obtained work permits in Bahrain. A parallel increase
in the European and American community of Bahrain has also taken place.
The table below illustrates the total figures for local and non-local elements from
1941 to 1971. 8

Nationality 1941 1950 1959 1965 1971

Bahraini 74,040 91,179 118,734 143,814 178,193

Non-Bahraini 15,930 18,471 24,401 38,389 37,885

Total 89,970 109,650 143,137 182,203 216,078

The ratio of Bahrainis to non-Bahrainis above, marks a steady progress from 1941 to
1965. From 1965 to 1971 the graph remained more or less stable. As noted above, the
non-Bahraini element in the population today, has surely escalated owing to the import
of foreign labour for ambitious economic developments the country is presently witnessing.
However, the non-Bahrainis, as referred to in the Statistical Abstract (1941—1971)
are: 9
Persians: the larger section of these are naturalized Bahrainis; they are Shī ci
Moslems.
Indians: Christians and Hindu
Pakistanis: Moslems
Baluchis: Moslems
plus Americans and Britons
Non-Bahraini Arabs: Egyptians, Palestinians, Gulf Arabs, Syrians, and Lebanese.
7 Introduction

As regards Britons, Americans, Europeans, Asians, no precise figures of their current

numbers are available, but the fact is that they increase and decrease according to the
demands of economic development in Bahrain.

The Local Arabs of Bahrain

Local Arabs constitute over two-thirds of the total population of Bahrain today.
Among the Sunni' Arabs of Bahrain are many influential families, such as Āl-Khallfah, the
ruling house of Bahrain, Al-Qusaibi and Al-Zayyani and some other descendants of
peninsular Arabs who settled in the islands chiefly during and after 1783. However, overall
harmony prevails among the cultured elite of the country, a large number of whom are
officials of the State and belong to different sectarian communities.
Among the prominent Arab families of Muhajraq and Hidd are: Āl-Bin c A l i , Āl-
Jalahimah, Āl-Ma c āwidah, Āl-Muslim, Āl-Manāni c ah, Āl-Bu Falāsah, Āl-Muqlah, Āl-Sādah.
Some of these have members living in Manāmah or Rafā c .
The Āl-Khalīfah, the rulers, are of the Māliki branch of Islam, many other Arabs are
of the Hanbali and Shāfi c i divisions.

The Huwalah Arabs

A brief account of the Huwalah 1 0 Arabs is given in Part I (Section-B, p. 60) of
this study. It is generally accepted that the Huwalah, who are mainly of the Shāfi ci
division of Islam, are descendants of Arab tribes which once inhabited the coastal regions
of Southern Iran. They have been influenced by Persian culture and to some degree by
Persian blood. Although they revel in thinking of themselves as belonging to Arab Stock,
among themselves they still communicate through the medium of Bastaki, a variety of
Persian in use in the southern region of Bastak. One of their Shaikhs held the Bahrain
islands during 1753.
Lorimer emphasized their economic importance when he wrote in 1915:
"The Huwalah are the most numerous community of Sunnis, but they are all
townsmen living by trade and without solidarity among themselves; consequently, they
are unimportant, except commercially." 1 1
In an article which appeared in early 1970, Frank Stoakes gave this account of their
origins:
"Hawaii (different spelling of the same) are Sunni Persians of allegedly Arab
origin."12
However, M.G. Rumaihi, a contemporary writer on Gulf affairs, regards them of
Arab descent when he writes:
"Huwala applies in the Gulf to people of Arab origin who emigrated from the
Arab mainland to Persia and came back again." 1 3

The Bahārnah Arabs:

Throughout the twentieth century writers who have dealt with the origins of the
Bahārnah have often unknowingly, ascribed conflicting origins to them. Lorimer wrote:
"The Bahārnah are generally stated to have come into existence by the conversion
of certain Arab tribes, including one called the Bani Rabī c ah to Shi cism about 300 years
ago; this is the local Muslim tradition. Some European writers on the other hand have
manifested an inclination to regard the bulk of the Bahārinah as an aboriginal tribe
conquered by the Arabs." 1 4
That the Bahārnah are descendants of c Abd al-Qais tribes of Eastern Arabia, a
branch of Rabī c ah, is attested by a number of Medieval Arab sources as well as by local
tradition, but that their conversion to Shīcism occurred, as Lorimer stated above, 300
8 Introduction

years ago, is far from being so. As a matter of fact,cAbd al-Qais tribes converted to Shi c ism
since 36 A . H . when they supported c Ali's right-the fourth Caliph-to the Caliphate and
fought on his side first in the battle of al-Jamal in the year 36 A . H . and later in the battle
of Siffīn.15
Misinformed accounts of the Bahārnah origins, some fairly old, some recent, are
unwittingly cited from time to time. Specimens of quite a few of these are adduced below:
Dr. Paul Harrison (1924) referred to them as "that semi-Persian community known
as Bahārnah." 1 6 A. Faroughy (1951), accounting for the Bahārnah classified their race
as "Persians." 17
H.H. Hansen, who was a member of the Danish Archaeological Expedition to
Bahrain and who lived for a couple of months in the Bahārnah village of Sār near c Ā l i ,
wrote in 1966:
"The villagers constitute the older layer of the population. They themselves empha­
size that they are not Arabs like the ruler, his family, and the town people. They call
themselves Bahāma." 1 8
As a matter of fact, besides its well known ethnic designation, the term Arab to
Bahārnah villagers once connoted more specially the influx in 1783 and after of peninsular
Najdi and Qatari Arabs into Bahrain. In saying they are not Arabs like the ruler or his
family, but Bahārnah or Halāyil (another term they employ to describe themselves, from
Arabic halā ?il i.e., lawful possessions but also owners), they are not denying their Arab
origin, they are simply distinguishing between themselves being native islanders and there­
fore, in their own view, the lawful owners of the lands of which they had been dispos­
sessed, as against the non-native tribesmen who established their supremacy during late
18th-century onwards. It is in this context that the above use of the term ought to be
viewed, though such a usage is now a relic of the past rarely heard among the younger
generation.
R.B. Serjeant, wrote in 1968:
' T h e Shīcah of al-Bahrain, called al-Bahārinah, form about half the population . . .
It has been supposed, though proof is not yet forthcoming, that they descended from
converts from the original population of Christians (Arameans?) Jews and Majus . . .
inhabiting the island . . at the time of the Arab conquest." 1 9
The above account, as the writer correctly indicates, is based on speculation;
moreover the conflicting origins he ascribes to the Bahārnah is not supported by evidence
or references.
Finally, a well-researched account is given by the Encyclopaedia of Islam:
"The Shīcis appear to be descendants of early inhabitants of the area, and there
seems to be no justification for the hypothesis that they are of Persian origin. A good
number of the Sunnis of al-Bahrain are Arabs or the descendants of Arabs once resident
on the Persian Coast, such are known as Huwalah." 2 0

Geographical Distribution of the Bahārnah

As this study is chiefly concerned with the Bahārnah dialect of Arabic, some ac­
count of their numbers and villages is, perhaps, necessary to our understanding of the area
and its people.
Lorimer, writing around 1915 informs us of 104 villages with a population of
38,275 out of a grand total of 99,075. 2 1 According to official censuses of 1941, 1950,
1965, and 1971, these are the figures for the geographical distribution of the popula-
tion:22
9 Introduction

Geographical Distribution of the Population

1941 I 1950 1959 1965 1971

Towns and Villages Jan. Mar. May Feb. Apr.

Manama 27,835 39,648 61,726 79,098 89,728

Muharraq & Hidd 21,439 25,577 36,742 46,373 49,387

c
Awāli 1,532 3,846 3,123 2,097 988

Other towns and villages 39,164 40,579 41,544 54,635 76,712

Total 89,970 109,650 143,135 182,203 216,815

The figures given for towns and villages, in the last entry in the table above, give
some idea of the Bahārnah rural population, though these figures also include non-
Bahārnah villages and towns.
Note that the official commentary on the results of the 1941 census tells of strong
rumours such as the introduction of taxation, conscription, etc., which circulated among
the rural community at the time of the population count. Therefore, the figures obtained
were not completely reliable because many Bahārnah villagers abstained from recording
their names during the population count of 1941.
Some writers, however, estimated the Bahārnah islanders at over 80% of the total
population. 23 As regards the Bahārnah now living in the adjacent Gulf States or certain
coastal towns of Iran, these are the descendants of those who left the country on several
occasions in the past, chiefly:

(1) During Muscati occupation on several occasions, i.e., around 1718, and during
1800-1801.
(2) During early cAnazi rule, i.e., from 1783 onwards.
(3) During Wahhābi control of the islands between 1 8 0 3 - 1 8 1 1 .
(4) During the influx in 1845, and after, of the Dawāsir tribes into Bahrain and their
settlement in Zallāq and Budayyic and the subsequent tension this created, culmi­
nating in the attacks in 1923 on Bahārnah villages.

It is worth noting here, perhaps, that a few Bahārnah accompanied by their families
settled in Bombay in the early twenties, since relations between them and their early
c
Anazi rulers were not always happy. These families had to send their children to Indian
schools where the medium of instruction was either Urdu, Persian, or English. While in
Bombay, some Bahārnah Tawāwlsh, i.e., pearl dealers, became bilingual. They picked up
Hindustani, the medium of daily communication among the heterogeneous population of
that place. They communicated with their Hindu counterparts through this medium with
a surprisingly great degree of mutual intelligibility. 24 These Bahārnah returned to Bahrain
mainly after the introduction of the cultured pearls to international markets, and the
subsequent decline of itwāshe in the whole Gulf.

Linguistic Contact between Local and Non-Local Elements

Perhaps Manāmah, the principal city of Bahrain, provides at present the most apt
10 Introduction

meeting ground for linguistic interaction between the local and the expatriate elements of
the population. Among the non-Bahrainis, Indians and Pakistanis rank highest in number.
Some of these are owners of small restaurants where Indian and Pakistani cuisine is relished
by local Arabs. Indian culinary skill is just one aspect; the main market in Manāmah is full
of Indians who regularly come into day to day contact with the local inhabitants. Such
linguistic contacts are of long standing, therefore it is not surprising to find a number of
Indian words recurring in local speech, though not as copiously now as the case was in the
recent past.
Banks, insurance companies and other agencies all constitute areas of linguistic
contact between the locals and their foreign work-mates. For about five decades, English
has been the language of communication among the employees of BAPCO. A similar
situation also obtains, though to a lesser extent, in Aluminium Bahrain (ALBA).

Situation in the Villages

Normally, rural communities are least affected by alien linguistic influences. It is to
be noticed, however, that a large number of borrowings are found in rural forms of B; this
is due to the fact that a majority of BAPCO employees are Bahārnah villagers who picked
up, at their place of work, certain English words relating to domestic or office tools and
gadgets, names of building materials, etc. However, the spread of schools in rural areas has
created a tendency to replace foreign words with their pan-Arabic "koine" forms.

Previous Studies of East-Arabian Speech

The earliest mention of the occurrence of foreign words in Babraini speech is
contained in the account by W.G. Palgrave, who writing in the second half of the nine­
teenth century, refers to local people discussing politics in Manāmah coffee houses. He
lists these words as occurring in their conversations:
Ingleez for "English", Fransees for "French", Muscop for "Russians".25
Rev. S. Zwemer, writing in 1889, notes the high frequency of Indian words circulat­
ing in local Arabic. He also tells of considerable immigration from the Persian coast, viz.
Lingah and Bushire, as a result of which Persian became, after Arabic, in copious use in
certain quarters of Manāmah. 26
The two works referred to above offer only observations made by people engaged
in spheres of activities other than language.
Also, in 1889, one of the earliest studies on east Arabian speech was published, viz.
"The cOmanee Dialect of Arabic". 27 This study comprises two parts describing, in
general terms, the peculiarities of c Umāni Arabic. Part II of the study focuses, mainly, on
c
Umāni lexis. This work is of great comparative value, because of the large number of
lexical items, the author lists, in Part II; items which pertain to pre- c Anazi eastern Arabic.
In 1894, C. Reinhardt published his book Ein arabischer Dialekt gesprochen in
c
Umān und Zanzibar which is a systematic study of the Bani Kharūs dialect of c Umān. In
the foreword to the book Reinhardt states that the dialect in question is that which is
spoken by the upper-classes including the Court. He professes that his data was acquired
from informants in Zanzibar, particularly an informant by the name of cAbdalla who
introduced his newly arriving countrymen to Reinhardt there. However, when he was in
Muscat, he adds, his travel plans were aborted by intrigues at the Court.
Both Jayakar and Reinhardt's data provide an adequate picture of c Umāni speech
in the Muscat and Jabal al-Akhdar areas.

The Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAPCO) and Arabic Studies

Around 1952 a section, viz. Arabic Studies, was created by BAPCO. Better com-
11 Introduction

munjcatjon between the local and non-local employees of the Company was among the
practical considerations that led to the establishment of this section. However, a Persian
employee of BAPCO, Mr. Faydi, was appointed in charge of the section. Four years later
Mr. Alec Gordon succeeded as head of the section. And shortly afterwards, a Handbook
of the Spoken Arabic of Bahrain, with a view to the communicative needs of the ex­
patriate employees of BAPCO, was published. The chief aim was to familiarize them with
a functional knowledge of local Arabic. The material for the Handbook consisted of basic
vocabulary, structure, and expressions of courtesy and civilities, etc. However, owing to
the success of the course, the section has remained open ever since it was created. 28
On the other hand, to increase the communicative skills of local employees and to
expand their technical lexis, English classes, on the lines of the above section, were
organized. A Handbook for this course was also produced. It contained technical lexis
pertaining to specific job requirements such as: span-ar "spanner", valv "valve", hōz
"hose" etc. The fact that the above courses were governed by practical considerations
contributed greatly to their success.

Further publications on east Arabian speech

In 1961 and 1964, two articles were published on the Dōsiri dialect of Kuwait. 2 9
The former is a preliminary study of certain linguistic aspects of the dialect in question,
whereas the latter is a closer examination of the same. Preliminary examination of this
dialect, the author notes, showed some resemblance in its structure and vocabulary to
Najdi Arabic. Closer investigation revealed traces of c Ajmi influence, especially on the
phonology of the Dōsiri dialect of Kuwait. In the second article, however, the writer
concludes that although "the Dōsiri dialect of Kuwait does not share all the distinguishing
features of the Najdi group, the parent dialect does belong to the south-central type o f
Najdi dialect."
In 1964, Sheikh Jalāl al-Hanafi's Mucjam al-Alfāz al-Kuwaitiyya, a glossary of
Kuwaiti lexis, was published. Colloquial Kuwaiti, the author writes, like other colloquials
of Iraq and the Arab world, draws its vocabulary from different languages; a number of
Kuwaiti words are borrowings from Hindustani, English, Turkish, and Persian, including
this latter's sub-branches, viz. Lāristāni, Khonji, Bastaki,and Garāshi dialects, and perhaps
Portuguese and Dutch. Having studied Kuwaiti vocabulary, al-Hanafi concludes that the
colloquial of Kuwait shows apparent affinity with the dialects of Basrah and Zubayr.
Also in 1964, T.M. Johnstone and J. Muir published their article "Some Nautical
Terms in Kuwaiti Dialect of Arabic".30 This work is a systematic compilation of indigen­
ous and foreign terms such as found in the nautical register of Kuwaiti lexis. In their
preliminary remarks the writers state:

'The Portuguese profoundly affected ship-building techniques in the Persian

Gulf and this has left distinct traces in the local nautical vocabulary. Fur­
thermore, there is little doubt that the most important of the Portuguese
terms quoted were in use at the time of the explorations. Some of them,
however, must have come to the Persian Gulf later from India."

To facilitate the reader's job and to attract his interest, supplementary drawings
showing the items and their corresponding words are also provided.
In 1967, however, Johnstone, produced his major book on the post- c Anazi dialects
of the area, viz. Eastern Arabian Dialect Studies (EADS). This was one of the earliest
attempts at a scientific study, i.e., descriptive and analytical, of the spoken Gulf Arabic.
EADS has laid the basis for modern dialect studies in the area and it remains a source
12 Introduction

book for language learners as well as course planners.31

In 1969, a publication of Kuwait University, viz. Dr. A. Matar's work entitled
Khasā ?is al-Lahjah al-Kuwaitiyyah appeared. This book as the title indicates is a study of
the characteristic features of the Kuwaiti dialect of Arabic. Accounting for his aims, the
author states that dialect studies are meant to serve and enrich Arabic language. The
outcome of such studies, he adds, can add to our understanding of Arabic, past and
present. He describes his approach to Kuwaiti dialect as "an integrated, descriptive and
historical account."
In 1970, another book by the same author came out, Min ?Asrār al-Lahjah al-
Kuwaitiyyah, which is a further study of Kuwaiti dialect based on descriptive and histori­
cal principles. In the main, the above two works are comprehensive accounts of the
similarities or deviations of Kuwaiti Arabic as compared with literary Arabic.
The above two works were followed by Zawāhir Nādirah fi Lahajāt al-Khalīj al-
c
Arabi by the same author. This last work as the title suggests sets out, briefly, the
peculiarities of contemporary Gulf Arabic including those present in the Bahārnah
speech-forms. The approach followed in this last work, is again, like the previous ones,
based on historical principles.
In 1973, the monograph Lexical Expansion due to Technical Change was published
by Indiana University.32 This study, as the author states, examines how new referents,
characteristic of an industrial society, are superimposed upon a non-industrial speech-
community, in this case the latter being settled, coastal Arabs of al-Ahsā?. This work sets
out to show how the lexical repertoire of a language was enlarged to include technical
concepts. The author writes: " . . . n o attempt is made to describe the Arabic of the region,
in the linguistic sense, other than to the degree necessary to account adequately for the
forms presented to illustrate the phenomena. Accordingly, lexis takes precedence over
morphology and phonology."
The author, who was in the employment of the Arabian American Oil Company
(Aramco) Education Division from 1945 to 1949, gives this definition of Hasāwi speakers:
'The term (i.e. the Bahārnah) as generally used, coincides approximately with the Arabic-
speaking Shi cite population of Bahrain and the adjoining Arabian mainland, a group
more or less united not only in religious and cultural tradition but also in certain speech-
tendencies and, to the eye, in racial stock."
In 1975, A Basic Course in Gulf Arabic appeared.33 This book as the title suggests
is designed for foreign students wishing to learn Gulf Arabic. Its teaching material is based
on the principles of the structural approach which advocates extensive classroom drilling.
The language material of the book shows a careful process of selection indicative of the
writer's close interest in the Arabic spoken in the Gulf area. The book is divided into 42
units each comprising (i) text (ii) translation (iii) vocabulary (iv) grammar (v) drills. The
author's definition of Gulf Arabic runs: " . . . it is the language used in informal situa­
tions by the educated indigenous populations of the United Arab Emirates."

Local View on Current Spoken Arabic

In an interview with a local weekly, Mr. Ibrahim al-cUrayyid, a leading scholar
(ex-speaker of the Constitutional Assembly, 1972), has summed up his views on spoken
Arabic in the area. He seems to differentiate between two modes of usage: the written,
being a vehicle for literary appreciation, and the spoken, being an effective means of daily
interaction. In his view, written forms remain captive of norms and rules; but the spoken
forms are more spontaneous and therefore more telling. By aiming at literary norms, as
correct modes of usage to be imitated, we seem to neglect, Mr. al- c Urayyid observes, so
many developments that have affected the spoken-forms. Languages do not remain static,
13 Introduction

therefore usage is subject to change and development. Rigid rules and norms such as those
appearing in grammar books are mainly written by and for foreign learners of Arabic. The
Arab child uses his language correctly before being exposed to any form of formal instruc­
tion.34
One might add, the notion of correctness in language is related to usage rather than
conformity to pre-set norms.

NOTES:

1. These sources are cited in Part I of this study.

2. For their tribal descent, see al-Nabhāni, al-Tuhfah (2nd ed.) (Cairo) pp. 116—117;
also H.R.P. Dickson, Kuwait and Her Neighbours, ch. III, p. 87.
3. These were on the lines of their Wahhābi colleagues in Arabia.
4. ' 'Education in al-Bahrayn''.
5. A.D. Dixey, in his article: '7/7 The Persian Gulf, 1907", informs us that President
Roosevelt was a member of the Reformed Church. See: Church Missionary Review,
Edited by Rev. W.M. Thornton. No. 58. Oct. 1907, p. 614.
6. From Hindustani, ganji faraak.
7. Statistical Abstract (1971), State of Bahrain — Ministry of Finance and National
Economy. Available from SOAS; also OPL, section of the British Library.
8. See Appendices for the distribution of non-Bahrainis according to nationalities in
the two censuses of 1941 and 1950.
9. Government of Bahrain, Annual Report (Oct. 1949—Nov. 1950) provides this
commentary on the "Jewish Exodus" (1950) from Bahrain: 'The Jewish com­
munity in Bahrain, which numbered in the past about 300 persons, consisting of
Jewish families who came originally from Iraq and Persia, was long established in
the country. Most of the Jews traded in piece-goods and gold. They were, on the
whole, quite law-abiding people. Many of them were Bahrain subjects by birth or
had obtained Bahrain nationality. During 1369 A . H . about 29 families out of the
43 families who lived in Manāmah, left the country and went to Palestine, viz
Israel. No pressure was put on them to leave Bahrain, but apparently, they were
attracted by the possibilities of life in Israel. It is understood that a number of the
Bahrain Jews after spending a short time in Israel much regretted that they had
gone there and now desire to return to Bahrain."
10. From the Arabic base-root, hāla " t o change, transfer, hence: tahawwala" he shifted
to another place". In local usage, one of the connotations of the singular form: hōli
is "somebody who is not clearly Arab".
11. Gazetteer, p. 2 4 1 .
12. Social and Political Change in the Third World: Some Peculiarities of Oil-Producing
Principalities of the Persian Gulf in the Derek Hopwood (ed.): The Arabian
Peninsula, p. 198.
13. See his celebrated work: Bahrain: Social and Political Change Since the first World
War, p. 34—footnot 33.
14. Gazetteer, p. 208.
15. For a full account of cAbd al-Qais support for c A l i ibn Abi Tālib, see at-Tabari,
Tāfīkh al-Rusul Wa al-Mulūk, vol. IV, ed. M. Abu l-Fadl Ibrahim (Cairo-1963), pp.
4 4 2 - 5 7 6 ; also al-Mas c ū d i , Murūj, ed. C. Pellat (Beirut, 1970), vol. I l l , pp. 1 1 4 -
115; and Ibn Khaldūn's history, Min Kitāb al- clbar Wa Dīwān al-Mubtada? Wal-
Khabar, vol. I I , pp. ISO—9. For further account of c Abd al-Qais, see: Kitāb Khabar
14 Introduction

c
Abd al-Qais by Abu c Ubaydah Mu c ammar ibn al-Muthanna. Also: Ashrāf c
Abd
al-Qais by al-Madā?ini.
16. The Arab at Home (London, 1924), p. 92. Note that Harrison spent fourteen years
as the representative in Arabia of the Trinity Reformed Church of Plainfield, N.J.
17. The Bahrain Islands 750-1951 (New York 1951), p. 19, table 5.
18. 'Problems of Contact and Change' Jahrbuch des Museums zur Volkerkunde zu
Leipzig, 23, 1966, pp. 8 2 - 9 4 .
19. "Fisher-Folk and Fish-Traps in al-Bahrain", BSOAS, vol. X X X I (1968), pp. 4 8 6 -
514.
20. El, G. Rentz and W.E. Mulligan, vol. I (1960), p. 9 4 1 .
21. Gazetteer, p. 238.
22. Statistical Abstract, State of Bahrain, 1971 (SOAS Library).
23. A. Faroughy, The Bahrain Islands (1951), p. 18.
24. Among the earliest Bahārnah Tawāwish who frequented or settled in Bombay were:
Hajji Ahmad bin Mansūr; Hajji Muhammad Jawād; Hajji Muhammad bin c Īsa Āl-
Taha; Sayyid Hasan al- c A l a w i ; Sayyid Ni c me al- c A l a w i ; Hajji c Abdalla al-Tājir;
Hajji Yūsufal-Sāyigh; HajjUAhmad Shardan; Hajji j a c f a r Mandil;and later, Mansūr
and Sālim al- c Urayyid. These were all to become bilinguals in Bombay. Hajji Ja c far
c
A b d al-Rahlm, a philanthropic businessman from Muscat, together with Hajji Yūsuf
al-Sāyigh, a Dubai-Bahārni, and Shaikh Muhammad Hasan Najafi, an Iraqi religious
figure and Masjid Imam (prayer leader) of the Khōjah community of Bombay,
were among those who patronized the Bahārnah community there, especially their
religious occasions such as Majālis-Muharram (i.e., their Muharram gatherings). The
two books, al-Fakhri and al-Wafāt, both of which are anthologies of Shī ci religious
literature, were repeatedly printed at the Jahrumi Zādeh Printing Press in Bombay.
25. Narrative of a Year's Journey through Central and Eastern Arabia (1883), ch. X I V ,
pp. 2 1 8 - 9 .

26. Arabia the Cradle of Islam (1900), pp. 1 0 8 - 9 .

27. Surgeon-Major A.S.G. Jayakar, JRAS, vol. X X I , part I, pp. 6 4 9 - 8 7 , Part I I , pp.
811-80.
28. Among the teaching staff, during the early sixties, were Tāna al-Dirāzi, Sayyid
c
Īsa and Sa c īd al-Tājir, the latter being the only university graduate among them.
The present head of the section is Mr. al-Dirāzi.
29. T.M. Johnstone, "Some Characteristics of the Dōsiri Dialect of Arabic as Spoken in
Kuwait", BSOAS, vol. X X I V , Part I I , 1961. Also by the same author, "Further
Studies on the Dōsiri Dialect of Arabic as Spoken in Kuwait", BSOAS, vol. X X V I I ,
Part 1, 1964.
30. BSOAS, vol. X X V I I , pp. 2 9 9 - 3 3 2 .
31. The pre- c Anazi dialects of eastern Arabia are excluded from the above study.
32. The author of this work is B. Hunter Smeaton.
33. The author of this work is Dr. Hamdi Qafīsheh of Arizona University.
34. The texts of the interview which was conducted by Mr. Jalīi al-Saffār appear in the
issues 199 (17 Oct. 1977), 200 (24 Oct. 1977), 201 (28 Nov. 1977) oUl-Mawāqif,
weekly of Bahrain.
Part 1
Section (A)
The ancient region of Al-Bahrain1

In this section of Part I we intend to examine, mainly, three things:

(a) Medieval Arab accounts of the old region of al-Bahrain, including the island of
?Awāl, i.e., present Bahrain; particularly the earlier settlers in the area and the subsequent
arrivals therein.
(b) The origins and tribal ancestry of the Bahāmah Arabs, native islanders, whose lan­
guage is the theme of this study.
(c) The component elements in the contemporary population of Bahrain, viz. the
c
Utub, the ruling house of Bahrain today, in addition to other peninsular Arab elements
who have established themselves on the islands during 1783 and after.2 Here again we will
rely, for their tribal ancestry, on Arab accounts.
Before we proceed any further, it is necessary to remember that medieval Arab
sources treat the ancient region and its dependency, i.e., the island of ?Awāl, as one
entity. Ethnic ties and shared history form the basis of their accounts.
Most Arab geographers place Bahrain in the second clime {?iqlīm), whereas some
assign it to the third. Yāqūt, writing in the thirteenth century A.D. renders the following
account:

"It is a general name for a region that occupies the coastal area on the Indian
sea between Basra and Uman. It is said that al-Bahrain is the metropolis of
Hajar; it is also said that Hajar is the metropolis of al-Bahrain. Some sources
regarded it part of the Yemen and others treated it as a region by itself."

However, prior to Islam and after its advent, Bahrain embraced the coastal line of
Eastern Arabia, thereby subsuming al-Qatīf, al-Ahsā? and the island of ?Awāl.3
Medieval Arab sources also furnish us with some information regarding the distances
from and to al-Bahrain. We are told that between al-Bahrain and Yemāma is a ten days'
camel ride, between Hajar and Basra is fifteen days' ride and that it takes a month to
reach c Umān by the same means of transport.4
The main towns of the district of Hajar, cited in these sources are: al-Khatt, al-Qatīf,
al-Āra, Hajar, Baynūnah, al-Zārah, Juwātha, al-Sābūr, Dārīn, al-Ghābah, al-Safa, and al-
Mushaqqar.

On the Naming of al-Bahrain 'The Two Seas"

Many explanations are put forward regarding the name al-Bahrain. Some sources
attribute the "two seas" to the existence of two strata of water, the upper film being
salty and the lower sweet due to the existence of many underwater springs.

15
16 Part 1

Others referred it to the river Tigris pouring sweet water into the salty sea of Fāris.
Fan's.
However, a third explanation is adduced by Yāqut who tells of the existence on the
gateways of al-Ahsā? of a large lake whose water is stagnant, coupled with "the green
sea"5 which is only ten farsangs from the villages of Hajar.

Bahrain and c Umān

Al-Qalqashandi,6 writing in the fifteenth century A.D., includes c Umān in al-Bahrain
proper, and so does al-Suwaidi in his Sabā?ik adh-Dhahab fi Ma crifat Qabā?il al- cArab,1
the latter work being the Nihāyat al- Arab of al-Qalqashandi rearranged with additional
matter by Muhammad Amīn al-Suwaidi.

?Awāl Island and the Region of al-Bahrain

Although Yāqūt discusses the island of ?Awāl in a separate entry under the ap­
propriate alphabetical order, yet he treats it as part of the old region. In his account of
Bahrain not only does he mention specific places on the island of ?Awāl but the inhabit­
ants of those places as well. He describes the island as being situated in the vicinity of the
region, famous for its date plantations and lime. He also adduces certain verses that tell of
the "famous palm-trunks" of ?Awāl and the busy harbour, crowded with ships, indicative
of a flourishing trade centre.
Al-Hamdāni writing in the tenth century A.D. informs us of two distinct ?Awāls.8
One is in the Hijāz region, on the right side of al-Suwaydā?, a place by-passed by pilgrims
from Egypt and al-Shām, and the other is the island of ?Awāl, which he says, contains all
sorts of animals except lions.9
Another interesting account of ?Awāl, is given by al-Bakri who quotes al-Kalbi and
some others. For them San c ā?, the capital of the Yemen in olden times, was also called
?Awāl. It was then built by the Ethiopians. Having defeated the Ethiopians, the Persian
monarch Wahraz named it Sancā? and it has so remained ever since.10
As regards the significance of the name ?Awāl, we get two accounts. First Yāaqut,
who observes that ?Awāl was an idol of Bakr ibn Wā?il, and second al-Mas c ūdi, who tells
of "a kind of fish in the sea of Zanj called al-?Uwāl" which is, he adds, from four to five
hundred cubits long. 11 The first interpretation is widely accepted to meet the case, for in
pre-lslamic times the region of al-Bahrain was peopled by c Abd al-Qais, Bakr ibn Wā ?il,
and Tamīm. 1 2

The Early Settlers

Al-Mas cūdi states that Tasm and Jadīs, sons of La?udh ibn Iram ibn Sām ibn Nūh,
were among the earliest settlers in the region of al-Bahrain and Yemāma. 13
Al-Tabari informs us of the descendants of c lmlīq, known as al- c Amāliqah, 14 i.e.,
Amalekite, who dispersed all over the country including al-Bahrain.15

The Emergence of c Abd al-Qais Tribes 16

Al-Bakri, accounting for the tribal wars, tells of the fighting among the B(ani)
Rabī c ah, in the wake of which the B. Yashkur of Rabī cah assumed leadership having
defeated the Nimr branch of the same tribe. Hostilities among the B. Rabī cah resulted in
the dispersion of its members. Lukayz and Shann ibn Afsa of c Abd al-Qais and their
followers settled in al-Bahrain and Hajar which was then populated by lyād and al-Azd. 17
Having forced lyād to evacuate al-Bahrain, B. c Abd al-Qais, the new masters, became the
dominant tribe in the region. Thus, Jadhīmah of c Abd al-Qais, occupied al-Khatt. 18
Shann ibn Afsa of c Abd al-Qais settled on the outskirts of al-Khatt and the region border-
17 Part 1

ing al- c l r a q . Nukrah ibn Lukayz of c A b d al-Qais occupied al-Qatif and its surroundings.
c
Ā m i r ibn al-Hārith of c A b d al-Qais and their allies settled in al-Jawf, al- c U y ū n , and
al-Ahsā? and B. Zākiah of c Abd al-Qais established kinship ties with the indigenous
population of Hajar. 19
Accounting for c Abd al-Qais, al-Qalqashandi, writing in the fifteenth century A.D.
observes: 'The homelands of c Abd al-Qais were in Tihāmah; when they came to al-Bahrain
it was peopled by Bakr ibn Wā?il, and Tamīm whose homelands these, i.e., c Abd al-Qais
occupied. They are the B. c Abd al-Qais ibn Afsa ibn Du c m i y y ibn Jadīlah." 2 0
Kahhāla, quoting various medieval Arab sources, renders this account of c Abd al-
Qais: "they supported c A l i ibn Abi Tālib in the events of 36 A . H . " 2 1
The illustration below, compiled from medieval Arab sources, is an attempt to
reconstruct the genealogy of the B. c Abd al-Qais tribes of Eastern Arabia and the island
of ?Awāl:
Asad
|
Jadīlah
|
Du cmiyy
|
Afsa
c
Abd al-Qais Hinb
I
Afsa Qāsit

Shann Lukayz

Wadī c ah Subāh Nukrāh

c
Amr Ghanm Duhn

c
Anmār lil ad-Dīl Muhārib

Mālik Tha c labah c

Ā?idah Sa c ad c
Awf al-Hārith

Bakr Tha c labah c

Āmir

c
Awf

Jadhīmah

Notes:
A descendant of Jadhīmah ibn c A w f is Abū Ghiyāth (known as al-lārūd) ibn Hanash
ibn al-Mu c alla ibn Zayd ibn Hārithah ibn Mu c āwiyah ibn Tha c labah ibn Jadhīmah ibn
c
A w f ibn Anmār ibn c Amr ibn Wadīcah ibn Lukayz ibn Afsa ibn c A b d al-Qais. He was an
eminent Moslem, favoured by the Prophet, and the Caliphs Abu Bakr and c Umar. His
descendants in al-Basrah are respectable and eminent people. Al-Mundhir, son of al-Jārūd,
was the wāit (Governor) of Istakhr (in Persia) during the caliphate of c A l i ibn Abi Tālib
( 3 5 - 4 0 A . H . i.e., 6 5 6 - 6 6 1 A.D.) (see Ibn Hazm (384-456 A.H.), Jamharat Ànsāb
al-cArab: 296).
18 Part 1

The Descendants of c l i l ibn c Amr ibn Wadī c ah ibn Lukayz

c
Ijl

Dhuhl Dhāhil
I
Zālim
I
Hudād

Layth Tha c labah

Notes:
The brief notes given below are concerned with c Abd al-Qais personalities particul­
arly those who supported c A l i ibn Abi Tälib.
From B. Layth ibn Hudād descended c Abdalla ibn Raqabah uncle of Masqalah ibn
Karib ibn Raqabah ibn Layth, who was the flag bearer and fought on c Ali's side in the
battle of al-Jamal, in which he was killed. Also, from the B. Layth came Sayhän,Sa sa c ah,
and Zayd, sons of Sōhān ibn Hujr ibn al-Hārith ibn al-Hijris ibn Sabrah ibn al-Hidrijān ibn
c
Isās (see Ibn Hazz, jamharah: 297).
Lorimer in his Gazetteer, under Bahrain Island, p. 213, mentions: 2 2

"Rās Hayyān,5 miles east of Jabal ad-Dukhkhan, carries an old and prominent
building, said to have been erected as a memorial or as a tomb; this promon­
tory is also known as Rās Sa csa c ah [i.e, Sa csa c ah ibn Sōhān ibn Hujr, a
follower and supporter of c A l i ibn Abi T ā l i b ] . "

The Descendants of Shann ibn Afsa of Abd al-Qais

Shann ibn Afsa

c
Hazīz Adiyy ad-Dīl

Notes:
Hazīz ibn Shann introduced the famous spears of al-Khatt. c A m r ibn al-Ju c ayd
ibn Sabrah ibn ad-Dīl ibn Shann ibn Afsa ibn c Abd al-Qais, was the one who ordered
c
Abd al-Qais to proceed from Tihāmah to al-Bahrain. Also, known as al-Afkal, his
son al-Muthanna ibn Mukharribah was c Ali's follower and supporter (see jamharah:
299).

The Descendants of Hinb ibn Afsa ibn Du c miyy

Hinb
|
Qāsit

Mu c āwiyah c
Āmir Wä?il an-Nimr
 19 Part 1

Notes:
c
Āmir ibn Qāsit was also known as Ghofaylah. The descendants of Wä?il and
an-Nimr were massacred by the Carmathians after 300 A . H . Other members of the
same branch were absorbed by Arab tribes (see Jamharah: 300).

The Descendants of an-Nimr ibn Qāsit ibn Hinb ibn Afsa ibn Du c miyy ibn Jadīlah

an-Nimr

c
Taym Allāh Aws Manāt A b d Manāt Qāsit
al-Khazraj
Sacd
c |
Āmirad-Dahyān
Notes:
From an-Nimr branch descended Suhayb ibn Sinān ibn Mālik ibn c Abd c A m r
ibn c Aqīl ibn c Āmir ibn Jandalah ibn Jadhīmah ibn Ka c b ibn Sa c d ibn Aslam ibn
Aws Manāt ibn an-Nimr ibn Qāsit, a favourite of the Prophet. Sinān ibn Mālik,
father of Suhayb, ruled over Abullah,on behalf of Kisra (see Jahmhara: 300).
From c Āmir ad-Dāhyän descended c Uqbah ibn Qais ibn al-Bishr ibn Hilāl ibn
al-Bishr ibn Qais ibn Zuhayr ibn c (Jqbah ibn Josham ibn Hilāl ibn Rabī c ah ibn
Zayd Manāt ibn c Āmir ad-Dahyān, leader of the apostate group of the B. Nimr,
who was put to death by Khālid ibn al-Walīd in the battle of c A y n at-Tamr (see
Jamharah: 301).
Also from c Āmir ad-Dahyān descended Nutaylah bint Janāb ibn Kolayb ibn
Mālik ibn c Amr ibn Zayd Manāt ibn c Āmir ad-Dahyān, mother of al- c Abbās ibn
c
Abd al-Muttalib (see [Jamharah: 301 ).
Two ancient verses, composed by different Arab poets, tell of the dominance of
two Arab tribes over the region of al-Bahrain at different times. The first, 2 3 composed by
Āl-As c a d , tells of some of the earlier settlers who left the Yemen after the burst of
Ma?rib dam. It states clearly that al-Bahrain was at one time held by al-Azd tribes. The
other verse, by al-Akhnas ibn Shihāb al-Taghlibi confirms the dominance of Lukayz ibn
Afsa of c Abd al-Qais. over the whole region. 2 4
(1) Āl-As c a d :
(2) al-Taghlibi
It should be noted, however, that the dominance of Lukayz of c Abd al-Qais over the
region of al-Bahrain is attested by a number of Medieval Arab sources.

On the Early Inhabitants of the Island of ?Awāl

The island of ?Awāl, as it was known in pre-lslamic times, was part of the larger
region called al-Bahrain. Therefore, any account of that region in old Arab sources is
taken to embrace both the island and the region facing it.
Due to the abundance of sweet water and date plantations, the island must have
been, from earliest times, a haven for Arab tribes of the mainland who sought refuge in it
at one time or another. As stated in the foregoing pages, the lyād and al-Azd tribes, seem
to be among the earliest settlers in the region. After them the B. c A b d al-Qais of Rabī c a h ,
viz. Lukayz ibn Afsa, ruled the region including the island of ?Awāl.
Al-Mas c ūdi, writing around the tenth century A.D., gives this account of the
inhabitants of ?Awāl island. 25 Accounting for Bahr Fāris, i.e., the Persian Gulf, he writes:
20 Part 1

". . . another island is called the isle of ?Awāl; there live the B. Ma c n, B. Mismār, and a
great number of other Arabs."
Who are the B. Ma c n and B. Mismār? Al-Tabari informs us that the B. Ma c n are
members of the al-Azd tribes who are also known as Bāhilah. He quotes Sharīk ibn c Ali
Qīlah al-Ma c ni as saying26 "that c Umar ibn Muslim of Taghlib ibn Wā?il, addressing the
gathering of the B. Ma c n , used to say: "If we are not from the same stock as you are,
then we are not Arabs."
It is noteworthy that the majority of the inhabitants of c Umān are of the Azd
tribes, who are Qahtānites. They are called Azd of c Umān to distinguish them from the
Azd of Shanü?a, Azd of as-Sarāt, and Azd of Ghassān.
Based on the preceding information we come to the conclusion that the B. Ma c n of
?Awāl were most probably descendants of the Azd of c Umān rather than the rest of its
branches.
Al-Nuwayri 27 accounting for B. Ma c n says: "Ma c n and Buhtar are two sons of
c
Utūd. Every Ma c ni and Buhtari is a descendant of either of these two. Thuwab,Wudd
and Malik are descendants of Ma c n bin c Utūd. Ghanm and Abu Hārithah are sons of
Thuwab ibn M a c n . "
The following tree diagram illustrates the above point:

c
Utūd

Buhtar Ma c n

Malik Wudd Thuwab

Abu Hārithah Ghanm

The other inhabitants of ?Awāl, mentioned by al-Mascūdi, are the B. Mismār. Ac­
counting for the Carmathians in the region of al-Bahrain, he says that the B. Mismār of
c
Abd al-Qais were the influential inhabitants of al-Qatīf and that Abu Sa c īd al-Jannābi,
the Carmathian chief, could subdue the cities of al-Bahrain only after killing Abū Zakar-
iyya al-Bahrāni,28 and that al-Qatīf surrendered only when c Ali ibn Mismār of c Abd
al-Qais and his brothers were killed by al-Jannābi.29 Al-Hamdāni observes that the B.
Jadhīmah of c Abd al-Qais were among the influential inhabitants of al-Qatīf and that ibn
Mismār was their chief. 30
From the above account the following facts emerge:
(1 ) That the B. Ma c n of ?Awāl island were descendants of the Azd of c Umān.
(2) That the B. Mismār of ?Awāl island had kinship ties with the B. Mismār of al-Qatīf,
both of which are descended from Jadhīmah branch of c Abd al-Qais. The tree diagram,
below, based on genealogical information such as found in Arab sources, shows where
c
Abd al-Qais and cAnazah tribes meet:
21 Part 1

c
Adnān
|
Mu cadd

Nazār

c
Anmār Rabī ah Mudar Qudā a lyād

Asad Kalb

c
Anazah Jadīlah

Wâ?il Du c miyy

Taghlib Bakr Afsa

c
Abd al-Qais Hinb

Afsa
(The above tree diagram
is shortened for convenience) Shann Lukayz

Notes:
(1) For B. c Abd al-Qais see illustration pp. 1 7 - 1 9 above. Other subdivisions of
c
Abd al-Qais mentioned by al-Hamdāni, al-Bakri, or Yāqūt as occupants of a place or area
are: B. Muhārib, B. Salīm, B. c Āmir and their descendants: B. Khālid, al- c Amāyir, and
finally, B. Jadhīmah.
(2) Note above that bani c Abd al-Qais meet with cAnazah in Asad from Rabī c ah.
The following list extracted from al-Hamdāni and Yāqūt, exhibits the names of the
tribes which inhabited the towns and villages of the peninsular part of the ancient region
from pre-lslamic times.
Hajar31 meaning "village" in the language of Himyar was inhabited by bani Muhārib
c
of Abd al-Qais. It was also a pre-lslamic market place, named after Hajar bint Miknaf, a
descendant of al-cAmālīq, after whose husband, Muhallam ibn c Abdalla, the river of
Muhallam was named. 32 Hajar, Yāqūt .adds, was also employed to embrace Bahrain
proper.

AI- c Uqair was the homeland of Muhārib of c Abd al-Qais.

Al-Ahsā?, built and fortified by Abū Tāhir al-Jannābi, was the homeland of bani
Tamīm.
Al-Khatt, the coastal town of the region, famous for its spears, was peopled by
Jadhīmah of c Abd al-Qais.
Qatar, famous for its camels and wine, was part of the region. 33
Juwātha, Yāqūt says, was the stronghold of c Abd al-Qais. After the death of
al-Mundhir ibn Sāwa, whose death occurred shortly after that of the Prophet, B. Rabī cah
apostasized. It was in Juwātha that the Muslim defenders were beseiged and set free only
when the Caliph Abu Bakr sent reinforcements under the command of al- cAlā? al-
22 Part 1

Hadrami in the twelfth year of the Hijra. It is also stated that the first mosque to be built
outside al-Madīnah was in Juwātha, and so was the first Friday prayer performed outside
al-Madīnah; 34 and that the inhabitants of the region accepted Islam voluntarily and not
forcibly. 3 5
In their account of the region of al-Bahrain, medieval Arab sources provide us with
important information regarding the island of ?Awāl, part of the old region. A brief ac­
count of the earlier settlements and the tribes that inhabited them will be rendered here
for the relevance such information may have to the tribal structure of the people in the
area under question.
We will begin with Sīf al-Bahrain, i.e., harbour of al-Bahrain, a term employed to
embrace both the harbour of ?Awāl as well as the eastern coastal line of the peninsular
region facing it. In a specific reference to Sīf-?Awāl, Yāqūt tells us that this place was
frequented by ships from India.
To Arab geographers, the contemporary island of Muharraq 3 6 was, in earlier times,
known as Samāhij. On the origins of the name Samahīj, al-Bakri quoting others says:
"Samāhīj is from Persian se (three) and māhi (fish) and hence, 'the three f i s h ' . " 3 7 The
sound change final i < y of the Persian form māhi pronounced locally -j is a phonetic
feature known as cajcajaht and ascribed to Qudā c ah tribes as in the word Tamīmi (a
person belonging to bani Tamīm tribes) realized Tamīmij. 3 8
Writing about Samāhīj, which has survived in the name of a village on contemporary
Muharraq island, al-Bakri informs us that this place was peopled by c Abd al-Qais tribes. 3 9
Yāqūt also mentions an island by the name of Sāmahīj situated between c Umān and al-
Bahrain, a reference to the present island of Muharraq. 4 0
Arad, we are told, is an island situated to the north-east of Bahrain island. 4 1 It is
stated that this place was the homeland of the c Amāliqa who later came to be known as
the Phoenicians. 42 However, Aryan's Aradus, corresponding to the above name, has since
then survived as c A r ā d , a village in contemporary island of Muharraq. 43
Al-Dār: Yāqūt quoting ibn Durayd in al-Malāhin says "Dār is a popular place in
al-Bahrain." 4 4 Today al-Dār has survived as c Ēn Dār, a small village to the south-west of
Jid Hafs. It has come to be known as c Ēn Dār after the natural pool there.
Al-Qulay c a, diminutive form of Arabic qalca (fort) is also mentioned by Yāqūt
being a place in Bahrain peopled by c Abd al-Qais tribes. 4 5 Al-Tājir in his aforesaid book
provides us with this information about the place: 4 6 "Opposite to the village of al-Hlūrah,
north-east of ?Awāl island, there is an old construction amidst the sea known as al-Qulay c a
which serves as a sign-post for passing ships."
AI-Hūrah: Yāqūt quoting al-Samcāni renders this account of Huwārīn, correspond­
ing to the present town of al-Hūrah: ". . . a village in Bahrain reduced by Ziyād Huwāarin,
said to be Ziyād ibn c Umar ibn al-Mundhir ibn c Asar, brother of Khilās ibn c Umār, Ziyad
was a theologian and a supporter of c A l i ibn Abi T ā l i b . " 4 7
Lāfith, Yāqūt writes, is an island in the sea of c Umān between c Umān and Hajar. It
is also known as the island of bani Kāwān which was reduced by c Uthmān ibn Abi al- c Ās
al-Thaqafi during the caliphate of c Umar ibn al-Khattāb. From this island he marched to
Persia and conquered certain regions there. In this island there is a famous mosque in
commemoration of c Uthmān ibn Abi al- c Ās.This island was one of the most flourishing
of the islands; it has villages, natural pools, and buildings. 48
This island, al-Tājir writes, is also known as ?Ukul and Lāfith. Among its villages
today is the one called Kāflan, which is mentioned by Ibn Hajar as Kāwān, the same as
the one quoted by Yāqūt above. 49
However, Yāqūt's account of the island of Lāfith or banī Kāwān, corresponds
closely to the island of Nabīh Sālih in present-day Bahrain. Its inhabitants are exclusively
23 Part 1

Bahārnah; the main natural pool known locally as as-Saffāhiyya, the date plantations and
the mosque, mentioned by Yāqūt, have all survived ever since, and Kāflān is among one
of its villages today.
Al-Jufayr: Yāqūt mentions al-Jufayr, diminutive form of al-jafr (well) being a village
in Bahrain peopled by bani c Āmir ibn c Abd al-Qais.50 This place has survived ever since
and grown into an important town in contemporary Bahrain. Accordingly, the present
Bahārnah Arabs of Jufayr are descendants of c Abd al-Qais tribes.
Al-Sihlah, meaning "plain, low-land", is mentioned by ibn al-Faqīh as being one of
the twenty-two villages of Bahrain which he lists in Kitāb al-Buldān.51 The inhabitants of
these villages, he adds, including Al-Sihlah, are bani Muhārib ibn Wadī c ah of c Abd al-Qais.
This place has survived to this very day and is entirely inhabited by the Bahārnah. Yāqūt
also mentions the same place as being one of the villages in Bahrain. 52
Jaww, a village situated on the eastern coast of contemporary Bahrain, is mentioned
by Yāqūt being as place on the coast of al-Babrain.53
Yāqūt also mentions Tarm, which he says was the old city of ?Awāl island in al-
Bahrain. 54 Perhaps this was the case before it was known as Manāmah. However, the
present name Manāmah was first mentioned around the year 730 A.H., i.e., 1330 A.D.
(app.) when Turān Shah of Hurmuz visited the island. It had been annexed by his prede­
cessor Tahamtam the second of Hurmuz. 55
Two similar place names found in eastern Arabia and the island of Bahrain ought to
be mentioned here. These names are perhaps relatively recent because no account of them
is given by Arab geographers. They are Sūq al-Khamīs: market, until recently held every
Thursday in the village of al-Khamīs in contemporary Bahrain. Here, villagers used to sell
their local crafts. Such a market, bearing the same name, is also found in al-Hufūf (al-
Ahsā?).56 Al-Budayyi c : once a Bahārnah coastal village-town on the north-western tip of
the island of Bahrain, occupied around 1845 by the Dawāsir tribes of mainland Arabia, is
also found in the northern part of al-Qatīf, near the island of al-Muslimiyya.57
From the preceding accounts of the area and its early inhabitants one can safely
conclude that the occupants were of predominantly Arab origin.

Diverse Arab Elements in Contemporary Bahrain

On the following pages we will attempt a reconstruction of the major elements in
the present Arab population of Bahrain, based on the data obtained from Arab sources,
old and new. This will be followed by a similarly succinct account of the origins of the
Bahārnah Arabs of Bahrain, the subject of this study.

Āl-Khalīfah, the Ruling House of Bahrain

From cAnazah descended some of the most influential ruling families of the area,
such as Āl-Sucūd, Āl-Subāh, Āl-Khalifah. Āl-Khalīfah, whose original homelands were
al-Aflīj in Najd, are the descendants of bani c Utbah, an offshoot of Jumailah tribe which
is a sub-division of c Anazah. 58
The Āl-Rumayhi of Bahrain are descendants of Tha c l ibn Sunbus.59 Al-Qalqashandi
renders this account of them: 6 0 "Banu Rumayh is an offshoot of al-Khazā cilah from
Sunbus."
The Āl-Jalāhimah of Bahrain, the present residents of Hālat Abu Māhiron Muharraq
island, are descendants of bani c Utbah. 6 1
The Āl-Jasās and Āl-Marīs of Muharraq island are descendants of Āl-Mughīrah.62
The present inhabitants of al-Hidd on Muharraq island are ĀAl-Sādah and Āl-Bin
c
Ali.63
About 1845 the Dawasir tribes came to Bahrain and established themselves mainly
24 Part 1

in Zallāq and Budayyi c . 6 4 |bn Shihāb al-Maqarri, in his Kitāb al-Ta Cārīf) traces them
back to a sub-division of al-Azd tribes, i.e, Qahtānite Arabs of the Yemen. In Nihāyat
al-Arab fi Ma crifat Ansāb al- cArab, they are said to be sons of al-Azāyid (plural of Azd)
from bani Wadā c ah ibn c Umar ibn c Ā m i r , king of al-Sadd. Their homes were in c Umān,
the region of al-Bahrain, Iraq, and Najd. Their country was al-Wādi and al-Aflāj. They
were nomads and settled.
Wahba, who was writing in the thirties, has this to say about Budayyi c : "Its
population is eight thousand, mostly Dawāsir tribes. A dispute between them and the
Government of Bahrain led to their departure from Bahrain to Dammām in late 1922.
However, after two years' time, and in the wake of conciliatory steps taken by the
Government of Bahrain, some of them came back." 6 5
Writing about the places and people of Bahrain, Wahba adds: 6 6

c
"The inhabitants of Askar are Āl-Bu c Aynayn.
c
The inhabitants of Arād are Bahārnah.
The inhabitants of ad-Deer are also Bahārnah.
The inhabitants of al-Rafā c al-Gharbi are bani c Utbah.
The inhabitants of Galāli are al-Manāni c a h . "

The Early Inhabitants of the Island of ?Awāl (a recapitulation) 67

As stated by al-Mas c ūdi in Murūj adh-Dhahab, they are the bani Mismār of c Abd al-
al-Qais, and the bani Ma c n , and some other Arab tribes.
As regards the bani Ma c n , the only reference to these which we know of, and
which comes from a local source, is the mention by al-Tājir of the existence in the past of
a village near c Ā l i known as c Ā l i Ma c n , the homeland of Shaikh Muhammad bin c Abd al-
al-SaIām al-Ma c n i . 6 8
Al-Sihlah was peopled by bani Muhārib ibn Wadī c ah of c Abd al-Qais.
Al-Jufayr was peopled by bani c Ā m i r ibn c Abd al-Qais.

The Early Inhabitants of Samāhīj (i.e., present Muharraq)

As stated earlier, the island of Muharraq was known as Samāhīj, which has survived
ever since in the name of a village on the same island. Al-Bakri mentions c Abd al-Qais
being the inhabitants of Samāhīj. The present Bahārnah community on Muharraq island,
though sparse, comprises the descendants of those tribes. They are date planters, fisher­
men, and sail makers, though sail making is dwindling now. They are found in these vil­
lages: ad-Deer, al-Janameh, Rayyah, Samāhīj, al-Hillah, Galāli, c Arād.

The Inhabitants of Bani Jamrah Village

As the name of the village implies, and as far as local tradition is concerned, these
are the descendants of an extinct Arab tribe called Jamrah or Jamarāt al- c A r a b . 6 9
Kahhāla gives this account of al-Jamarāt: 70 "Al-Jamarāt, it is said, is an offshoot of
Lakhm of Qahtanite Arabs. They comprise, banu Dabba, banu ?Udd, banu al-Harith ibn
Ka c b , banu Numayr ibn c A m i r . " Al-Mubarrad on the ancestry of the same tribe writes:
" I t is said that Jamarat al- c Arab are banu Numayr ibn c A m i r ibn Sac sa c a h , and banu
al-Harith ibn Ka c b ibn c Ulah ibn Jald, and banu Dabba ibn ?Udd ibn Tābikha, and banu
c
Abs ibn Baghīd ibn Rayth ibn Ghatafān." 7 1
Finally, I would like to call attention to a place name, viz. Sitār al-Bahrain, which
means "veil, screen, protection, shelter, etc.". Yāqūt, accounting for this place, informs
us that it comprised well over one hundred villages inhabited by bani Imra? il-Qays ibn
Zayd Manāt and Ifnā? Sa c ad ibn Zayd Manāt, both of which are Tamīmi tribes. 7 2
25 Part 1

In another account, al-Hamdāni observes that Sitār al-Bahrain is a place of gathering

or call for the bani Tamīm o f the mainland. 7 3
The above place name should not be confused with the island of Sitrah,one of the
islands in contemporary Bahrain, nor with al-Sitār al-Aghbar, and al-Sitār al-Jābiri, both
of which are three nights from al-Ahsā?, on the mainland of peninsular Arabia. 7 4

1783 and After

A document dated 7 October 1873 (Bushire) and signed by the local munshi, Abu
al-Qāsim ibn c Abbās, probably an official of the East India Company, renders this ac­
count of the leading Bahārnah families at the time the document was written. It reads:
"They are the Sādat [i.e., notables], Āl- c Umrān, Āl-Mājid, Al- c Abd al-Ra?üf . . . , each
family is in possession of its lands; they are date-planters of the Shī c i sect." 7 5 This early
nineteenth century document, accounting for the c U t ū b , i.e., the ruling house of Bahrain,
and their allies provides this specific information:

Names of Sect Habitation Estimated Remarks

families number

Āl-Bin c A l i Sunnee Is. of 600 Divided into three sections,

Muharraq Ahl bin Lahdān, Ahl bin
Bishboogh. Divers. Headman,
Sultān ibn Selāmah.
El-Sādeh " » 200 Divers
El-Menāne eh " c
" 350 Divers
El-Na caaem " » 100 Divers
El-Salālah " " 150 Divers
Bu Falāsah " " 170 Divers
El-Mudhāhekeh " " 200 Divers
El-Lee cānanah " " 100 Ship owners and traders
El-Mu c āwideh " " 150 Ship owners and traders
Āl-Bu-Kawwārah " » 50 of Persian origin 7 6
El-Jalāhemeh " " 80 Sailors and ship owners
EI-Hooleh(Huwalah)" Manāma and 2000 From Persian coast, divided
Muharraq into Kashkanāra, ĀI-
Gābendee. A sheikh of this
tribe held Bahrain in time of
Nādir Shāh.
Āl-Simāheejee Shīcah Manāma and 300 Fishermen and divers
Muharraq
El-Hayaaycheh " " 80 Sail-makers
Āl-boo Romeyh Sunnee Jaw 300 Divers
Āl-boo c Ainein " c
Askar 250 Divers
El-Dawāsir " Western side of 300 Divers
Manāma
26 Part 1

El-Dhawāwdeh " near 100 Divers

Portuguese
fort
EI- c Amāier " Zallāq 100 Divers
El-Husaynat " Hoorah 80 Divers
El-Hamādeh Shīcah Rās Rummān 220 Divers

The document ends with this remark: 'The residue of the inhabitants are called el-
Bahārneh (i.e. people of Bahrain). The above are nearly all modern family names and
some are sub-branches of the al- c Utūb."
Finally, Lorimer writing in the opening years of the twentieth century, gives this
account of the leading Bahārnah families: 77

c
Anābirah Āl-Mājid
c
Asāfirah (Al- cAsfūr) Āl-Muslim
c
Asakirah Āl-Rafyah
Ghabārah Āl-Rahmah
Hadādīd Āl-Bin Suwār

Further to the above, Lorimer adds, "besides numerous families of Saiyids who are now
recognised as Bahārinah."78
27 Part 1

Section (B)
Notes on the geography of
the islands of Bahrain

Bahrain, which was declared independent on 14 August 1971, consists of an archi­

pelago of several small islands, the largest of which is called the Bahrain island. It com­
prises: Manāmah, 79 the principal town and hence the centre for governmental activities;
c
Awāli, the oil capital of Bahrain and the residence, chiefly, for all European employees
of the Bahrain Petroleum Company.
The islands of Bahrain, which have a total area of 255 square miles, 8 0 are only
fifteen miles from the eastern coast of Saudi Arabia. The main island is about 30 miles in
length and twelve in breadth. 8 1
Along the northern shore there is a green belt of date plantations stretching, almost
uninterrupted, from Manāmah to Bārbār, then from c Ā l i to Buri, and from Damistān to
Dār Chulaib.
The other two islands, significant in terms of magnitude and economic activity are
Muharraq and Sitrah. 8 2
Muharraq, 83 the second largest island of the archipelago, is the site of Bahrain's
international airport. Sitrah, the third most significant of the islands has a large jetty
where tankers obtain their load of refined o i l .
Rainfall is confined to the winter months, that is December to March. Drinking
water is obtained from fresh-water springs, artesian wells, and fairly recently a desalina­
tion plant. This last development was brought about by the increase of alkali in natural
sources, and also by the higher consumption of water. The abundance, however, o f fresh­
water springs, both offshore and on the mainland led to the existence, since earlier times,
of a settled population, and hence the emergence, in the past, of a local civilization. It is
believed that these springs receive their supply of water from the highlands of Najd which
is the nearest locality with adequate rainfall. 8 4 Pearl divers and fishermen, however, are
familiar with the location of these springs. Zwemer, 85 writing in 1899 informs us that
"the natives lower a hollow, weighted bamboo through which the fresh water gushes out
a few inches above sea-level."
During the hot season, i.e., from May to October, the temperature remains intoler­
ably high. A local sea-breeze called al-Bārih, alleviates the overall temperature, especially
on coastal areas. Shamāl, which is a dry, northerly wind, prevails during winter and so
does the kōs, a south-easterly wind.

The Significance of the Islands

Geographical
As early as the sixteenth century, European powers recognized the importance of
28 Part 1

Bahrain to trade routes linking Bombay to Basrah. The strategic position of the islands
can be viewed in relation to the whole Gulf, once described as "one of the highways of
the world, an important link in a chain of communication between East and West." 86

Economic

The old pearling industry

The rich pearl fisheries of Bahrain attracted several local and foreign powers to
occupy the islands. The annual value of the pearls obtained in the first half of the nine­
teenth century is estimated at 1,000,000 to 1,200,000 German crowns, and the number
of boats involved fifteen hundred. 87

The coming of oil and the diversification of resources

Prior to 1932, the year oil was discovered in Bahrain, date plantations and pearl
fishing were the two pillars of economic activity in Bahrain. Besides constituting the
staple food of the islanders and their cattle, the date palm was put to many different uses.
It provided palm leaves and fronds for making barastaj orcish-she (local huts); its trunks
were used as load-bearing lintels for old gypsum-built houses, and the karab (dried branch
stumps) for cooking; and the leaves for basket and mat plaiting.
The Bahrain Petroleum Company Limited (BAPCO), a subsidiary of the Standard
Oil Company of California, commenced operations at the end of 1931 and oil was struck
in May 1932. Production in 1934 averaged 902 barrels a day and in 1971 reached 75,000
barrels a day. 88 In March 1975, complete ownership of BAPCO operations was transferred
to the Government of Bahrain. In the last decade or so, an era of industrialization in line
with the policy of diversification of economic resources has begun. Aluminium Bahrain
(ALBA) was established on 9 August 1968 and production began in May 1971.
A large dry-dock, financed by OAPEC countries, was started in November 1974. 8 9
This and other industrial projects have, however, entailed the import of a large foreign
work force.

Historical Survey of the Islands

Many authorities have identified Dilmun, described in the Sumerian tablet "diluge"
as "the place where the sun rises", "the abode of the blessed", with Bahrain. 90 Others
took it for c Umān, and still a few others took it to be western Iran. However, in view of
recent archaeological findings, some authorities are inclined to equate Dilmun or Tilmun
of the Sumerian and Akkadian inscriptions with Bahrain. 91

The Phoenicians
Certain Arab and European sources have considered the Gulf as the original abode
of the Phoenicians. It was thought, at one time, that the sepulchral tumuli at c Āli were of
Phoenician origin. However, lack of adequate evidence, and in view of recent archaeol­
ogical finds, the above theory seems to have lost the wider currency it once had among
the earlier excavators such as Theodore Bent, Captain Durand, and Prideaux.92

Pre-lslamic and Early Islamic Bahrain

In pre-lslamic times, the region of al-Bahrain formed part of the Persian kingdom.
Local Christians, Magians, Jews, and pagan Arabs peopled the area. There is evidence of
trade between ancient Persia and Bahrain which was ruled by Ardashir in the Sasanian
period (226-241 AD.), and later by Shahpur II (310-379 A.D.). Shahpur, enraged by
Bahraini raids, occupied the island in a bloody foray and it remained part of the Persian
29 Part 1

empire for the next three centuries.93 The chief tribes of pre-lslamic Bahrain were cAbd
al-Qais, Tamīm, and Bakr ibn Wā?il.94 Al-Mundhir ibn Sāwa ibn Zayd Manāt ibn Tamīm
was governor on behalf of the Persians. In the eighth year of al-Hijra, the Prophet Muham­
mad delegated al-cAlā? al-Hadrami, an ally of the banu cAbd Shams, to the region to call
its people to Islam, which they did voluntarily.
On the death of the Prophet and during the caliphate of Abu Bakr, Arab tribes in
the region, under the leadership of al-Hutam ibn Dubay c a apostasized.
At-Tabari,95 accounting for this period, observes that cAbd al-Qais tribes of the
region were persuaded by al-Jāarūd ibn al-Mu calla, to return to Islam which they did, but
Bakr ibn Wā?il tribes remained in their apostasy. An expedition under the command of al-
al- cAlā? al-Hadrami, was sent against the renegades. This Islamic force was joined by
al-Jārūd and his followers from the region. In the ensuing battle al-Hutam was killed and
Islam was re-established.

Bahrain under the Umayyad Dynasty

Mucāwiyah appointed his wāli in Basrah, Ziyād ibn Abīh, also wāli of cUmān and
Bahrain. The island of?Awāl, at this time, was a refuge and a stronghold for cAli's sup­
porters, viz. cAbd al-Qais.96
During the caliphate of cAbd al-Malik, around 72 A.H. Abu Fudayk, a Kharijite,
declared himself independent chief of the island. cAbd al-Malik sent an army against him.
Abu Fudayk was killed and the island was restored to bani Umayyah.

Bahrain under the cAbbasīds

In the year 151 A.H. Abu Ja cfar al-Mansūr sent an army against Sulaymān ibn
Hakīm, then independent chief of the island. In the battle that followed, Sulaymān was
killed and an cAbbasid governor was appointed. Bahrain remained under the cAbbasids
until 249 A.H. which marks the emergence of Sahib az-Zanj (Leader of the Blacks).97

Bahrain under Sahib az-Zanj98

Sahib az-Zanj first appeared in Sāmirra, in Iraq around 249 A.H. Having first esta­
blished himself in al-Ahsā?, he later occupied the island of ?Awāl and ruled it until 270
A.H. when he died. Once again the island was restored to the cAbbasids who continued to
rule the region until the time of the Caliph al-Muktafi, the year that witnessed the rise of
the Carmathians.

The Carmathians in the region of al-Bahrain (899-1060 A.D. app.) 99

The Carmathian doctrine, first preached in al-Kūfah in 278 A.H. by Hamdān al-
Ash c ath, better known as Qirmit, soon spread in the region at the hands of al-Hasan ibn
Bahrām, renowned as Abu Sa cīd al-Jannābi.100
The Carmathian dream of a state materialized around 286 A.H. when al-Ahsa? came
under their rule and shortly afterwards ?Awāl. Under the leadership of al-Jannābi clan,
the Carmathians ruled over the region including the island of ?Awāl from around 286 to
366 A.H.

Abu al-Bahlūl al- cAwwām, independent chief of ?Awāl

When the Carmathian power began to dwindle, al- cAwwām ibn Muhammad ibn
Yūsuf az-Zajjāj declared himself independent chief of the island. At this time the cUyūnis,
Arab tribes of al-Ahsā?, under their leader cAbdalla al- cUyūni, and also Yahya ibn al-
c
Ayyāsh of al-Qatīf, had already risen against the Carmathians. But the Carmathians were
able to send an army against al-cAwwām of ?Awāl. In the battle that ensued, at a place
30 Part 1

called Kaskūs, the Carmathians met with defeat. Their defeat encouraged al- cAyyāsh to
seize power and declare himself chief of al-Qatīf. Shortly afterwards, Yahya ibn al-
c
Ayyāsh sent his son Zakariyya with an army to reduce ?Awāl, which he did. Zakariyya
tried to take al-Ahsā? but the cUyūnis defeated him and this resulted in the occupation of
al-Qatīf, Zakariyya's seat of government. Zakariyya fled to ?Awāl. cAbdalla al-cUyūni
sent his son al-Fadl with an army to reduce ?Awāl. In the battle that followed Zakariyya
was killed and with it the cAyyāsh rule over al-Khatt ended.
The c Uyūni rule over the region, including the island of ?Awāl lasted for about
two hundred years.
Bahrain in the 12th century A.D. and After
In the twelfth century Bahrain is said to have become a tributary of Qais island.
However, al-ldrīsi, the Arab geographer who visited the islands then, described its ruler as
an independent chief, just and pious, and loved by his subjects. A description of Bahrain
in the thirteenth century is given by ibn al-Mujāwir who mentions that the people of
Bahrain Island are Arabs, and that there are three hundred and sixty villages in Bahrain all
of which profess the Shīci faith except one. 1 0 1
About 1320, the Arab rulers of Hormuz conquered Bahrain. Their influence dimin­
ished with the fall of Hormuz to the Portuguese in 1 5 0 6 . 1 0 2
Bahrain under the Portuguese 1521—1602.
The Portuguese occupation lasted from 1521-1602 with some interruptions in
between. A rebellion against them took place in 1522 when the insurgents, acting on
orders from their chief, Shaikh Husain ibn Sacīd, attacked the Portuguese garrison on the
island and had the commander of the garrison hanged on a date palm tree. 1 0 3
About 1718, the islands were occupied, for a short time, by the Arabs of Muscat.
Lorimer writes, of this period, "the inhabitants temporarily forsook the islands and by
this means the cUmāni occupation was brought to an e n d . " 1 0 4
Shortly afterwards, the Huwala Arabs, 1 0 5 under the leadership of Shaikh Jabbāra
of Tāhiri, established themselves on the islands. It was at this time that the East India
Company provided Nadir Shah with ships to attack the Huwala of Bahrain. The expedi­
tion was successful and Bahrain became a dependency of Faris, viz. from 1736, i.e. during
the reign of Nadir Shah to his successor Karīm Khān Zand ( 1 7 5 6 - 1 7 7 9 ) . 1 0 6
From 1753 to 1782, Shaikh Nasr of Bushire and his family governed the islands.
In 1761, Niebuhr visited the islands and has this to say: "In this isle there were
once three hundred and sixty towns and villages. At present it contains, beside the capital
only sixty wretched villages. A long series of wars have ruined the others." 1 0 7

The Arrival of the c Utūb, 1783 and After

Modern history of Bahrain begins with the c Utbi occupation of the islands
in 1 7 8 3 . 1 0 8 This year marks the end of the Bushire-Arab rule over the islands, and the
start of peninsular Arab control. However, the name c Utūb, meaning "roamers or wan­
derers" is indicative of the vast journeys that these tribes had to undergo starting from
their homelands in al-Aflāj, a region in Najd, down to Qatar, and then to Kuwait, and
finally to Zubārah and Bahrain. 1 0 9
As regards the tribal ancestry of the c Utūb, an-Nabhāni informs us that the c Utūb
are an offshoot of c Anazah, the multitudinous tribes of north Arabia. 1 1 0 In 1716,
however, the c Utūb established themselves in the bani Khālid territory, a place later came
to be known as Kuwait. Misunderstanding among themselves, inter alia, led Khalīfah, the
Āl-Khalīfah chief, to move to Zubārah on the Qatari coast facing the island of Bahrain in
1766.
In 1775, the year that also marks the start of the siege of Basrah by the Persians,
direct relations between Kuwait and the British East India Company were established. 111
31 Part 1

Abu Hākimah, accounting for this period observes that East India Company officials were
in favour of consolidating the c U t b i presence in the area, especially in the wake of the
surrender of Basrah in 1776 to the Persians, and the implications of that surrender to
British interests in the Gulf. Goods coming from India, destined for Aleppo, were now
unloaded at Zubārah and Kuwait. Consequently, the appearance of the c Utūb of Kuwait
and Zubarah as new rivals in Gulf trade aroused the jealousy of both the bani Ka c b Arabs
of the Persian littoral and also the Bushire Arabs who were then in possession of Bahrain,
and who until recently had benefited from British-India trade routes.
With the death in 1779 of Karīm Khān, the struggle for power in Persia began.
Moreover, the Wahhābi threat to Zubārah, the seat of the ĀI-Khalīfah rule, was more real
now than any time in the past. Realizing this, in addition to having a foreknowledge of
the Bahārnah rivalries over leadership viz. between the Bahārnah of Bilād al-Qadīm and
Jid Hafs, the c Utūb and their allies from Āl-Muslim and bani Khālid, viz. Qatari tribes,
invaded Bahrain in 1 7 8 3 . 1 1 2
However, from 1800 to 1801, the Imam of Muscat was in possession of Bahrain,
and from 1803 to 1811 Bahrain was under tight Wahh ābi control. To avoid oppression
and persecution many Bahārnah fled the country to safer places such as al-Hijāz,
Muhammarah and Basrah. Lorimer, in this respect, informs us of the Bahārnah immigra­
tion to Lingeh and other parts of the Gulf during the early c Anazi rule and again when
the islands came under Muscati and Wahhābi influence in the early 19th century.
In 1811, the Imām of Mascat agreed to help Āl-Khalīfah regain the islands from the
Wahhābis, provided they remained subservient to him.
In 1816, the Imam with the help of Bushire vessels undertook an armed expedition
against Bahrain. This was repulsed with the help of the Wahhābis.
In the early part of 1820, the rulers o f Bahrain agreed to pay a tribute of 30,000
dollars to the Imam of Muscat. Shortly afterwards and in the same year, Bahrain became
a party to the General Treaty of Peace signed by all Arab chiefs of the Gulf. During the
years 1853, 1861, and 1880, three treaty agreements with Britain were signed. A final
treaty known as the Exclusive Agreement between Great Britain and the Shaikh of Bahrain
was concluded in 1892.
In 1900 a British Political Agency was established in Bahrain. 1917 was a period of
internal unrest. A report by Major Daly, Political Agent (1921-1926), describes the
oppressive conditions to which the Bahārnah were subjected during the autocratic chief-
ship of Shaikh c Īsa ibn c A l i . It runs:
"Forced labour, forced contributions of fowls, eggs, etc. and the commandeering of
boats, animals for transport are of daily occurrence. Commandeering of transport and
forced labour, both known as "Sukhrah" (i.e. Corvee) was originally a privilege of the
ruler. It is now practised by every cadet of the family and by their Satellites,... and is a
great hardship for the inhabitants." 1 1 3
Owing to a number o f incidents tension between the Sunni and the Shī ci com­
munities culminated in early May 1923, in an attack by the Dawāsir tribesmen on the
Bahārnah village of c Ā l i .
As a result, Lieut-Colonel S.G. Knox, who was then officiating as Political Resident,
paid an epoch making visit to the islands. On May 26th., before a gathering of local
notables, Knox announced the forced abdication of Shaikh c Īsa and the accession to the
Chiefship of his eldest son Shaikh Hamad.
Shortly afterwards, ibn Sa c ūd, in a letter to Knox, expressed concern over the
deposition of Shaikh c Īsa and the deportation of his agent c Abdulla al-Qusaibi from
Bahrain. In reply to the above letter and in justification of the strong measures the British
Government had recently adopted in Bahrain, Knox wrote:
32 Part 1

"Shaikh cĪsa's Increasing age had made it impossible for him to exercise that vigilant
supervision over affairs...and owing to this weakness, many (irresponsible) petty tyrants
had been growing up in Bahrain, chiefly irresponsible members of the Ālkhalīfah family
and the Bahārnah were grievously oppressed by them . . . there was no shadow of doubt
that the Bahārnah had valid grievances".114
Reassuring ibn Sacūd of the British intentions viz, the maintenance of Ālkhalifah
supremacy over the islands, Knox added:
"We firmly believe that the steps the British Government has been reluctantly
forced to take will eventually conduce to the stability of the rule of the Ālkhalīfah family,
will prevent foreign interference and preserve the essentially Sunni influence in the
administration of the islands and the progress of all Sunni elements of the popula­
tion."115
Unlike the twenties, the early thirties witnessed a new type of Bahārnah leadership
whose members were not only village headmen, as the case had been in the past, but also
wealthy landowners who were better informed than their predecessors, and therefore
more determined to pursue the Bahārnah demand for equality of treatment with Sunni
Arabs.
Realizing that the Bahārnah constituted the native majority in the population of
Bahrain, 116 the eight leaders, acting on behalf of their fellow Bahārnah, demanded
political rights proportionate to their numbers.
An important event of late 1934 is the submission of what is known in British
documents as The Bahārnah Grievances of 1934.' A series of incidents in the Summer of
1934 motivated the demands embodied in the petition of 30.12. 1934 submitted to
Shaikh Hamad the Ruler. Among other things, miscarriage of justice in recent court cases,
discrimination against the Bahārnah in job opportunities, lack of adequate Bahārnah
representation on various councils were among the main complaints raised in the above
petition.
As the institutions which constituted Shaikh Hamad's administration were created
with British knowledge and support, any call for reform was dommed to fall on deaf ears.
The official response to the Bahārnah demands was characterised by procrastination,
vague promises and half-solutions culminating in the agitations of 1934.
Other than a stern warning from the P.A. to the eight leaders to be held responsible
for the Bahārnah actions, no positive steps were taken to meet their main demand, viz.
proportionate political rights.
Realizing this marked transformation in British policy towards the Bahārnah, by
1938 their leaders joined hands with their Sunni brethren and forwarded a joint demand
for the formation of a Legislative Council. 1 1 7
In February 1942, Shaikh Hamad died. He was succeeded by his son Shaikh Salmān
ibn Hamad Āl-Khalīfah (1942-1961) whose reign is usually described as one of internal
stability and harmony.
In 1950 (1369 A H ) the Zubārah dispute between Qatar and Bahrain was settled. 1 1 8
From 1954 to 1956 Bahrain witnessed a series of outbreaks of labour and student
unrest culminating in demands for popular participation in government and the formation
of trade unions. A committee of National Union (known earlier as the Higher Executive
Committee) consisting of eight members forming the Executive Council was elected on
13 October 1954 in the Bahārnah village of Sanābis. After two stormy years, i.e., from 13
October 1954 to November 1956, three members of the Executive Council were arrested
and convicted of incitement to rebellion. On 28 December 1956 these three were exiled
to St. Helena and with it the Committee ceased to exist. 1 1 9
In 1961, on his father's death, Shaikh c Īsa, the present ruler of Bahrain took over.
33 Part 1

In the years 1969-1970, the British informed all parties concerned with the Gulf of their
decision to withdraw from the area including Bahrain. Consequently, the old Persian
claim to Bahrain was renewed and in the wake of it the future status of Bahrain was
brought to the attention of the United Nations.
From 1 to 18 April 1970, a fact finding mission headed by the U.N. Secretary's
personal emissary was involved in canvassing the public opinion in Bahrain in regard to
the future of the country. The mission found that the overwhelming majority of the
people favoured an independent Arab State, on 14 August 1971, Bahrain was as a result
announced an independent sovereign S t a t e . 1 2 0
On 20 June 1972, law No. 12, concerning the establishment of a Constitutional
Assembly, was made public and in December 1973 the National Assembly was convened.
The following two years witnessed a series of heated sessions.
On 26 August 1975, the National Assembly was officially dissolved. In the wake of
it, constitutional rule, a long-standing public aspiration, has come to an end, giving way to
a new era of relative stability and prosperity.

The Emergence of Shīcism in the Region

The emergence of Shicism in al-Bahrain is often, erroneously, associated with
either the Carmathian movement or the Persian sway in the region. A closer look at the
history of the old region seems to contradict such associations. In fact, the appearance of
Shīcism in the area dates back to around 656—661 A.D., the years that mark c Ali ibn Abi
Tālib's caliphate. First, let us examine the implications of the term Shī cah as described
by Lisān al- cArab which defines it thus: "a group of people, united by one doctrine; or,
the followers of a man, a leader, and the plural form is Shiyac."
The Shī cah regard themselves as followers of c A l i ibn Abī Tālib, and the earliest of
the Shī cah were those who sided with c A l i during the life of the Prophet and immediately
after his death. AI-Muctazilah, al-Murji?ah, and al-Khawārij are different schismatic
groups. 1 2 1
The first Shī cah to support c Ali's right to the caliphate were the bani Hāshim, bani
c
Abd al-Muttalib, al-Zubayr ibn al- c A w w ā m , plus some others from the Muhājirīn and al-
Ansār.122
Shicism in the region dates back to the time of the Prophet when Abān ibn Sa c id
al- c Ās was appointed wāli (governor) of al-Bahrain. He was a staunch follower of c A l i ,
and it was he who preached Shīcism in the region. He supported c Ali's right to the
caliphate of Islam and enjoined the inhabitants to rally behind h i m . 1 2 3 c Abd al-Qais
tribes, we are told, were among the first to support c A l i in the events of 36 A . H . (see
supra, p. 8 top and also p. 13, note 15).
History also tells of other wālis of the region of al-Bahrain who cultivated the same
trend, established by Abān ibn Sa c īd al- c Ās. Among these were c Umar ibn Abī Salma,
who was brought up by the Prophet, and Ma c bad ibn al- c Abbās, both supporters of c A l i .
Misinformed accounts of the Shīcah of al-Bahrain were, more often, wittingly
perpetuated by their rivals. These accounts found their way into a few European sources
who ascribed a Persian origin to the Arabs of Bahrain. Some such accounts went further
to say that when the Carmathians fell into disfavour, their followers from the region
repudiated the old doctrine and embraced the Ja cfari sect of Islām, i.e., the followers of
the twelve Imams last of whom is al-Mahdi al-Muntazar.
History also informs about several uprisings against the Carmathians in the region.
c
A l i ibn Mismār of c Abd al-Qais, together with Abu Zakariyya al-Bahrāni, were among
those who resisted the Carmathians and had to face death at the hands of Abu Sacīd
al-Jannābi, the Carmathian c h i e f . 1 2 4 It was only later when the Carmathian power began
34 Part 1

to dwindle, that the inhabitants were able to deport the Jannābi clan to the island of
?Awāl, then a place for political exiles.
Shaikh Yusūf al-Bahrāni in his al-Kashkūl 125 states that Shīcism was so strong in
the region during the caliphate of c A l i , that Mu c āwiyah could not dismiss the wālis ap­
pointed by c A l i . The Shī cah inhabitants of the region resisted the tyranny of c A b d
al-Malik ibn Marwān, the Umawi ruler, who was responsible for the massacre of many of
their nobilities.
To weaken Shīcism in the area and to force its adherents into relinquishing their
faith, c Abd al-Malik mustered a great force which landed in the village of Dirāz, the
stronghold of the Shīcah of ?Awāl. After bitter fighting his army blocked the main sweet
water spring there, known locally as ?Umm as-Sujūr, with rocks and stones.
However, the Carmathian rule over the region lasted from 286—366 A . H . (app.).
Their excesses, such as the massacre of pilgrims in the Holy Mosque, the removal of the
Black Stone, and the covering o f the House, militated against the movement and hastened
their eventual decline. 1 2 6
Finally, these lines from H.A.R. Gibb are quoted in support of the view that
peninsular Arabia, not Persia, witnessed the birth of Shī c ism: 1 2 7

" I t should be said at once that the still far too prevalent view that Persia was
the original home of Shīcism has no foundation at all, and it is noteworthy
that converts from Zorastrianism adopted in general the Sunni rather than the
Shīcite f a i t h . "

NOTES:

1. The year 1031 A.H. marks the political dissociation of the island of ?Awāl from
al-Ahsā? and al-Qatīf,
dominions. See al-Muslim, Sāhil adh-Dhahab al-Aswad, p. 148.
2. 1783 witnessed the Āl-Khalīfah take-over of the islands, hence historians are often
inclined to consider this year the start of the recent history of Bahrain.
3. El, vol. 1, p. 941.
4. Abu Hākimah in History of Eastern Arabia, p. 104, informs us that "both Kuwait
and Zubārah benefited from the conveyance of men and mail through the Persian
Gulf and through the desert route from Mascat to Aleppo."
5. Medieval Arab geographers refer to the sea between Bahrain and the eastern coast
of Arabia as "the green sea" most probably owing to the shallowness of the water
which makes it look green.
6. Subh al A csha, vol. 1, p. 4 1 1 .
7. Sabā?ik, p. 8.
8. Arab geographers tend to write it with an initial damma as well as fatha, i.e., ?Uwāl
or ?A wāl.
9. Sifat al-Jazīrah al- cArabiyyah, p. 130.
10. Mucjam Mastacjam, vol. 1, p. 131. Note that unlike al-Bakri's account above, in
certain Hebrew sources, the ancient capital of Yaman, I am told, is given as Azāl
and not ?Awāl.
11. A. Sprenger's translation of Murūj, Meadows of Gold and Mines of Gems, p. 263.
12. Al-Balādhuri, Futūh al-Buldān, under al-Bahrain.
13. Murūj adh-Dhahab, vol. 2, p. 135.
14. Al-Muslim in Sāhil adh-Dhahab al-Aswad, notes that "al- c Amāliqa were the original
35 Part 1

diggers of the natural water springs that appear on the mainland of the old region
and the island of ?Awāl."
15. Tārīkh al-Rusul wal-Mulūk, vol. 1, pp. 2 1 3 - 2 1 5 .
16. As regards the nisbah i.e. attributive adjective to c A b d al Qais there are three ver­
sions, viz. (a) c Abdiyy ( ) attributed to the first part of the compound
form (b) Qaisiyy ( ) attributed to the second part of the
same (c) c A b qasiyy ( ) attributed to both parts See Nihayāt al-Arab fi
Ma crifatAnsāb al-cArab (Baghdad 1958) p. 3 1 1 .
17. Mucjam Mastacjam, vol. 1, pp. 5 2 - 7 .
18. Famous, in Islamic times, for its spears, said to be made of imported Indian bam­
boo.
19. Famous for its dates, hence the Arab proverb, ka jālib at-tamr ?ilā Hajar, i.e., to
take dates to Hajar, the land of dates!
20. Subh al-A csha, vol. 1, p. 337.
21. Mu cjam Qabā?il al- cArab al-Qadīmah w-al-Jadīdah, vol. 2, p. 727.
22. Hajji Muhammad c A l i al-Tājir, in his cUqūd al-ĀI fi Tārlkh Jazā?ir ?Awāl (unpub­
lished), p. 203, states, 'what is locally known as the tomb of Sa csa c ah Ibn Sohan
al- c A b d i , is not the case. The inscription on the tomb, he adds, reads "Shamsiddīn
ibn Sacsacah ibn Shamsiddīn ibn Sacsacah ibn Sōhān al- c Abdi, a grandson of
Sa csa c ah ibn Sōhān.' '
23. Al-Hamdāni, Sifat, pp. 2 0 4 - 6 .
24. Mucjam Ma stacjam, vo 1. 1, p. 56.
25. Sprenger, Meadows, p. 267.
26. Annals, vol. 7, pp. 3 0 - 3 1 .
27. Nihāyat al-Arab fi Funūn al-Adab, vol. 2, pp. 2 9 9 - 3 0 0 .
28. Note that when referring to an inhabitant of Bahrain, medieval Arab sources in­
variably use the relative adjective Bahrāni, as in Mas c ū d i s account above. In con­
firmation of the same see Tāj al- cArūs, vol. X Book 16 (Kuwait, 1972), pp. 1 2 2 -
24, where the relative adjective Bahrāni appears regularly in the names: Zakariyya
ibn c Atiyyah al-Bahrāni, c A l i ibn Muqarrab ibn Mansūr al-Bahrāni, Dāwūd ibn
Ghassan ibn c Īsa al-Bahrāni, Muwaffaq ad-Din al-Bahrāni.
29. At-Tanbīh w-al-lshrāf, pp. 3 3 9 - 4 0 .
30. Sifat p. 136.
31. Hamdalla al Mustawfī of Qazwīn in his Nuzhat al Qulūb informs us that Hajar was
founded by Ardashīr Bābakān. See Guy Le Strange's translation of the former book
p 135. Also, al Bakri in his Mucjam vol 2 p. 827 gives this account of Hajar: " A
famous city of al Bahrain said to be a borrowing from Persian H a k a r . . . also said
to be named after a lady called Hajar bint Miknaf of the c A m ā l ī q "
32. Jawād c A l i , Tārīkh al- cArab Qabl al-lslām, vol. IV p. 2 1 1 .
33. Al-Bakri, Mucjam, vol. I I . p. 741.
34. A cyan al-Shīcah, vol. 1, p. 517.
35. Ibid.
36. Muharraq literally meaning 'the place of burning ', possibly had a fire-temple of the
Magians or perhaps later a crematory for the Hindus. Although Yāqūt in Mu cjam,
vol. V I I , p. 393, mentions al-Muharriq being an idol of Bakr ibn Wā?il and most of
Rabī c ah in pre-lslamic times, and that in every quarter of Rabī c ah lands there
existed a place of worship dedicated to his two sons, Balkh ibn al-Muharriq and
Ghufaylah c Umar ibn al-Muharriq, yet the pre-lslamic idol should not be confused
with the island of Muharraq which got the name relatively recently and no connec­
tion whatsoever between the two is suggested in any of the reliable Arab sources.
36 Part 1

Also M.B. Sinān in al-Bahrain Durrat al-Khalīj al-cArabi (Baghdad, 1963) p. 31

mentions al-Muharraq being an idol of the c i j l ( ) branch of c A b d al-Qais in
pre-lslamic times.
37. Mu cjam Mastacjam, vol. I I , p. 567.
38. See al-Suyūti, al-Muzhir, vol. I, p. 222. Also, Ibn Manzūr, Lisān, vol. II p. 3 0 1 .
39. Mu cjam Ma sta c jam, vol. I I , p. 567.
40. Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. 5, p. 120.
41. Supplement to Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. 9, p. 208, under Arad.
c
42. Uqūd, p. 248.
43. The change of the glottal ? to c in ?Arād realized cArād is perhaps due to what
Arab grammarians call can canah, a peculiarity ascribed to Tamīmi tribes. Other
examples of this phonetic feature abound in the Baharnah dialect.
44. Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. 4, p. 9.
45. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 157.
c
46. Uqūd, p. 186.
47. Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. 3, p. 357.
48. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 314.
c
49. Uqūd, p. 260. Kāflān is also mentioned by Lorimer (map Gazetteer)
50. Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. 3, p. 117.
51. Kltāb al-Buldān (Leiden, 1885) p. 30.
52. Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. 5, p. 187.
53. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 208.
54. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 383.
55. El, pp. 9 4 1 - 9 4 2 .
56. H Wahba, Jazīrat al- cArab fi al-Qarn al- clshrīn, p. 80.
57. Ibid., p. 85.
58. S.A.R. al-Qutb, Ansāb al- cArab, p. 222.
59. Ibid., p 159.
60. Nihāyat al-Arab, p. 276.
61. F. al-Zayyāni, Mujtama c al-Baljrain, p. 125.
62. S.A. R. al-Qutb, op. cit., p. 162.
63. Wahba, op. cit., p. 113, adds bani Yās to the above.
64. Lorimer, Gazetteer, under Bahrain, p. 883.
65. Wahba, op. cit., p. 109.
66. Ibid., pp. 1 0 9 - 1 1 1 .
67. See Maps II and III (Appendices).
c
68. Uqūd, p. 234. Perhaps it is worth mentioning here that c Ā l i is an old village of
?Awāl island, where a group of the largest sepulchral tumuli, said to be over 80 feet
high, are found.
69. In an interview with Mulla c A t i y y a , a religious Shī ci figure of the same village, I
was told that the Jamārah as. they are locally known are descendants of Jamarāt, an
extinct Arab tribe whose homelands were in the Yemen.
70. Mu cjam Qabā?il al- cArab, vol. 1, p. 203.
71. Al-Mubarrad, al-Kāmil, vol. 2, p. 596.
72. Mu cjam al-Buldān, vol. V p. 34.
73. Sifat, p. 136.
74. Ibn Manzūr, Lisān, vol. IV, p. 345.
75. I.O.R., R/15/1/192. Note that Shaikh Ahmad ibn Muhammad Āl-Mājid al-Bilādi, a
member of Äl-Mājid family, was the leader of the Bahārnah village of Bilād al
Qadīm around 1783
37 Part 1

76. I am told that the AI Bu Kawwārah are Huwalah Arabs.

77 Gazetteer, p 208
78 He fails to mention ĀI Madan of Jid Hafs, Āl-Rajab of Manāmah,and Āl-Nashrah of
Sanābis, who were all involved in religious or political leadership of the Bahārnah
since late eighteenth century.
79. In Arabic Manāmah means 'the place of sleeping '. E. Mackay, in his report on
'Bahrain and Hemamieh ', accounting for the same, writes "Perhaps so called
owing to its proximity to the largest field of Tumuli. It is a common term for a
grave or t o m b . "
80. J.G. Lorimer, Gazetteer of the Persian Gulf (1915), p. 212, gives the total area of
the island as 208 square miles. 18 square miles, he adds, are covered by date planta­
tions.
81. In vol. X X I V of Bombay Selections, p. 104, the width of the main island is stated
"from nine to six miles".
82. The island of Sitrah embraces the following villages: al-Qarya, Mhazza, Sfāla, Marku-
bān, Wadyān, al-Khārjiyya, Ma c āmir, al- c lkur, al-Fārsiyya, al-Hālāt.
83. S.M. Zwemer in Arabia, the Cradle of Islam (1900) mentions Muharraq "the place
of burning" so named, he quotes local Arabs, because the Hindu traders used it for
cremating their dead. E. Mackay is of the same opinion, see "Bahrain and Hema­
mieh", p.1.A.Rayhāni in Around the Coasts of Arabia, p. 266, remarks in a foot-
note, "Muharraq is where the ancient Persians- the Magians-who occupied the is­
land, burned their dead." Rayhāni is perhaps mistaken, Hindus not Magians burn
their dead.
84. JRGS, Appendix (1), vol. L X X I (1928), p. 463. Also in Gibb's translation of Ibn
Battūta's Travels, we are given this note: "There is a story that a camel once fell
into a spring at al-Hasa and was never seen again until it came up in the sea near
Bahrayn." Travels in Asia and Africa (1325-1354), p. 353.
85. Op. cit., p. 99.
86. F.O. Handbook, The Persian Gulf (London, 1920), p. 38. The significance of Bahrain
as a mart, from the earliest times, is attested by this verse from Yāqūt's Mu c jam,
vol. 1, p. 365, in which Tamīm ibn?Ubayy ibn Muqbil says:

87. Col. D. Wilson, JRGS, vol. I l l (1833), p. 283. Further account of the same is given
in JRSA (15 Mar. 1901), it runs: " A t the season of fisheries, some 4,500 boats of
every size and rig may be seen all busily employed They carry from five to fourteen
men each, and the total number of hands engaged is said to be 30,000 . . . the as­
sorted pearls are dispatched to the Indian market, whence a great many go back
again to Arabia and Persia . . . the Gulf banks give no indication of a failing supply."
88. C. Belgrave, Personal Column, pp. 79—83.
89. These figures are obtained from recent official publications.
90. S.N. Kramer, "Dilmun: the Land of the Living," BASOR, No. 96, Dec. 1944, pp.
18—28. See also De Lacy Oleary: Arabia before Muhammad (London-1927) pp.
47-50.
91. G. Bibby, Looking for Dilmun, pp. 45—98.
92. For a full account see G. Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia (1889), p. 53. Also P.
Hitti, Lebanon in History, pp. 67—73.
93. See Memorandum by L. Lockhart, "The History of the Bahrain Islands", I.O.R. 15/
2/484 (E. 113/113/91), 2.3. 1945.
94. Al-Balādhuri, Futūh al-Buldān; or P. Hitti's translation, The Origins of the Islamic
State, ch. X V I I .
 38 Part 1

95. Tārīkh at-Tabari, vol. I l l , pp. 3 0 1 - 3 1 3 .

96. See Shaikh Yūsuf al-Bahrāni's Anīs al-Khātir wa jaiīs al—musāfir, also known as al-
Kashkūl (Bombay, 1291 A.H.).
97. A. Rayhāni, Around the Coasts of Arabia, pp. 2 8 6 - 7 .
98. Hitti observes "the rebellion of the Zanj (Ethiopian) slaves was mounted by negroes
imported from East Africa and employed in the saltpetre mines on the lower
Euphrates. The leader (Sahib al-Zanj) was one c A l i ibn-Muhammad . . . probably of
Arab origin." History of the Arabs, p. 467.
99. At-Jabari, Tārlkh, vol. 10, pp. 2 3 - 7 .
100. Suhail Zakkār, Tārīkh Akhbār a l-Qarāmitah, p. 95.
101. Tārīkh al-Mustabsir, ed. Oscar Löfgren (Leiden 1951), pp. 3 0 0 - 1 .
102. Historical Memorandum on Bahrain (1934), I.O.R. (L/P+S/18) B. 436.
103. C. Belgrave, "The Portuguese in the Bahrain Islands", JRCAS, vol. X X I I , 1935.
104. Gazetteer, p. 79.
105. C. Belgrave, Personal Column, p. 202, gives this account of Huwala Arabs: "Holis
are descended from Arabs who migrated from the Arab coast to Persia many cen­
turies ago and later returned to the Arab side of the Gulf. They are Sunnis of the
Shāfi ci sect whereas the Āl-Khalifah family and the tribal Arabs belong to the
Māliki sect."
106. The History of Bahrain Islands, F.O. Research Dept, I.O.R. 15/2/484.
107. Travels Through Arabia, vol. I I , p. 152 (R. Heron's English translation).
108. The exact year of the c U t b i occupation is disputed. Lorimer, Gazetteer, p. 839, on
the same, writes: "The recent history of Bahrain may be said to date from 1783, in
which year, the Persians, then in possession, were expelled from the islands." J.B.
Kelly, accounting for the same in "The Persian Claim to Bahrain", International
Affairs, vol. X X X I I I , no. 1, Jan. 1957, observes, "Late in 1782 the ĀI-Khalīfah had
raided Bahrain, plundered Manāmah, its principal town, and retired with a great
loot."
109. Abu Hākimah, quoting al-Qinā c i in Safahāt min Tārīkh al-Kuwait, mentions Qays
island, c Abadān, etc., among places they settled briefly prior to moving to Kuwait.
History of Eastern Arabia, pp. 50—1.
110. In his preface to at-Tuhfah an-Nabhāniyyah, he says, "After the fall of Basrah
around 1333 A.H. to the British, he was arrested to be freed in 1334 A.H. on
Shaikh cĪsa's intervention, on his behalf, with the British authorities." He adds,
"the original title of my book was al-Nubdhah al-Latīfah fi l-Hukkām min Āl-
Khalīfah. " In answer to a British demand for an English translation of the book, the
ex-chief of Bahrain Police, Mr. Hasan Siddīq produced a translation of the same.
111. Lorimer, Gazetteer, vol. I, p. 1002.
112. H. Wahba, Jazīrat al- cArab fil-Qarn al- clshrīn, pp. 117—8. For a fuller account of
the Bahārnah conditions around 1782—3, see Y. al-Falaki's Qadiyyat al-Bahrain, pp.
11-5.
113. Confidential report from C.K. Daly to A.P. Trevor-Political Resident-entitted:
Some Examples of Oppression of Bahārnah Subjects by the Ruling Family in
Bahrain, I.O.R. 15/1/327/No. 1/c 3.1.1922.
39 Part 1

114. Confidential letter from S. G. Knox to His Highness Shaikh Sir c Abdul c A z ī z ben
c
Abdul Rahman al-Faisal As-Sacūd-Sultan of Najd and Dependencies. F.O. 371 —
No. 174,15.6.1923.
115. Ibid.
116. In a letter to the Foreign Secretary to the Government of India, T.C. Fowle, Poli­
tical Resident, wrote in March 1935:" There has never been any attempt at a census
of the Bahrain population, but it is believed to be some 120,000 or more. Of this
the Ālkhalīfah number perhaps two hundred . . . According to a rough estimate
Arab Sunnis constitute 20% of the total population and foreigners 20%, the Barjār-
nah 60%. Whatever amount of guesswork there may be in this computation it is
agreed that the Bahārnah number well over half of the total inhabitants." F.O. 371.
No. C/43-18.3. 1935.
117. Letter from H. Weightman. P.A. to T.C. Fowls Political Resident. I.O.R. 15/2/176.
No. C/666 1.b/5 27.10. 1938.
118. C. Belgrave, in his annual report writes, " A n important event in the history of
Bahrain was the settlement of the long standing quarrel between Bahrain and
Qatar which for the last 14 years has caused bitter feelings between the ruling
houses of Bahrain and Qatar as well as between the people of these two neighbour­
ing States. The situation of Zubārah on the Qatar coast opposite Babrain, the ances­
tral home of the Khalīfah family from the time when they migrated from Kuwait
until they conquered Bahrain, has now reverted to the status quo which existed
before the quarrel." Government of Bahrain—Annual Report Rabīc al-Awwal 1369
A.H. (Jan. 7950).
119. E.A. Nakhleh, Bahrain (1976).
120. A. Zayyāni, Bahrain 1783-1973 (Beirut, 1973), pp. 176-177.
121. A cyān ash-Shīca h, vol. 1, p. 14.
122. Ibid.
123. Ibid.
124. Al-Mas c ūdi, at-Tanbīh w-al-lshrāf, pp. 3 3 9 - 3 4 0 .
125. Otherwise known as Anīs al-Khātir wa Jalīs al-Musāfir (Bombay, 1291 A.H.).
126. H.F. Amedroz and D.S. Margoliouth's translation of Ibn Maskawaih's The
Experiences of the Nations, vol. 1, p. 226.
127. Islām, p. 83.
Part II
The phonology of the Bahārnah dialect

In this part of the present study we intend to investigate the phonological features
of the Bahārnah dialect, abbreviated as B. The investigation will involve both divisions,
i.e., rural and urban B. It should be noted however that among the latter division there
are members who have established themselves in Manāmah, the capital, and those who are
still dwelling in their village of origin.
Before we present any systematic analysis of the phonology of B, here is a summary
of the characteristic phonological features of B.

The Hamza
The occurrence of a lax, initial and medial hamza, but not of a final hamza, is a
feature of B. The conditions affecting such an occurrence are discussed under the ap­
propriate section.
velar ! : an allophonic variant of otherwise alveolar ! is found in certain emphatic
environments in B. However, a velar!such as occurs in the vicinity of certain
gutturals in the c Anazi dialect, abbreviated as A, is not noted for B.
t > t: As in many dialects certain speakers tend to realize non-emphatic t as t in the
neighbourhood of the guttural c in cardinal numbers from thirteen to nine­
teen.
s > s: In the neighbourhood of the guttural x and the emphatic t , non-emphatic s
of certain Arabic forms is realized s, as in ?asmax (deaf).

Partial preservation of Arabic inter-dental fricatives

Arabic t, d, and z are only partially preserved in B. Their occurrence is restricted to
certain classical and koine forms such as names of Arabic months, Koranic (Qur?anic)
citations, etc. However, t, d, and z have a higher frequency of occurrence in educated
speech.
t > f: Arabic t has the free variant f in B.

Palatalization of j: In rural forms of B j, with some speakers, may be realized y in the

vicinity of front and back, short and long vowels.
j > g: In certain areas of rural B,j is realized g as in: gafiir (basket).

Partial preservation of q: Arabic q remains stable in certain classical and koine forms
circulating in B.

40
41 Part 2

Realization of q as k: In rural forms of B q, with some speakers, is realized as k.

-5 as a feminine marker: In B, -š corresponding to Arabic 2 f.s. suffix -k, has the gram­
matical function of a feminine marker.

Affricate c: Affrication of k to č occurs regularly in B, but not of g to j.

Omission of the sound -h in urban B

-h of Arabic 3 m.s. pronominal suffix, is retained only in rural B, e.g., cindeh (he
has) realized cinde in urban B.

Word-final imāla
A peculiarity of this dialect is strong word-final imāla, viz. the realization of Arabic
feminine suffixes -a and -aa as -e.

Word-final stressed -é
A phonetic feature found in B is the occurrence of stressed-é in sentence-final posi­
tions used to indicate questions, as i n : barazt-i? (are you ready?).

The Consonants
The consonant system of the Bahārnah dialect appears below.
Plosive Fricative Affricate Liquid Nasal
Bilabial b m

Labio-dental f w
Dental t d
s z
Denti-alveolar t d
V
Alveolar s č j r n

l
Emphatics t d s
Palatal y
Velar k 9 X 9
Uvular q
Pharyngeal h c

Glottal ? h

What follows is a description of the above consonant sound-units.

The Plosives: the hamza or the glottal stop

A lax hamza, where a measure of glottal constriction accompanies the initial vowel
sounds, appears when hamza occurs out of liaison. Thus compare the following pronom­
inal forms:
42 Part 2

1 m.s. Fane 1 f.s. ?ani

2 m.s. ?inte 2 f.s. ?intiin

The above also applies to elative forms when realized out of liaison:

?acraf (better informed) ?ahsan (better)

?asdag (more truthful) ?ašjac (more courageous)

Medial glottal stop, as these examples show, is often audible where it is preceded by the
short vowels a or i:

?ista?jar (he hired), inf. 16

i?attir (it affects), inf. 4

and in the passive form: barra?ooh (he was acquitted). The medial glottal stop of the
following koine forms is normally retained:

ra?iis (boss, head) (i) m?addab (well-behaved)

?a?imme (imams), inf. 1 la?iim (ungrateful)
c
abd il-?amiir ( cAbdul-Amīr-a proper name), inf. 16
has-su?aa/ (this question), inf. 1
fil-?idaaca (on Bahrain Radio), inf. 16

Final glottal stop can normally be heard in educated speech only. It should be noted,
however, that the occurrence of the glottal stop in B ought to be examined in view of its
degree of audibility rather than its total non-existence. In these examples from B, Arabic
hamza is systematically realized c , a feature known as can canah:

verb dacam <da?am (he collided)

adverbials cajal < ?ajal (so, then) cafar < ?atar (as if, perhaps)
nominals cadaafiir<?azaafir (nails) c
uum < ?uum (sardines)

Elision of the glottal stop1

The main occasions when the glottal stop is elided may be summarized as follows:
Initial glottal stop is normally elided in connected speech:

ifassil issiim (he knits the wire), inf. 2

It is also elided in liaison with particles such as b-, ma, and w- and the definite article:

b-otsabbah (I shall bathe) ma-ariid (I don't want)

w-axad (and he took) l-ahmar (the red).

As a result of the elision of medial glottal stop, a compensatory lengthening of the vowel
takes place:

faal (fortune-telling) raas (head)

The hamza of lit. Ar. nominal patterns with the element -aa?i is regularly realized -y:
43 Part 2

masaayil (issues, affairs) naxaayil (date gardens)

daayib (worn out) naayib (deputy)

The preconsonantal plosive ? of the following Arabic forms is regularly realized w:

mawluuf (familiar) tawkiid (assurance)

Cf. also: ?alaf > walaf (got used to) ?akkad > wakkad (he assured).
The plosive b 2
b is normally realized as voiced bilabial plosive. In certain loan-words b arises from
p. A feature found in A only is the occurrence of an emphatic b in the contiguity of a
following emphatic syllable. Thus:

A B

búgar (cows) bágar

búsal (onion) basal

The plosive t
t is normally realized as voiceless dentialveolar plosive.
The ultimate t of the following borrowing from Persian is often retained in liaision with
an ensuing vowel:

hast irjaal (there are men) hast ahad? (anybody there?)

Out of liaison, the above t is often dropped:

has naas (there are people) has waahid (there is someone)

The emphatic t
Non-emphatic t is often realized emphatic in the vicinity of the guttural c in cardinal
numbers from thirteen to nineteen:

talatta c aš (thirteen) sabaata c aš (seventeen)

The plosive d
d in B is voiced denti-alveolar plosive, d usually replaces Arabic inter-dental d:

deel < deel (tail)

lad/id < ladiid (delicious)

With some speakers d is realized d in emphatic environments:

sadur (chest) sadag (he told the truth)

Devoicingof d to t 3
In the rural speech of Dirāz village d is occasionally devoiced to t preceding the
gutturalsx, c, and h:
44 Part 2

?axathum < ?axadhum (he took them), inf. 26

maa cithe < maa cidhe (she doesn 't have), inf. 26

The Emphatic d
The voiced, emphatic d usually replaces the Arabic inter-dental z. Cf:

daalim (unjust) ġaliid (thick)

naddaara (spectacles)

In these examples emphatic d replaces the Arabic interdental d:

maa adkur (I don't remember) dakar (male)

The Plosive k4
The k of the 2 f.s. suffix is regularly realized -š in B;
?abuuš (your father) šacriš (your hair)
The above applies both to rural and urban forms of B.

Affrication of k to č5
(1) The affricate č of the c Anazi-type dialects has the grammatical function of the 2 f.s.
pronominal suffix, e.g. ktaabič (your book). Except for Sitrah forms, the -k of the 2 m.s.
pronominal suffix remains stable in A and most o f B. Cf:

A Rest of B Sitrah B
2 m.s. fiik (with you) fiik fiič
ktaabik (your book) ktaabuk ktaabeč

(2) Both in A and B affricate c is found in the vicinity of short and long front vowels in
non-emphatic environments. Cf:
A B A B
čabid (liver) čibd čilme (word) čilme
fačč (he opened) fačč smiče (fish) samače
ničab (he poured) načab čidi (like this) čidi
čaan (if) čaan his (bag) his
baačir (tomorrow) baačir diič (cock) diič
čeele (scoop) čeele čeef (how) čeef

(3) Both in A and B affricate c is found in the neighbourhood of back vowel uu, but
usually in forms derived from a root in which c occurs:

(i) f č u u č (openings) (i) c luuč (chewing gum)

čuuc (elbow) mančuus (sprats)

But contrast:
kuuma (heap) kuub (cup)
45 Part 2

k remains stable:
(1) in proper names, in penultimate as well as ultimate positions:

kamaal (Kamal) (i)mbaarak (Mubarak) kariim (Karīm)

(2) in the nominal structure: C1 C 2 aaC 3 , where k is the initial consonant and the
vowel is back ΑΑ.

(i) kbaar (big) (i)knaar (Indian kanard fruit) (i)ktaar (many)

But contrast: (i)claab (dogs).

(3) in these nominal forms that have the classical feminine termination -ka:

malaayka (angels) baraka/brika (blessing)

šaraaka (partnership)

But note these pl. forms from B:

sammaače (fisher folk) hayaayče (sail makers)

(1),(2),and (3) above apply to both A and B.
(4) in the ultimate syllabic structure -CaaC, when it is the closing consonant in these
di-syllabic forms, both in A and B.

(?alla) hadaak (may God guide your steps) de(e)laak (those)

ha(a)daak (that) minnaak (there)

All the above forms, however, appear with an affricate č in Sitrah speech.
Affricate -č in the following c Anazi demonstrative has the grammatical function of a
feminine marker. Cf:

A B

fern diič (that) diik

(5) in the plural suffix -hum as i n :

c c
indikum, indkum (do you have?) likum (for you)

The above applies to A , to Manāmah B, and to a majority of the villages with the exclu­
sion of Sitrah forms where the k is affricated, as i n :

c
indčem (with you) leečem (for you)

(6) in loan-words both in A and B:

kačče6 (learner's driving licence) balak (plug)

keemara (camera)
46 Part 2

(7) in dialect forms corresponding to the Arabic verb type FaMuLa as i n :

A B

kubar (he has grown) kabar/(i)kbur

kufar (he denied the existence of God) kafar

(8) in the vicinity of back vowels o and oo in these items:

kora (ball) koos (south-easterly wind)

(9) in the neighbourhood of the emphatics s and d in these examples in A and B:

maskuuk (closed) sakk (he closed)

dikart, dakart (I remembered) (i)dkaara (males)

But note: sičim (pellet) sčaač < Arabic sikaak (obstacle, impediment)

(10) in certain Arabic forms that end in -kuur both in A and B;

madkuur (it is mentioned) mahkuur (stuffy)

maškuur (thank you) maskuur (blocked)
The occurrence of č in Loan-Words
c of these borrowings is not an affricated form of Arabic consonant k:

hinč (inch) inf. 6 (from English)

kačče (a learner's driving licence)

In certain forms affrication o f k occurs mainly in A. Cf;

A B

diič (that) diik

mačaan (place) makaan
mačtuub (letter) maktuub
čoočab (female proper name) kawkab
čalaam (talk) kalaam

Affrication of k in these forms from B occurs only in Sitrah speech. Cf:

Sitrah Manāmah and the villages

čill (every) kill

leečem (for you) leekurn
de(e) laač (those) deelaak
The plosive q
q is a voiceless, uvular plosive in B; it is preserved in certain classical forms:
47 Part 2

di l-qi cde (the eleventh month of the Muslim year)

qada w-qadar (fate and divine decree)
leelat il-qadr (the night in which, according to Sura 97, the Qur?an was re­
vealed; celebrated on the night between 26th and 27th Ramadan)

q is also often preserved in these koine forms:

qarnaabiit (cauliflowers), inf. 6

burtuqaal (oranges), inf. 1
?axlaaq (moral behaviour), inf. 1

And also in this reference to a Shī ci religious occasion:

wafaat il-qaasim (the day that marks the death of al-Qāsim, son of al-Hasan ibn
c
A l i ibn Abi Tālib)

And in these foreign names:

?iš-šarika l-afriqiyye (The African Co.), inf. 1

qubrus (Cyprus)

Initial q of the following forms remains stable in Dirāzi female speech:

qatal il-walad (he killed the child), inf. 26

qafalat i cyuune (his eyes closed), inf. 26

The fronting of q
Voiceless q is realized voiced velar g in all positions. Cf:

init. geetaan (ornamental cord, attached to female trouser)

guble (facing the Ka cba during prayer)
med. ragiig (thin) mugbara (graveyard)
fin. buxnug (head-veil for young zarnuug (a narrow street)
girls)
Initial g followed by 0 in stressed open syllables is found in A only. Cf:

A B
Cú-CaC
gúmar (moon) gámar
gúfas (cage) gates

Realization of q as k
In rural forms of B, q is, with some speakers, realised as k. This phonetic process
seems to be unconditioned and to occurr in all positions. Cf:

init. kacadt (I sat), inf. 5 kuum (get up), inf. 4

kafiif (baskets) inf. 22
med. bakil (clover), inf. 22 (i) tkaffud (it closes down) inf. 4
?istakall (it dwindled), inf. 4
fin. l-axlaak (moral behaviour), inf. 6 (i) nšikk (we cut), inf. 24
hakk (for), inf. 12
48 Part 2

In urban forms of B this realization is almost non-existent, except for the following
two examples:
(a) Classical Ar. q in the adverbial particle laqad (already) is invariably realized k. Thus:

naade(e)te, lakid raah (I called upon him but he had already left)
(b) The CI. Ar. form waqt is regularly realized wakt (time), but note the plural form,
?awgaat (times).
Final g of these loan-words is regularly rendered k . Cf:

balak [plәg] (plug) from English, inf. 11

tak [tәg ] (tug) from English, inf. 11

The occurrence of q as ġ in A 7
A phonetic feature of A is the tendency of some speakers to realize q as ġ in con­
tiguity with both front and back vowels. Cf: 8

A B

?i stiglaal (independence) îistiqlaal

?alga (he delivered (a talk) ) ?alqa
ġaraar (decision) qaraar
ġanaabil (bombs) qanaabil
ġora (villages) qura
raġum (number) raqum
barg (lightning) barq/barg

Realization of final g as ġ does not occur in these forms from A :

šarg (east) suug (market)

Arabic consonant ġ of these forms remains stable in B, whereas in A it is oftern realized as

q in contiguity with front vowels, cf:

A B

?aqaanl (songs) ?aġaanl

qeer (other than) geer
qaamij (dark) ġaamug
?alqaw (they cancelled) ?alġaw/oo
qarse (bottle) ġarše

The Affrication of g to j in B
It has been noted that k and g are affricated to c and j in a majority o f
Arab peninsular and related dialects. 9
However, in c Umāni, Qatīfi, Hasāwi and Bahrāni Arabic regular affrication of k to
c , but not of g to j, is noted. Cf. these examples from A and B:
A B
jalca (fort) galca
jiime (price) giime
rijiij (thin) ragiig
49 Part 2

Some scattered cases of g > j can be found among speakers from Rās Rummān or
Shahrakkān areas of B.
Examples of g>j in B are:
(a) The proper name qaasim (Qāsim) is often realized jaasim.
(b) Occasionally, the c Anazi form jatt (lucerne) is heard in rural forms of B, as against
the commoner form gatt.

The occurrence of g in A
g < q remains stable in the vicinity of short and long vowels a, aa in these forms:

gabul (before) gaam (he stood)

galam (pen) gaal (he said)
ga cad (he sat) gaad (he led)

g also remains stable before and after uu in the pattern CCuuC, as i n :

yguum (he stands) (i) tguum (you stand)

yguul (he says) (i)nguud (we lead)
ysuug (he drives) yruug (he likes)

g also remains stable when it occurs as an ultimate geminated sound in a closed syllable of
the structure CaCC:

tagg (he beat) dagg (he knocked)

hagg (right) šagg (he tore)

The occurrence of g <q as j in A

(a) g is realized j in the neighbourhood of short and long vowels a and i in all positions.
Cf:

jalca (fort) waajif (standing) ġaamij (dark)

jisme (portion, share) šarji (eastern) baayij (thief)
jiriib (near) yijiis (he measures) sidiij (friend)
c
jibiile (tribe) rijiij (thin) atiij (old)

(b) In non-emphatic environments, initial g of the penultimate open syllable Caa- is

rendered j in these nominal forms:

jaasim (Jasim)

jaable (tomorrow night)

In emphatic environments, initial g of nominal forms remains stable:

gitca (piece) gasir (palace) guuti (tin box)

gidd (hole) gaasir (incomplete) gitne (cotton)
geed (prime of summer heat) gassaab (butcher)
gootra (bulk, wholesale)
(c) g of certain FaML and FiML noun types is realized; when it is the closing consonant
of a form in which the penultimate sound is also a consonant:
50 Part 2

c
halj (throat) irj (vein)

j > g in B
Some speakers viz. from Shahrakkān, c Ā l i and Karrāna areas of B tend to realize
non-final j as g in the vicinity of short front vowels:

rural B urban B

gafiir (basket), inf. 7 jafiir

gadiide (new), inf. 12 jadiide
lignuub (the south), inf. 8 j-ijnuub

Realization of j as y
The realization of j as y is found in a majority of South and E. Arabian dialects today.
In Bahrain, this phonetic feature is found in A , and to a lesser degree only in rural forms
of B. Among the Manāmah community of B, the above feature is occasionally heard in
Rās Rummāni speech only, to the exclusion of the rest of Manāmah speakers of B.
In A , the occurrence of j as y is categorical in the sense that it can occur in the
vicinity of front and back vowels in all positions. Cf:

maynuun (crazy) yilde (a piece of leather)

c
(i)nyuum (stars) ayam (Persians)

In rural B, the occurrence o f j as y is also categorical;it is found in contiguity with front

as well as back vowels. Cf:

init. yaarim < fašt il-jaarim (shoal, reef), inf. 24

yariid < jariid (date fronds), inf. 3
med. hayar < hajar (stones), inf. 23
i caalyuun < icaaljuun (to cure, to treat), inf. 26
fin. mihmal il-hayy < hajj (pilgrims' ship), inf. 4

In these illustrations, j is normally realized y in A , whereas in B it remains stable in

Manāmah speech, excluding Rās Rummāni forms of B where j is rendered y. C F : 1 0

A Manāmah B

yiime (bait) jiime

maa tyuuz (stop it!) maatjuuz
yoo caan (hungry) joo aan
yufra (hole) jufra

In these two illustrations from rural B , / is palatalized only when out of liaison with il-;
whereas in the second example it remains stable in liaison with /i-. Cf:

j > y haade l-yazzaaf (this bulk-buyer of fish also retailer), inf. 2

j > g mihnati fi ijzaafe (my job is bulk-buying of fish), inf. 23

The velarized !
A velar !, an allophonic variant of otherwise alveolar !, is found in the contiguity of
51 Part 2

the emphatics s, d, and t in B. The illustrations below show both types of / in different
phonemic environments:

non-emphatic: tall (he pulled) salle (basket) yiddallac (enjoys fondling)

environment

emphatic: tall (he gazed) salle (he prayed) yiddallam (he complains)

environment

Further examples of the same are:

ratil (a pound (weight) silm (nut) dilc (rib)

tilbe (a wish) silh (friendship)dilm (injustice)
In A, in addition to s, d, t, the / is also velarized in the neighbourhood of emphatic b, a
feature not found in B. Cf:

A B

gabul (before) gabil

xabal (stupid) (i)mxabbal

A regular feature of A is the appearance of a velar l and backing of front vowels in the
contiguity of x, ġ, and g < q, a feature normally not found in B. Cf:

A B

xαlααl (unripe, green dates) xalaal

buxul (meanness) (i) bxil
šuġul (work) (i) šgil
got/am (pen) galam
gαlααli (Galāli; place name) galaali

An unconditioned feature is the occasional assimilation of / in these forms from B. Cf:

git for gilt (I said)

wad for wald (son of)
?a-hiin for ?al-hiin (now)

The Liquid r
r in B occurs as an alveolar liquid consonant in all positions. In rural B, a partially
realized r is found in the vicinity of long stressed vowels:

taġyiir (change), inf. 20

la l-fóor (to the bull), inf. 22

Initial r followed by a voiced consonant, a peculiarity found in the nominal structure

C-CuC—te(h) in A, does not occur in B. Cf:
52 Part 2

A B

r-ġub-te (his wish) rag-bate

r-gub-te (his neck) ragabate

The Fricatives: the guttural ġ

ġ in B is a voiced velar fricative. A feature common to both A and B is the assimila­
tion of voiced ġ as a result o f progressive assimilation, in the root bġy. In B this is:

1 c.s. ?abbi for ?abġi (I want)

2 m.s. tubbi for tubġi (you want)

The guttural x
x in B is a voiceless velar fricative. In the following two forms from B, classical
Arabic x is realized ġ 11

laa tgabbi caliyyi < laa txabbi (don't screen things from me), inf. 26
digs <duxas (dolphin), inf. 24

The guttural h
h of Arabic 3 m.s. pronominal suffix, normally dropped in urban B, is retained in
rural B. Cf:

urban rural

c c
inde (he has) indeh
?axad le (he took) ?axad leh
šifte (I saw him) šifteh

h of the demonstrative ihni (here) and ihnaak (there) is regularly dropped in liaison
with the particle min (from):

minni for minihni (from here)

minnaak for minihnaak (from there)

The fricative w
w in B is a labio-dental fricative. Other than its normal occurrence, w, correspond­
ing to Arabic conjunction waw, is found in liaisons only. Cf:

has-sane w-kil sane (may (this grace) continue every year)

In sentence initial positions, and occasionally elsewhere to a varying extent the above w is
realized u, as i n :

u daak (and that)

The fricatives f and t

Arabic inter-dental t has the free variant f i n B: 1 2

fuum (garlic) falaaf (three), inf. 19

53 Part 2

In the following classical and koine forms, t is preserved:

tyaab (gowns), inf. 2 i?attir (it affects), inf. 4

hadiit (the Prophet's sayings)

In the following forms from B,t of the source word is invariably realized f : 1 3

fa/am < talam (he broke into two)

far/id < tarild (a traditional dish of sopped bread and broth)
nafye < natye (female)

The fricative d
Arabic inter-dental fricative d is only partially preserved in B. It is found in classical
and koine forms circulating in B:

di l-qi cde (the eleventh month of the Muslim calendar)

di l-hijje (the last month of the Muslim calendar)
kada waahid (quite a few persons)

Elsewhere it is replaced by d.

The fricative s
In the following examples from B, non-emphatic Arabic s is realized emphatic s in
the vicinity of the guttural x and emphatic t:

sixxaam (soot, smut) sxuune (temperature)

yisxi (he is willing to give) saxle (lamb)
?asmax (deaf)
bsaat (cotton or nylon rug) saatuur (adze)
sata (he looted confiscated) yista c (it shines)

Note that in emphatic environments, such as in the examples above, the vowel a is nor­
mally realized as α.

The fricative z
z in B is voiced dental fricative. It undergoes no changes. However, in the following
examples from B, Arabic d is regularly realized z:

zacag < dacaq (he screamed)

zfur < dafar (stench)
raziil < radiiI (mean)

In the following items Arabic s is dissimilated to z :

zagiir for sagiir (little), inf. 5.

l-izġayyir for lisġayyir (the younger), inf. 5.

The nasal n
In the following forms from B, Arabic n is dissimilated to m in the vicinity of the
voiced bilabial plosive b:14
54 Part 2

minbar > mumbar (rostrum)

janb > jamb (side)

In rural B n is often partially realized in the vicinity of stressed long vowels as i n :

?inčaan (if) famiin (precious, costly)

In liaisons, voiced n of certain particles is sometimes dropped:

Ie kaan < leen kaan (if)

mi s-suug < min issuug (from the market)

Assimilation of consonants
A phonetic feature common to B is the total assimilation of a voiceless consonant
by an ensuing voiced one. Cf. these illustrations from B:

vd.j replaces vl.t before j

mijjahziin < mitjahziin (they are ready)

mijjam ciin < mitjam c
in (they have assembled)

vd.d replaces vl.t before d

middaacmiin <mitdaacmiin (involved in accidents)

middaaxliin < mitdaaxliin (they are entangled)

vd. z replaces v\.t before z

mizzaa cliin < mitzaa cliin (they are not on speaking terms)

mizzawjiin < mitzawjiin (they are married)

vd.d replaces v l . t before d

middaarbiin < mitdaarbiin (involved in a quarrel)

middaamniin < mitdaamniin (united or accomplices in an act)
Contractions
Contractions abound in rural varieties o f B. No precise rules can be formulated for
their occurrence. They seem to. be extremely common and are indeed habitually used by
many speakers but their occurrence is not governed by emphasis or any other obvious
conditioning. 1 5
The ultimate open syllable -la of the particle cala (on) is often contracted to ca- in
rural forms of B. Cf :

urban B rural B

c c
ala raahati (at my leisure) a raahati, inf. 5
c
ala wasa (on order) a wasa, inf. 4
c c
ala n-nadar (depends on my eye-sight) a n-nadar, inf. 4
55 Part 2

-ar of the ultimate closed syllable in the Arabic cardinal cašar (ten) is deleted in B; in
pause, it is normally realized - c a š in numbers from eleven to nineteen. Cf:

falatta c aš (thirteen) ?arbaatacaš (fourteen)

The above also applies to the same forms in A.

The interrogative particle čeef (how come?!) is often contracted to če both in urban and
rural B:

če maa tidri (how come you don't know?!)

The prefix i- of these adverbial particles is often contracted in rural forms of B in and out
of liaison. Cf:

?ileen > leen (till, until), inf. 8

iji > ji (for about)

The initial element is similarly elided in B in the roots ?b and ?x. Thus:

bu-seebic (Abu Sēbi c village)

bu- cašiira (Abu c Ashīra date garden)
bu-faame (Abu Fame oyster bed)

and:

xuuk (for ?axuuk: your brother)

buuk (for ?abuuk: your father)

The Vowel System

A fourfold set o f discriminations, in terms o f frontness versus backness and close­
ness versus openness, distinguishes short vowels in B. These are:

c
a open-front as i n : ala (on)
c
i close-front as i n : indi (I have)
α open-back 16 as i n : sαdαg (he told the truth)
u close-back as i n : ?umkum (your mother)

In addition to the above main distinctions, two further short vowels are found,
mainly as a result o f the shortening o f long vowels. These are:

e mid-front', which as a short variant of long ee is found i n :

hadeleen for hadeeleen (these)

delaak for dee/aak (those)

Final e also arises as a result of imāla of Arabic a as i n :

Fane (I) same (sky)

A sentence final, sitressed -é is employed to indicate interrogation: katabt-é? (have you
written?) katabtin-é ?(have you written ? fern.)
56 Part 2

e also occurs as a conditioned variant o f i and u. Thus compare the following pron. suf­
fixes from Sitrah, where e corresponds to lit. Ar. u:

leečem (for you) beeteč (your house)

o mid-back, is a short variant of long oo i n :

(xams) nobaat for noobaat ( (five) times)

zojaate for zoojaateh (his wives)

In terms of degress of length, six long vowels can be distinguished in B, viz:

aa open-front as i n : mbaašar (regular care), mašaamur (long veils)

c
ee mid-front as i n : een (fresh-water spring), mitheeris (mean with)
ii close-front as i n : ?intiin (you (f.s.) ), il-jaziira (Nabīh Sālih Island)
αα open-back as i n : s a b α α t α c a š (seventeen), xααd (he waded)
oo mid-back as i n : mbooyud (whitish), sooban (to soap)
uu close-back as i n : ?intuun (you), tuus (pearl sieves)

It should be noted that the distinction between front a and back α relates chiefly to dif­
ference of consonantal environment.
Below are further illustrations of the occurrence of short and long vowels in B.

The front vowel a

In B forms below, a of the open stressed syllable is rendered u in the corresponding

c
Anazi forms:

B A

basal (onion) búsal

gámar (moon) gúmar

In these nominal forms, viz. FaMaaMiiL, Arabic unstressed front a is retained in B only.
Cf:

B A

bagaagiil (sellers of local vegetables) bgaagiil

sačaačiin (knives) sčaačiin

The anaptyctic a

Anaptyctic a is found in these faMal < faMl forms:

laham (meat) tacam (taste) šaham (fat)

This anaptyctic a is elided when suffixes, e.g. -e ox -a are added to the basic forms. Cf:
lahme (meat) tacma (its taste) šahme (fat)
57 Part 2

An anaptyctic vowel occurs after geminates in A to avoid the occurrence of triconsonantal

clusters. In B a geminate does not occur in similar circumstances. Thus:

A B

hattaha (he put it) hatha

faččaha (he opened it) fačhe

Front a > back α

In B, in emphatic environments other than Koranic citations, front a is realized as
back α. Cf. these minimal pairs:

samm (poison) sαmm (in bulk(money) )

tamm (he remained) tαmm (it submerged, flooded over)
damm (blood) dαmm (he employed, added)
salle (basket) sαlle (he prayed)
tall (he pulled) tail (he gazed or peeped)
dall (he directed) dαll (he remained or stayed back)

In the vicinity of the gutturals x and ġ, l (in A only) tends to become velarized and
concomitantly short front a is replaced by back a. Cf:

A B

xαlααl (green, unripe dates) xalaal

xααl (uncle from mother's side) xaal
nαġαl (bastard) naġal
mbaġġαl (hybrid) mbaġġal

Word-final imāla
A phonetic feature found in B is the imāla of Arabic unstressed short vowel -a or
-a < -aa to e. Imāla of -a to -e normally does not occur in post-emphatic positions viz.
s, d and t in B.Cf:

c
asa (stick)
xabiisa (tradional sweet made of flour, butter and sugar]
ġaliida (thick, mushy)
c
ariida (wide)
hoota (enclosure)
batta (duck)

An exception to the above is found in certain Dirāzi forms where -a is affected by imāla
in post- t position:

murbate (harness), inf. 3

barbute (I shall tie it), inf. 3

Imāla does not take place in post- cayn position in urban B. Cf:
gal a (fort) bid ca (innovation) rub ca (local weight = 4 pounds) ?arba ca (four)
sab ca (seven) tis ca (nine)
58 Part 2

lmāla in post- cayn position is found in certain Dirāzi forms not involving the feminine
marker:

tbii ce (you sell it) yitla ce (he will take it out)

lmāla after f i n feminine forms occurs in Sitrah speech only. Cf:

Manāmah Sitrah

ġurfa (room) ġurfe, inf. 22

lmāla after b similarly occurs mainly in nominal forms of the structure FaMLa or FiMLa:

waibe (meal) nihbe (looting)

habbe (a pinch of) šabbe (alum)

lmāla of -a in this position does not occur in nominal forms of the structure FaMaLa:

ragaba (neck) hataba (a piece of wood)

But exceptionally, Catabe (stepping path (of a house) )
lmāla of -a after m occurs in the following:

(1) certain adjectival patterns:

mdalme (dark) mġayme (cloudy)
(2) certain FaMLa nominal forms:
fahme (coal) zahme (coniestion)
nijme (star) nicme (grace, bounty)
(3) certain FaMaLa nominal forms:
janame (a local brand of fish) ġaname (goat)
(4) certain FaMaaLa nominal forms:
salaame (safety) hamaame (pigeon)
(5) certain FaMiiLa (p.n.) nominal forms:
nasiime (Nasīma) naciime (Na c īma)

lmāla of -a in post -m position does not occur in:

(1) certain FaMLa forms of nouns:

latma (slap) rahma (compassion)
nooma (sleep) gooma (getting-up)
(2) these passive participials:
maxtuuma (sealed) madluuma (prejudiced against)

lmāla of -a, corresponding to the lit. Ar. fern, ending -aa, occurs in the following nouns:
same (sky) me (water)

lmāla of -a, corresponding to lit. Ar. alif maqsūra -aa occurs in these verbal forms:
bane (he built) samme (rrenamed)
yitšable (he climbs) yitsalte (he amuses himself)
yithačče (he speaks) yitmašše (he walks)
59 Part 2

lmala of -a, corresponding to lit. Ar.alif maqsūra -aa, does not occur in these verbal forms:

rabba (to bring up) ġabba (to hide)

The front vowel i

i is found in all positions, e.g.
?ani (I (fem.)) ?intiin (you (fern.) )

And in the imperfect preformatives:

3 m.s. yicruf 2 m.s. ticruf 1 c.pl. nicruf
And in the nominal participial prefix mit-:

mitsaamih (tolerant) mitkeesil (lazy)

In the adverbial particles below, the final -i of urban B has the allophonic variant -e in the
corresponding rural forms. Cf:

urban B rural B

minni (here) minne inf. 26

čidi (like, as) čide inf. 22

In these forms from B, stressed -á- of the penultimate open syllable is realized
in the
corresponding cAnazi forms:
B A

?inkatab (it was written) ?inkitab

?infatah (it got open) ?infitah

In B, i appears with 2 f.s. suffix -š when the ultimate syllable of the unaffixed form is
-CVVC, as for example:

c
?aduuniš (your ear) yuuniš (your eye)

This i is normally dropped when the ultimate syllable of the unaffixed form is -CVC:

c
mu dadš (your bangle) jabhatš (your forehead)

Note that the equivalent suffix in A is -ič.Thus:

yabhatič glumič (your pen)

The u Variant of i
In this dialect, i of the Arabic ultimate syllable -CiC is often realized u when the
consonantal environment is emphatic or emphatized. In the neighbourhood of r, for
60 Part 2

example, in verbal forms corresponding to Arabic imperfect verb type yaFMiL, cf. the
following:

yisbur (he is patient) yi c ruf (he knows)

yihfur (he digs) yiġruf (he scoops)

Arabic i of the above verb type remains stable when the aforementioned syllable has r for
its opening consonant and a non-emphatic for its closing sound, such as:

yidris (he studies) yihris (he guards) yitris (he fills)

yubrid (it gets cold) yixrid (he changes money) yišrid (he escapes)
yubriz (he will be ready) yifriz (he sorts out)

The i of the -CiC syllable of the Arabic verb type nuFaMMiL is often realized u, mainly in
the neighbourhood of emphatics and gutturals, as:

nxattur (We overtake) nhaddur (We make ready)

ngassus (We cut off) nsaccur (We price)
nbaxxur (We perfume with incense) nsahhuh (We correct, mark)
nsabbuġ (We paint)

The u variant of i is also found in the vicinity of the consonants rand f, as:

ndawwur (We search) nxabbur (We inform) nsaffuf (We arrange).

But note that Arabic i remains stable in these nuFaMMiL verb types in the neighbour­
hood of t, d, r,m:

nfattit (We crumble) njaddid (We renew, renovate)

nbarrid (We cool) nhammil (We transport, carry)

i is also realized u in these nominals, corresponding to Arabic plural maFaaMiL, where r is

the opening or closing consonant in the ultimate syllable -CiC:

maxaaruf (baskets for ripe dates) macaaruf (education)

mahaabur (ink pots) mašaamur (long veils for ladies)

And in these nominals corresponding to Arabic active participle FaaMiL, where r is the
opening or closing consonant such as:

c
šaarub (drunk) aaruf (knowing)

fdatur (not fasting) haadur (present)

But not in:

naahib (looter) laabis (dressed) naazil (descending)

c
gaatil (killer) aagil (wise) haamil (pregnant)
Arabic i is realized u in the vicinity of the emphatic consonants s, d, t, as in these forms:
61 Part 2

yixsum (he deducts); yigsub (he slaughters);

ixallus (he finishes); laasug (glued);
yinfud (it electrocutes); yihdur (he is present);
haamud17 (sour); (i) mġammud (with the eyes shut)
yiltum (he smacks the face) yirbut (he ties)
yixtur (it occurs (to the mind) yiftur (he breaks a fast)

The prosthetic vowel i

The prosthetic vowel i is mainly found in certain nominal and verbal forms:
nominals iFMaaL < Arabic FiMaaL or FuMaaL as i n :

ihjaab (amulet) iġbaar (dust)

and in verbal nouns corresponding to Arabic muFaaMaLa,as:

imkaafah (hard work) imbaašar (regular care)

and in quadriliteral forms of the verbal nouns:

itsirwil (trousering) itmiššut (combing)

and in verbal forms corresponding to Arabic verb type taFaMMaL:

itmassah (he performed the ablution) itsabbah (he bathed)

and in the imperatives: 2 f.s. ikli (eat) 2 c.pl. iklu and the adverbials: ihni (here) ihnaak
(there)
In the following interrogative sentences, prosthetic i functions as a sort of connective. Cf:

lees itsarrux? (why are you screaming?)

f-ween ithawše? (where is it obtainable from?)
weeš itsawwi? (what are you doing?)

Finally, some c Anazi speakers also tend to realize certain nominal and verbal forms with
the prosthetic i, as i n :

ismiče (fish) ihtuba (a piece of wood)

iktibat (she wrote) iftihat (she opened)

Note that although throughout this work the occurrence of the prosthetic i as shown in A
and B above, is not always mainfested in the transcriptions, it is to be understood that
such a feature does exist.

The anaptyctic vowel i

Generally, anaptyctic i appears in the neighbourhood of l, n, r both in A and B.
In B, anaptyctic i appears in the structure FaMiL for lit. Ar. FaML, as:

c
batin (stomach) adil (right; correct)
nadir (vow) habil (rope)
62 Part 2

When FaML has m as its second radical, anaptyctic i is not employed as in these forms
from B:

raml (sand) tamr (dried dates) xamr (wine)

In A, the above forms appear with anaptyctic u:

ramul tamur xamur

Certain lit. Ar. nominal forms of the structure FuML appear with the anaptyctic i both in
A and B.Cf:

A B

hizin (grief, sorrow) (i) hzin

kihil (antimony, kohl) (i) khil

In defined forms, initially closed syllables of the structure CiC- take anaptyctic i:

l-ibdayyic (al-Budayya c ) l-ijfeer (al-Jufayr)

Elision of the anaptyctic i

Anaptyctic i is elided when:
(a) a suffix such as -e is added to the form FaML:
batin (belly) batne/h (his belly)

?akll (food) ?ak/e/h (his food)

(b) the suffix -in of tanwin is added:

c
batnin ood (big belly) ?aklin zeen (good food)

(c) the plural suffix -iin is added to the same:

c c
adil adliin (correct)
sahil sahliin (easy or inferior)
The back vowel u

u is found in these forms from B:

beet umma (his mother's house)

Also in the penultimate closed syllable CuC-, as:

xudra (vegetables) humra (lip-stick)

And in the 2 c.pl. imperative suffix:

ruuhu (go) iklu (eat)

63 Part 2

And in the plural suffixes -kum and -hum, as:

?axbaarkum (your news)

?axbaarhum (their news)

The occurrence of the long vowels: long ii

Long ii 18 occurs oftenest in the suffix -iin:

?intiin (2f.s., you) ?al-hiin (now)

l-awwaliyyiin (the previous ones) rihtiin (you went?)

Long ii of these forms is normally shortened in liaison with the attributive suffixes -iyye
or i, as in:

gatiif gatifiyye (of Qatif (fern.) )

jaziira jaziri (an inhabitant of Nabīh Sālih island)

Long ee

ee is found as a reflex of Arabic diphthong -ay as i n :

deen (debt) been (between)

It is also found in certain participials:

mitkeesil (lazy) mitbeexil (mean)

and also in certain diminutive forms which are local place names:

7 -iġreefe (Ghurayfa) (i) n ceem (Na c īm)

l-ijfeer (Jufayr) l-igleeca (Qulay c a)

Long ee such as found in the following forms from A , are realized differently in B. Cf:

A B
gaameet (I woke up) gomt

naameet (I slept) nimt

But note these forms which are common to both A and B:

waafeet (I met) naadeet (I called)

Long ee of the above forms is normally shortened to e in liaison with 3 m.s. pron. suff. -e,
as in:
waafete (I met him) naadete (I called him)
Long aa
Long aa is found in open as well as closed syllables as in:

haamud (sour) baasug (tasteless)

banaat (girls) ?awlaad (boys)
64 Part 2

It is also found in certain names pertaining to traditional professions:

l-ihyaače (sail making) l-ijzaafe (bulk-buying of fish)

?in-nasaaje (weaving) l-itwaaše (pearl dealing)

And in these realtive adjectives:

naxaalwa (attendants of date gardens)

c
akaarwa (date planters)
sawaab ca (people of Abu Sēbi c )
jamaara (people of bani Jamrah)

And in these verbal nouns derived from defective verbs:

tawdaat (delivering) tarbaat (bringing up)

c
ramaay (throwing) ataay (giving)

It is also found in these locally coined forms corresponding to Arabic noun type
muFaaMaLa:

c
m aabal (regular attention) mgaabal (continuous attendance)

mbaašar (regular care) m caadal (arrangement, levelling)

The long aa o f the following forms from A is absent from the same forms in B. Cf:

A B

kalaaha (he ate it) ?akalhe

xadaaha (he took it) ?axadhe
Back Vowel oca
αα is a fully back vowel found mainly in contiguity with s, t, and d. Cf:

sααr (it is done) saar (the village of Sār)

tααb (it is cured) taab (he expiated)
dααrr (harmful) daar (room)
Long oca is also found in the vicinity of t in these numerals:

?arbααtα c aš (fourteen) sabααtαcaš (seventeen)

Long oo
óo is a mid-back rounded vowel corresponding mainly to the Arabic diphthong aw,
as i n :

xoox (peaches) foog (up)

looz (Terminalia-lndian fruit) soob (towards)

00 is also found in these nominal forms:

65 Part 2

middoorma (lip-pigmented) mijjoorma (having a guilty conscience)

mbooyud (whitish) msoowid (blackish)

And in the diminutive suffix:

hamzóo (Hamza) nijmóo (Nijma)

oo is also found in theme III(a) of the derived forms of triliteral verbs:

xoozar (he stared fixedly) foošar (he showed off)

Long oo of these forms is normally shortened in liaison with the dual suff. -een:

loon loneen (two colours)

zooje zojateen (two wives)
Long oo of 3 c.pl. perf. forms functioning as passives is often shortened in liaison with the
fern. suff. -ha, as:

raawooh (he was shown) raawoha (she was shown)

jaabooh (it was brought) jaaboha (she was brought)

Long uu

uu is a back rounded vowel found in 2 c.pl. pron. suff. -uun as i n :

?intuun (you) gadactuun? (have you eaten?)

It is also found in local forms o f proper names:

hammuud (Muhammad) ?ammuun (Amīna)

It is also found in the imperatives:

guum (get up) guul (say)

ruuh (go) suug (drive)
Diphthongs
-ey < Arabic -ay is preserved in rural forms o f B whereas in the comparable urban
forms it is realized ee. Cf.

rural B urban B

saheyne inf. 4 saheene (he woke up)

xeyr inf. 11 xeer (grace, bounty)
rweyd inf. 3 rweed (raddishes)
xeybe inf. 6 xeebe (hopeless)
ġeyr inf. 7 ġeer (other than)
leyhum inf. 20 leehum (for, to them)
c c
eyb inf. 8 eeb (unsound; blameworthy)
66 Part 2

Final -aw corresponding to the lit. Ar. pl. suff. -uu is common to all speakers of B:
c
ammaraw (they lived long; they were constructive)
raahaw (they went)
jaw (they came)

Clear vowels such as characterize these urban forms are often diphthongized in rural
speech. Cf:

Urban rural

i > iy as i n : ya cni (that is to say) ya cniy inf. 4

ihutt (he puts) iyhutt inf. 4
bijuun (they will come) biyjuun inf. 22
ii > ay as i n : miinaa (port) mayne inf. 1
ee > ey as i n : beezaat (money) beyzaat
oo > ow as i n : hadoole (these) hadowle inf. 7

Consonant Clusters
Four types of initial consonant cluster are found in B. These are:

(a) a stop followed by a continuant as i n :

b-waastat (through) glaame (pens)
(b) a continuant followed by a stop as i n :
staar (slap) mbaašar (attention, care)
(c) two continuants in succession as i n :
mnazz (cradle) mrašš (rose water sprinkler)
(d) two stops in succession as i n :
tbuul (drums) kbaar (big)

Note, however, that all the illustrations above can occur with the prosthetic i when realized
out of liaison. Initial consonant clusters, such as are brought about by the presence of
gutturals in A are not found in B. Cf:

A B

ghawa (coffee) gahwa

sxale (lamb) saxle

Nor in these forms either:

smice (fish) samace

wriga (a paper) waraga

A final bi-consonantal cluster is found in these forms from Manāmah B where the closing
consonant in the ultimate syllable is 2 f.s. suff. -š. Cf:

A B
glumič (your pen) galamš
yabhatič (your forehead) jabhatš
wuldič (your son) waladš
67 Part 2

In these forms from B, a tri-consonantal cluster is avoided by a momentary pause discon­

necting the basic verb from the attached suffix:

sift-he (I saw her) jibt-hum (I brought them)

Gemination or Duplication of a Consonant

Initial gemination is rare in B. Initially geminated consonants are often found in
liaison with other items, such as:

ha n-nooba (this time) ha š-šahar (this month)

ha s-safra (this journey) ha d-dagiiga (this moment)

When the item ?um(m) (mother) is compounded with another item,m is geminated as i n :

?umm iššijeera (Urn Shujayra (place name) )

?umm išcuum (Urn Sh c ūm (a natural spring in Bahrain) )
The final radical of the base-form of geminate verbs is long only in pre-vocalic
positions, as:

verb + 2 m.s. suff. -a: hišše (weed it out) suffa (arrange it)
verb + 2 f.s. suff. -i: xummi (sweep) limmi (collect)

Out of liaison the final radical of the base-form is realized as a single consonant.
In these forms gemination results from total assimilation of a sound:

assim. of ? as i n : ?il-?awwal ?il-lawwal (in olden times)

assim. of l as i n : ha l-rajjaal har-rajjaal (this man)

Gemination also takes place when e < a of an elative form is in liaison with the interjec-
tive particlemaa, as i n :

min ?ahle m-maa yumkinl (the most beautiful)

min ?aġle m-maa yumkinl (the most expensive)

n of the passive prefix Fin- is regularly geminated in these forms where it is followed by
front a:

?innaxad (was taken) linnakal (was eaten)

?innase (was forgotten)

The Syllabic Structure of Certain Nominal and Verbal Forms

The table below sets out the syllabic components o f certain basic nominal forms
that are realized differently in A and in B. C f : 1 9

A B

CCuCa as i n : rguba (neck) CaCaCa ragaba

CCiCe as i n : smiče (fish) CaCaCe samače
CCaCe as i n : nxale (date-palmtree) CaCCe naxle
68 Part 2

CCaCa as i n : ghawa (coffee) CaCCa gahwa

CaCaC as i n : xadar (green) ?aCCaC ?axdar
CaCuC as i n : ramul (sand) CaCC raml

Note the occurrence of a series of short syllables in this form from B:

Ca-Ca-Ca-Ce ragabate (his neck)
Cf. c Anazi form of the same:
C-CuC-Ce r-gub-te

Below are the syllabic components of certain verbal forms which are realized differently
in A and in B:

A B

CaCa as i n : kala (he ate) CaCaC ?akal

CaCeeC as i n : kaleet (I ate) CaCaCC ?akalt
CiCaC as i n : širab (he drank) CaCaC šarab
CuCa as i n : buga (he stayed) CaCa baga
CCuCaC as i n : wgufat (she stood) CaCaCaC wagafat
CaaCeeC as i n : naameet (I slept) CiCC nimt
CiCCiCaC as i n : ?istilam (he received) CiCCaCaC ?istalam

Stress in B
Stress in this dialect, as in other dialects of Arabic, is determined by the syllabic
components of a given form. In disyllabic forms, stress falls o n :
the initial syllable in the structure:
CV-CV as i n : šára (he bought)
CV-CVC20 as i n : rátil (one pound (weight) )
CVV-CVC as i n : máazah (he joked)
CVC-CVC as i n : fállac (he threw stones)

the final syllable in the structure:

CV-CVCC as i n : labást (I dressed)

CV-CVVC as i n : nasíib (relative)
CVC-CVVC as i n : masdúud (blocked)

In trisyllabic forms stress falls o n :

the initial syllable in the structure:

CV-CV--CV as i n : hátaba (wood)

CV-CV-CVC as i n : šárabat (she drank)

the pre-final syllable in the structure:

CV—CVV—CV as i n : jamāara (people of Bani Jamrah)

the final syllable in the structure:

CV-CVV-CVVC as i n : samaamíič (fisher folk)

CV—CV—CVVC as i n : gasamóoh (it was divided)
 69 Part 2

In quadrisyllablc forms stress falls on the second syllable as in:

CVC-CV-CV-CVC ?indácamat (it was hit)

?ixtárabat (it broke down)

NOTES:

1. Glottal stop is not transcribed before prosthetic vowels or the 3 m.s. imperfect
suffix i(y-).
2. m of this Arabic form from B is regularly realized b:
tamaš > tabaš (nonsense, rubbish)
m > b is a peculiarity ascribed to Māzin of Tamīm. Anīs, Fi l-Lahajāt a/-cArabiyya,
p.118.
3. Al-Lughawi in al-lbdāl, vol. I, p. 107, observes that some Arab speakers tend to
replace d by t in the form:
kan cad > kan cat (mackerel)
4. See Map V, Appendices.
5. See Map V I , Appendices.
6. Note that medial -čč- of the Hindustani word kačča (unripe) is not an affricated
form of k.
7. See Map V I I , Appendices.
8. q of this borrowing from Latin is regularly rendered x in A and B:
gawlanj > xoolanj (colic). See al-Muzhir, part I, p. 277.
9. T.M. Johnstone, 'The Affrication of KĀF and GĀF in the Arabic Dialects of the
Arabian Peninsula", JSS, vol. V I I I , pp. 2 1 0 - 2 6 (1963).
10. In Manāmah B, j > y is found in one isolated example: dyaaje < dajaajah (hen).
Cf. the c Anazi form of the above: dyaaye.
11. Driver, GCASP, p. 9, mentions the occurrence of Arabic x as ġ in this example from
Syrian Arabic: xafiir > ġafiir (guard, sentry). The replacement of x by ġ, however,
is, we are told, an old Arabic feature. Cf. these forms from al-lbdāl, vol. I, p. 335:
xabana and ġabana (to cheat, defraud); also: xamra and ġamra asindaxala fi xamrat
innaas (he plunged into the crowds). On the interchangeability of x and ġ in certain
forms of Arabic, Ibn Manz ūr gives the examples: xunna and ġunna (slight nasaliza­
tion of sounds)
12. See Map VIM, Appendices.
13. t of the following Arabic form is regularly realized s:
dayyuus < dayyuut (procurer, vicious)
14. Ultimate n of this Arabic form is often replaced by I:
fanaajiin > fanaajiil (small coffee cups)
15. See note 11 in Rabin's Ancient West Arabian, p. 122.
16. Occurring in transcriptions only of contrastive examples.
17. Reinhardt gives the form haamud with Arabic i > u for Banī Kharūs dialect of
c
Umān, Ein arabischer Dialekt, p. 9. Also, H. Blanc mentions the same form for
Muslim Iraqi, CDB, p. 38.
18. In certain rare cases Arabic FaMiiL is rendered FaMuuL as in: canuud (obstinate).
19. In A, as in a majority of north Arabian Beduin dialects, Arabic a in stressed open
syllables is regularly realized u or i in these FaMaL forms:
bágar búgar (cows)
sāmač símač (fish)
20. Also in the c Anazi form búsal (onion).
Part III
The morphology of the Baharnah dialect

In its basic structure, the morphological system of this dialect does not vary greatly
from other dialects in the area. However, some archaic features indicative of older strata
of language in the area are present in the Baharnah speech-forms. Forms like 2 f.s. ?intiin
(you), 2 c.pl. ?intuun; verbal nouns of form II of the derived themes of the triliteral verb
such as taFMaaL as in taswaat (making), taFMuuL as in tasluum (handing over), etc., have
survived in B. The form of the relative adjective that takes the termination -wa and collec-
tives that end in -a are in circulation in B.
Furthermore, since a can occur in open syllable in B, the FaMaL forms of verbs
have remained stable. The c Anazi pattern FiMaL corresponding to the lit. Ar. verb type
FaMaL, therefore, does not occur in B.
Other morphophonemic changes such as the assimilation o f certain verbal types to
verbs with third radical y, a feature found in A , do not seem to occur in B. Cf:

A B

kaleet (I ate) ?akalt

naameet (I slept) nimt

Similarly, in liaison with the pronominal suffixes weak verbs that have hamza as their
initial radical remain stable in B. Cf:

A B

xadaaha (he took it) ?axadhe

kalaaha (he ate it) ?akalhe

The suffixes 2 f.s. -iin and 2 c.pl. -uun such as occur in the perfect verb are peculiar to B
only. In A, -ay and -aw are employed for the same functions: Cf:

A B

2 f.s. kaleetay ?akaltiin

2 c.pl. kaleetaw ?akaltuun

In A the imperative forms 2 f.s. and 2 c.pl. of certain strong verbs are realized without the
prefix ?i-. Cf:

70
71 Part 3

A B

2 f.s. simcay ?ismaci

2 c.pl. simcaw ?ismacu

Note above that the second person plural is of common gender both in A and B.
In A, the imperfect preformative of strong verbs of the FaMaL type is ya- for the third
person masculine singular and the third person common plural; and ta- is used for the rest
of the forms except first person. Whereas in B, the same is regularly realized yi-and ti-. Cf:

A B

3. m.s. yaktib yiktib

3 f.s. taktib tiktib

In B,y- of the lit.A r . 3 m . s .imperfect preformative is normally realized i- in the following

verb forms:
hollow verbs, as: isuum (he fasts)
doubly weak verbs, as: iji (he comes)
geminate verbs, as: ijirr (he drags or pulls)

But Arabic y- of the above examples remains stable in liaison with the negative particles
such as:

maa yji (he does not come) laa yruuh (he shouldn't go)

Furthermore, lit. Ar. 3 m.s. preformative y- remains stable in these verb forms from B;

weak final y-, as yirda (he agrees) yisha (he wakes up)
weak initial hamza, as yaakil (he eats) yaaxid (he takes)
strong verbs, as yišrab (he drinks) yiktib (he writes)

In B, the imperfect preformative of the themes V and VI is invariably yit- for the mascu-
line and tit- for the feminine as i n :

masc. fern.

V yitsabbah (he bathes) titsabbah

VI yitšaawar (he confers or takes advice) titšaawar

Both in A and B, instead of the derived themes of certain weak and geminate verbs,
speakers use theme I:

weak final y : šara ?ištara (he bought)

šaka Fištaka (he complained)
geminate verbs : gall ?istagall (it dwindled)
mall ?istama// (he got bored)

In B, the passive of verbs is normally expressed by a verb o f theme V I I , such as:

72 Part 3

masc. ?inġasal (it was washed) fern. ?inġasalat

?inkasar (it was broken) fern. ?inkasarat

In addition, the passive is expressed by the use of a 3 c.pl. verb functioning as an imper­
sonal, with or without the relative ?illi (which, who), e.g.

c
atooh (he was given) ?illi šarooha (that which was bought) . The common form of
the imperative in B is FaMMiL on the analogy of theme II of the derived forms. Cf:

fahhim (explain) or hawwil (come down)

The Strong Verb

The simple verb: the perfect
The lit. Ar. perfect type FaMaLa has remained stable in B, e.g.,

zarac (he planted) sabar (he was patient)

The lit. Ar. perfect type FaMiLa is also realized FaMaL in B, e.g.,

samac (he heard) šarab (he drank) halam (he dreamed)

The above form,viz. FaMaL < FaMiLa,has the free variant iFMiL/iFMuL in B.Thus:

ismic išrub ihlim

The cAnazi form FuMaL < Arabic type FaMaLa as in wugaf (he stood) and tubax (he
cooked) does not occur in B, since it is a variant of FiMaL. In A FiMaL corresponds to lit.
Ar. FaMaLa and FaMiLa.
The paradigm below illustrates the conjugations of the simple theme both in A (FiMaL)
and B (FaMaL):

A B

3 m.s. kitab (he wrote) katab

3 f.s. ktibat katabat
2 m.s. kitabt katabt
2 f.s. kitabtay katabtiin
1 c.s. kitabt katabt
3 c.pl. ktibaw katabaw
2 c.pl. kitabtaw katabtuun
1 c.pl. kitabne katabne

Note the elision in A o f the lit. Ar. unstressed short vowel i of 3 f.s.and 3 c.pl.;and the
presence of -n in the Bahārnah 2 f.s. and 2 c.pl. forms.

The imperfect
Verbs which in the perfect have the base form 3. m.s. FaMaL in B, have imperfects
o f the pattern y i F M i L , yiFMaL, yiFMuL. 1 The conjugations o f these three patterns, are
adduced below:
73 Part 3

3 m.s. yiġsil (he washes) yihlam (he dreams) yihfur (he digs)
3 f.s. tiġsil tihlam tihfur
2 m.s. tiġsii tihlam tihfur
2 f.s. tiġsiliin tihlamiin tihfuriin
1 c.s. ?aġsil ?ahlam Fahfur
3 c.pl. yiġsiluun yihlamuun yihfuruun
2 c.pl. tiġsiluun tihlamuun tihfuruun
1 c.pl. niġsil nihlam nihfur

Note that the regular occurrence of the unstressed short vowel i in the preformatives
above prevents initial biconsonantal clusters arising in B.
However, it is difficult to demonstrate the phonemic conditions for the occurrence
of these varying imperfect forms.
The table below sets out the imperfect conjugations of the verb types equivalent to
the lit. Ar. perfect types FaMiLa and FaMaLa as realized in A and B. Cf:

A B

3 m.s. yic arf,yaktib yicruf, yiktib

3 f.s. ticarf, taktib ticruf,tiktib
2 m.s. ticarf, taktib ticruf, tiktib
2 f.s. ticarfiin, taktibiin ticrufiin, tiktibiin
1 c.s. x x c r i f , xxktib ?a cruf, ?aktib
3 c.pl. y i c a r f u u n , yaktibuun yicrufuun, yiktibuun
2 c.pl. ti c arfuun, taktibuun ticrufuun, tiktibuun
1 c.pl. nicarf, naktib nicruf, niktib

Accordingly, the imperfect preformatives o f the two strong verbs above, both in A and B,
are:

A B

3 m.s. yi- yi- for Arabic strong verbs o f the type FaMiLa
ya- yi- " " " " " " " FaMaLa
3 f.s. ti- ti- " " " " " " " FaMiLa
ta- ti- " " " " " " " FaMaLa
2 m/f.s. ti- ti- " " " " " " " FaMiLa
ta- ti- " " " " " " " FaMaLa
3 c.pl. yi- yi- " " " " " " " FaMiLa
ya- yi- " " " " " " " FaMaLa
2 c.pl. ti- ti- " " " " " " " FaMiLa
ta- ti- " " " " " " " FaMaLa
1 c.pl. ni- ni- " " " " " " " FaMiLa
na- ni- " " " " " " " FaMaLa

Note, however, with some speakers from A , a o f the imperfect preformatives o f certain
strong verbs may be realized as i, thus:

yaktib and yiktib yah/am and yihlam

74 Part 3

The imperative
Certain morphophonemic changes have affected Arabic imperative forms in B, viz.
Arabic damma is invariably realized kasra, as in xud > xid (take). Also, the second per-
son plural uses one form for both genders. Monosyllabic imperatives use the short voweli:

2.m.s. kil (eat) xid (take)

Imperatives of certain weak verbs which are disyllabic in structure appear with the prefix
?i- or ?u-, as i n :
2.m.s. ?ibcid or ?ibticid (go away)
?ugaf (stand up)

Certain trisyllabic forms are also realized with the prefix ?i-:

2 m.s. ?irtihil (go away) ?istilim (take, receive)

Imperatives of hollow verbs appear with long (stressed) áa or úu:

2 m.s. naam (go to sleep)

ruuh (go away)

Lit. Ar. imperatives of form IV are normally realized on the analogy of theme II of the
derived forms of the triliteral verbs i.e., FaMMal as i n :

2 m.s. rassil (send) xabbur (tell)

sarric (make haste) daxxil (let in)

The above also applies to these weak verbs:

2 m.s. yabbis (make dry) ?ayyis (despair)

Some common forms of the perfect, imperfect, and imperative

The perfect, imperfect, and imperative of certain strong verbs both in A and B
appear below.
FaMaL/yiFMaL type:

B A

gacad, yig C id, ?igCid (to sit) gacad, yagcad, ?igcad

samac, yismac, ?ismac (to hear, listen) simac, yasmac, ?ismac
šarab, yišrab, ?išrab (to drink) širab, yašrab, ?išrab
tabax, yitbax. ?itbax (to cook) tubax, yatbax, Pitbax

Derived themes
Specimens of the derived themes o f perfect/imperfect in B are:

11 jawwad, ijawwid (to hold), v.n. tajwiid

baddal, ibaddil (to change), v.n. tabdiil
c
allam, icallim (to teach), v.n. tacluum
sabbah, isabbih (to bathe), v.n. tasbuuh
75 Part 3

Ill saamah, isaamih (to forgive, condone), v.n. msaamaha

C
aašar, icaašir (to have social intercourse), v.n. mcaašar
saa c ad, isaacid (to help), v.n. msaacade
saafar, isaafur (to travel), v.n safar
V itkallam, yitkallam (to talk or discuss), v.n. itkillim
ft/abbas, yitlabbas (to dress), v.n. itlibbis
itfannan, yitfannan (to excel), v.n. itfinnin
ithassan, yithassan (to have a hair-cut), v.n. ithissin
VI itsaadag, yitsaadag (to befriend), v.n. msaadag
itsaalam, yitsaalam (to greet), v.n. msaalam
itmaazah, yitmaazah (to joke), v.n. immaazah, mazaah

Note above, themes V and VI have the characteristic prefix it- in the perfect. The c Anazi
forms of the same are realized without the prosthetic i, as i n :

theme V ticallam
theme VI tisaadag
VII ?inšahan, yinšihin (to be filled). v.n. šahaan
?inġasal, yinġsil (to wash), v.n. ġasaal
VIll ?istalam, yistilim (to receive), v.n. tasiuum
?istamac, yistimic (to listen), v.n. tasmuuc/itsimmic

The Weak Verb

The hamzated verb: verbs with initial hamza

In B, only 3 m.s. perfect ?axad and ?akal have the shorter free variants xad and kal.
The perfect form kala <?akal is a regular feature of A, not B. In B, the perfect, imper­
fect forms of the above and the verbal nouns derived from them are:

?axad, yaaxid, v.n. ?axaad

?akal, yaakil, v.n. ?akaal

The conjugations of the perfect verb ?akal (he ate) both in A and B, are given below:

Perf. B Perf. A imp. B imp. A

3 m.f. ?akal, kal ?ikal, kala

3 f.s. ?akalat kalat
2 m.s. ?akalt kaleet kil ?ikil/kil
2 f.s. ?akaltiin kaleetay ?ikli ?iklay
1 c.s. ?akalt kaleet
3 c.pl. ?akalaw kalaw
2 c.pl. ?akaltuun kaleetaw ?iklu ?iklaw
1 c.pl. ?akalne kaleene

The paradigm below sets out the conjugations of the perfect and the imperfect of ?axad
(he took) both in A and B. Note again that the unprefixed forms are a regular feature of
A, not B:
76 Part 3

perf. B perf. A imperf. B imperf. A

3 m.s. ?axad/xad xad yaaxid yaaxid

3 f.s. ?axadat xadat taaxid taaxid
2 m.s. ?axadt xadeet taaxid taaxid
2 f.s. ?axadtiin xadeetay taaxdiin taaxdiin
1 C.S. ?axadne xadeet aaxid aaxid
3 c.pl. ?axadaw xadaw yaaxduun yaaxduun
2 c.pl. ?axadtuun xadeetaw taaxduun taaxduun
1 c.pl. ?axadne xadeene naaxid naaxid

Verb medial hamza

Verbs with medial hamza are rare, and only sa?al (he asked) and ra?as (he presided
over) occur frequently. The realization of the hamza in these forms is common to all
speakers regardless of their educational status. In A the short, stressed á of B is realized i,
as in si?al and ri?as. The paradigm below gives the conjugations of the verb sa?al in B:

perf. imperf. imp.

3 m.s. sa?al yis?al

3 f.s. sa?alt tis?al
2 m.s. sa?alt tis?al ?is?al
2 f.s. sa?altiin tis?aliin ?is?ali
1 c.s. sa?alt ?as?al
3 m.pl. sa?alaw yis?aluun
2 c.pl. sa?altuun tis?aluun ?is?alu
1 c.pl. sa?alne nis?al

Verb final hamza

Lit. Ar. forms with a final hamza regularly lose the hamza both in A and B. Long aa
of lit. Ar. forms is imalized to -e, as in je <jaa?.2 In some cases the final hamza of Arabic
forms is elided and the medial radical is geminated as in this example from B:
badde < bada? (he has started)
but note gara (he has read)
Some common verbs of this type are:
badde, ibaddi (to start) v.n. (i) tbiddi
gara, yigra (to read), v.n. (i) graaye
je, iji (to come, arrive), v.n. jiyye

The conjugation of the verb badde (he has started) is given below:

perf. imperf. imp.

3 m.s. badde ibaddi

3 f.s. baddat itbaddi
2 m.s. baddeet itbaddi badd
2 f.s. baddeetiin itbaddiin baddi
1 c.s. baddeet ?abaddi
3 c.pl. baddaw ibadduun
2 c.pl. baddeetuun itbadduun baddu
1 c.pl. baddeene inbaddi
77 Part 3

Note that the preformative i- of the imperfect form 3 m.s. and 3 c. pl. is realized y-
remalns in liaison with the negative particles laa or maa, as in: laa ybaddi (he does not
start) or maa ybadduun (they do not start)
Verb initial w
The most common example of these is the verb wasal (he came, arrived) which has
the free variant wassal in B. 3 m.s. perfect of the same verb has the characteristic pen-
ultimate open syllable Cu- in A , but Ca- in B. Also, 3 m.s. imperfect has the penultimate
syllable Coo- in A , but Cuu- in B. Cf:

A B

3 m.s. perf. wusal/wugaf wasal/wagaf

3 m.s. imperf. yoosal/yoozan yuusal/yuuzan

The conjugation of the verb wagaf(he stood) in B, appears below:

perf. imperf. imp.

3 m.s. wagaf yuugaf/yuwgaf (rural)

3 f.s. wagafat tuugaf
2 m.s. wagaft tuugaf ?ugaf
2 f.s. wagaftiin tuugafiin ?ugafi
1 c.s. wagaft ?awgaf
3 c.pl. wagafaw yuugafuun
2 c.pl. wagaftuun tuugafuun ?ugafu
1 c.pl. wagafne nuugaf

Derived themes
Some common examples of the derived themes of verbs initial w in B are:

II warraf, iwarruf (to bequeath), v.n. tawriif

III waasal, iwaasil (to continue), v.n. imwaasal
V (i)twaffag, yitwaffag (to be successful) v.n. tawfiig
VI (i)twaadac, yitwaadac (to bid farewell), v.n. imwaadac
VIll ?ittasac, yittisic (to get larger), v.n.

Verb initial y
The paradigm below gives the inflection of the verb ?ayyas (to despair)

perf. imperf. imp.

3 m.s. ?ayyas i?ayyis

3 f.s. ?ayyasat it?ayyis
2 m.s. ?ayyasat it?ayyis ?ayyis
2 f.s. ?ayyastiin it?aysiin ?aysi
1 c.s. ?ayyast ?a?ayyis
3 c.pl. ?ayyasaw3 i?aysuun
2 c.pl. ?ayyastuun it?aysuun ?aysu
1 c.pl. ?ayyasne in?ayyis
78 Part 3

Derived themes:
Some examples of the derived themes of verbs with initial y are:

11 yabbas, iyabbis (to dry), v.n. ityibbis/taybiis

V tyabbas, yityabbas (to become dry)

Hollow verbs
These are noted chiefly for two features. Firstly y- of the imperfect preformative of
hollow verbs is normally realized i-. Secondly, the 3 m.s. imperfect ibaat (to stay over­
night) has the free variant ibiit in B. Some common forms of hollow verbs in B are:

gaal, iguul (to inform), v.N. gool, gawalaan

šaal, išiil (to carry), v.n. šayalaan
gaam, iguum (to rise up), v.n. gooma
taah, itiih (to fall down), v.n. teeha

The paradigm below sets out the conjugation o f the hollow verb saam (he fasted):

perf. imperf. imp.

3 m.s. saam isuum

3 f.s. saamat itsuum
2 m.s. sumt itsuum suum
2 f.s. sumtiin itsuumiin suumi
1 c.s. sumt ?asuum
3 c.pl. saamaw isuumuun
2 c.pl. sumtuun itsuumuun suumu
1 c.pl. sumne insuum

Derived themes
The following verbs are illustrative of the derived themes of hollow verbs:

II FaMMaL jawwad, ijawwid (to hold), v.n. tajwiid

xawwaf, ixawwuf (to d read), v.n. taxwiif
III FaaMaLa ġaawar, igaawur (to ignore), v.n. imġaawar
V taFaMMaLa ithayyar, yithayyar (to be baffIed), v.n. ithiyyur

Defective verbs
Defective verbs in this dialect have the characteristic vowel i in the imperfect
preformative, normally realized a in A . Cf:

B A

3 m.s. yirmi, yimši yarmi, yarnši

Some common form of these, together with their verbal nouns, appear below.
FaMaL, yiFMaL:
79 Part 3

c
ata, yicti (to give), v.n. ataay
rama, yirmi (to throw), v.n. ramaay
maše, yimši (to walk), v.n. mamše/maši
baġa, yubġi (to want), v.n. baġiyye
sawwa, isawwi (to make), v.n. taswaat
wadde, iwaddi (to take to), v.n. tawdaat
samme, isammi (to name), v.n. tasmaat
xalle, ixalli (to leave), v.n. taxlaat

Below is the conjugation of the verb maše (he walked) both in A and B. Cf:

perf. B perf. A imperf. B imperf. A imp. B imp. A

3 m.s. maše miše yimši yamši

3 f.s. mašat mišat timši tarnši
2 m.s. mašeet mišeet timši tamši miš ?imiš
2 f.s. mašeetiin mišeetay timšiin tamšeen ?imši ?imšay
1 c.s. mašeet mišeet ?amši ?amši
3 c.pl. mašaw mišaw yimšuun yamšuun
2 c.pl. mašeetuun mišeetaw timšuun tamšuun ?imšu ?imšaw
1 c.pl. mašeene mišeene nimši namši

Note above
above:: the occurrence of the ;anaptyctic
(a) anaptyctic i in 2 m.s. imp. in A only.
(b)
the occurrence, in A , o f i in the penultimate open syllable of all
the perfect forms, and that in B, a is regularly used in the same
position, e.g., maše, miše
Perfect forms of the defective verb saha (he recovered) have free variants in B. Cf:

perf.

3 m.s. saha, ishi

3 f.s. sahat, sihyat
3 m.s. saheet, ishiit
2 f.s. saheetiin, ishiitiin
1 c.s. saheet, ishiit
3 c.pl. sahaw, sihyaw
2 c.pl. saheetuun, ishiituun
1 c.pl. saheene, ishiine

In rural forms of B, Manāmah ee is often replaced by the diphthong ey, as in:

saheetuun > saheytuun

saheene > saheyne

The conjugation of the verb baġa (he wanted, asked for) is given below:

perf. imperf.

3 m.s. baġa yubġi/yubbi4

3 f.s. baġat tubġi/tubbi
80 Part 3

2 m.s. baġeet tubġi/tubbi

2 f.s. baġeetiin tubġeen/tubbeen
1 c.s. baġeet ?abgi/?abbi
3 c.pl. baġaw yubġoon/yubboon
2 c.pl. baġeetuun tubġoon/tubboon
1 c.pl. baġeene nubġi/nubbi

Cf. the c Anazi imperfect forms of the above: 5

imperfect

3 m.s. yabbi
3 f.s. tabbi
2 m.s. tabbi
2 f.s. tabbiin
1 c.s. ?abi
3 c.pl. yabboon
2 c.pl. tabboon
1 c.pl. nabbi

Note, above, the use of back vowel u with the imperfect preformatives y, t, and n in B, as
against a for the same forms in A. Also, note the use of the plural suffix óon both in A
and B.
The future particle b(i)- is to be derived from this root. With 1 c.s. forms it is realized b-
or ?aba-. Thus:

basiid or ?abaasiid (I am going to catch)

baruuh or ?abaaruuh (I shall go)

Doubly weak verbs

The most common form of these is the verb je (he came) rendered ye in A. Although
palatalization of j to y is found in rural B, yet j of the above form remains stable in B.y
of the imperfect preformative is invariably rendered i both in A and B. Total assimilation
of the voiceless t to j occurs, e.g., the 3 f.s. itji > ijji. Cf :

perf. B perf. A imperf. B imperf. A

3 m.s. Je ye iji iyi

3 f.s. jat yaat ijji ityi
2 m.s. jiit yeet iw ityi
2 f.s. jiitiin yeetay ijjiin ityiin
1 c.s. jiit yeet ?aji ?ayi
3 c.pl. jaw yaw ijuun iyuun
2 c.pl. jiituun yeetaw ijjuun ityuun
1 c.pl. jiine yeene inji inyi

Geminate Verbs
Here again y of the imperfect preformative is regularly rendered ƒ in A and B. In
some forms total assimilation of the t of the imperfect to d takes place in A as well as B.
Cf. 3 f.s. itdill >iddill. Assimilation of t does not seem to occur in the vicinity of s, r, or
81 Part 3

m, etc. Cf:

itsikk (to close), itrišš (to sprinkle), itmidd (to stretch)

Conjugation of the geminate form dall (to direct, guide) is given below:

perf. B perf. A imperf. B imperf. A

3 m.s. da/I dall idill idill

3 f.s. dallat dallat iddill iddill
2 m.s. dal/eet dalleet idill idill
2 f.s. dalleetiin dalleetay iddilliin iddilliin
1 c.s. dalleene dalleene indill indill
3 c.pl. dallaw dallaw idilluun idilluun
2 c.pl. dalleetuun dalleetaw iddilluun iddilluun
1 c.pl. dalleene dalleene indill indill

The Passive Verb

The passive, in this dialect, is either expressed by theme V I I as, for example,
?inkasar (it was broken), or by not expressing the agent in the sentence, for example, ?id-
dikkaan it ?ajjar (the shop was let), or by a 3 c.pl. functioning as an impersonal verb. Ac-
cordingly, the prefix Fin- is a regular feature of the passive perfect forms in this dialect;
yin-, tin-, and ?an- are regular features of the passive imperfect. The paradigm below, sets
out the realization o f perfect/imperfect passives in this dialect.

perfect: 3 m.s. ?indarab (he was beaten)

3 f.s. ?indarabat
2 m.s. ?indarabt
2 f.s. ?indarabtiin
1 c.s. ?indarabat, etc.
imperfect: 3 m.s. yindurub (he is, beaten)
2 f.s. tindurub
2 m.s. tindurub
2 f.s. tindurbiin
1 c.s. Fandurub, etc.

Hamzated forms of the passive verb

Hamzated verbs of the type FaMaL tend to take the prefixes Fin- and yinn- for perfect
and imperfect respectively. Cf:

perfect: ?innaxad (it was taken) ?innakal (it was eaten)

imperfect: yinnaxad (it is taken) yinnakal (it is eaten)

Initially hamzated verbs of the type FaMMaL, tend to use form V to express the
passive, and thus:

perfect: it?ajjar (it was let)

it?axxar (he was late)
imperfect: yit?ajjar (it is let)
yit?axxar (he is late)
82 Part 3

Note that the addition of the prefix b- to the imperfect forms of the passive changes the
meaning from present to future, thus:

b-yit?ajjar (it will be let) b-yindurub (he will be beaten)

b-yit?axxar (he will be late) b-tindurub (she will be beaten)

Hollow verbs as passive forms

Hollow verbs take the prefixes ?in- and yin- < V I I for the perfect and imperfect
respectively. Cf:

perfect: ?injaab ( it was brought) ?inšaal (it was taken)

imperfect: yinjaab (it is brought) yinšaal (it is taken)

Defective verbs as passive forms

These also take the same prefixes as above:

perfect: ?inšara (it was bought) ?inrama (it was thrown)

imperfect: yinšara (it is bought) (it is thrown)
yinrama

Geminate verbs as passive forms

These also take the same prefixes:

perfect : ?inhatt (it was put) ?indagg (it was ground)

imperfect: yinhatt (it is put) yindagg (it is ground)

Quadriliteral Verb
Both forms of the lit. Ar. quadriliteral verbs are found in this dialect. Those that are
formed by the doubling of a biliteral root show a higher frequency of occurrence in
speech. A salient feature of the imperfect of these verbs is the regular empolyment of the
prefix i < y.
The paradigmatic behviour o f two such verbs are adduced below:

perfect : 3 m.s. sarwal (to trouser) galgal (to shake)

3 f.s. sarwalat gal galat
2 m.s. sarwalt galgalt
2 f.s. sarwaltiin galgaltiin
imperfect: 3 m.s. isarwil igalgil
3 f.s. (i) tsarwil (i) tgalgil
2 m.s. (l)tsarwil (j) tgalgil
2 f.s. (i)tsarwiliin (i) tgalgiliin

Derived Themes
As the summary above shows, the basic themes of the triliteral verb are all found in
this dialect. Theme III (a), 6 as in soolaf (he chatted) or xoozar (he stared fixedly, looked
askance), is a common feature of B. Theme IV is normally replaced by theme I I , thus
rassal (he sent) and xabbar (he told). Voiceless t of certain forms of theme V undergoes
total assimilation when followed by a voiced consonant, as in iddarrar (he incurred
damage) or ijjammac (it accrued). Also, theme VI (a) 7 like (i)tsoolaf (he chatted) or
(i)tjooram (he felt guilty) are common in B. Another common form arising from theme
V I , hereafter called VI (b), is (i)tFeeMaL as in (i)tmeerad (he malingered) or (i)tkeesal (he
83 Part 3

became lazy). Forms of theme IX chiefly express colours such as: ?ihmarr (it got red),
?ixdarr (it got green). Others o f the same theme are also present, e.g., ?ihtarr (it got hot),
?iftarr (he turned).
Certain Arabic forms of theme X normally lose their medial hamza and as a result
of this loss, a compensatory lengthening of the vowel a takes place: Cf:

?istaanas (he was bemused) yistaanis

but note: ?ista?dan (he asked permission) yista?din

Finally, the imperfect preformatives of most of the derived themes are y- or i-< y.
Here are the basic forms of the derived themes in this dialect:

perf. imperf. imp.

c c
II ammar (he ploughed the soil) i c ammur ammur
III saafar (he travelled) isaafur saafur
Ill(a) foošar (he boasted) ifoošur foošur
IV xabbar (he told) ixabbur xabbur
V (i)thassan (he had his hair cut) yithassan ithassan
VI (i)tsaawar (he consulted) yitšaawar itšaawar
Vl(a) (i)tjooram (he felt guilty) yitjooram -
Vl(b) (i)tfeedal (he poked his nose) yitfeedal itfeedal
VII ?inšahan (it was filled) yirišihin -
VIII ?istama c (he listened) yištimic ?istimic
IX ?ihtarr (it got hot) yihtarr ?ihtarr
X ?ista?jar (he rented) yista?jur ?ista?jur

Note that the perfect forms V , V I , Vl(a), Vl(b) normally take the prefix it-.
Finally, locally coined forms, on the analogy of theme 11, are frequently met w i t h .
Cf:

FaMMaL: hawwas (he put pressure) fannas (he resigned, from English "finish")
bannad (he closed (a shop), from Persian)

Active and Passive Participles

FaaMiL and maFMuuL, corresponding to classical Arabic active and passive partici­
ples of the triliteral verb, are common in B. Defective verbs which do not exhibit a
munFaMiL form in B, are realized as:

?illi ncata (which was given)

?illi nšara (which was bought)

Arabic forms of the type maFMuuL as in ma?kuul, lose their hamza and as a result a
compensatory lengthening of short a to long aa takes place, e.g., maakuul (is eaten),maaxuud
(is taken).
Some common forms of FaaMiL/maFMuuL participles in B are:

act. part. pass. part.

baayic (seller) mabyuuc (sold)
ġaasil (washer) maġsuul (washed)
84 Part 3

haamil (carrier) mahmuul (carried)

maaxid (taker) maaxuud (taken)

Some examples o f FaaMiL/munFaMiL forms o f the participles are:

caasi (provider) minčasi (recipient o f provision'

kaasib (winner) mink/sib (loser)
haarig (burner) mihtirig (burnt)

Active participles as verbs

A characteristic feature found in B is the regular employment of the terminations
-inne and -tinne, masculine and feminine respectively (sc. tanwin + pron. suff.) with the
active participle form FaaMiL in these verbal constructions:

masc. ?abuuyi šaarinne (my father bought it)

fem. ?amiina msawwitinne (?Amina made it)

Cf. the A rendering of the above examples:

?
masc. ubuuy šaarye
fem. ?amiine msawwite
Some common forms of the active participles
Examples of common forms o f active particples based on the derived themes of
triliteral verbs are given below:

V8 mitFaMMiL < mutaFaMMiL

mitbarriz (prepared ; ready)
mitlabbis (dressed)
mitFooMiL < mutaFaMMiL
middooliġ (wearing socks)
mitxoobil (dismayed, alarmed)

Note the total assimilation o f the voiceless (t) in the first example above.

VI mitFeeMiL < mutaFaaMiL

mitbeexil (stingy)
mitheeris (mean)

Examples of quadriliteral forms are given below:

I (i)mFaMLuL < muFaMLiL

mbartum (cross, grim-faced)
mta.igur (unwilling to communicate)
II mitFaMLiL < mutaFaMLiL
mitsarwil (trousered)
mitmalfica (veiled (fem.))
mitFaMMiL < mutaFaMMiL
mitcammim (turbaned)
mitcallim (educated)
85 Part 3

The Nominal Patterns

A large number of Arabic nominal types, including some archaic forms have survived
in B. The simplest and commonest forms of these are biconsonantal nouns such as are
characterized by ultimate long (doubled) consonants, e.g., xadd (cheek). Others have
undergone morphophonemic changes, such as the following plural forms, normally
treated as sound plurals in Arabic, are realized as broken plurals in B:

baggaal, pl. bagaagiil for lit. Ar. baqqaaluun (grocers)

hammaal, pl. hamaamiil for lit. Ar. hammaaluun (porters)

Other forms of Arabic nouns appear with the anaptyctic (a), (i), or (u) as i n :

faham (coal) bagil (clover) gabur (grave)

Certain archaic forms of nouns and adjectives are preserved in B. Forms such as the adjec­
tive xayyir (calm and obedient), the irregular plural substantive pattern FiMLaan, as in
niswaan (women); the pl. pattern FaMaaLa, as in sakaara (drunken); and the pl. pattern
FaMaaLiL, as in manaayir (minarets) or haraayir (silk).
Nouns of the type FaMMaaL, mostly pertaining to traditional crafts and trades,
figure largely in B:

c
sammaač (fisherman) akkaar (date planter)
haddaar (owner of weirs) saffaaf (mat plaiter)

Some scattered old forms, such as mamšaa (disposal or szle), hisbaan (reckoning, calcula­
tion), šarye (a buy),binye (physical constitution), c ubri (passenger),siif (harbour),sluum
(setting of the sun), are commonly met with in daily speech.
However, the c Anazi (medial guttural) pattern FMaLa < FaMLa, eg., ghawa
< gahwa (coffee) resulting in an initial biconsonantal cluster, does not occur in B. This
also applies to FiMaL < FaMaL e.g., liban (sour milk) and jimal (camel) are realized
laban and jamal in B. Similarly forms FiMiiL and FiMiiLa as in hiliib (milk) and hijiije
(fact) are invariably realized haliib and hagiiga in B.Also the c Anazi pattern FMuLa <
FaMaLa as in rguba (neck) realized ragaba in B is another example of the non-elision of
the a of the first syllable of CaCaCa(C) forms in the pre- c Anazi speech of eastern Arabia.
Certain Arabic adjectives of the type ?aFMaL (m.s.) may have the pattern FaMaL in
A , where the initial radical is a guttural. Thus:

B A

?ahmar (red) hamar

?axdar (green) xadar
(red)
Certain classical adjectives are also in circulation in B, e.g.,

FaMiiL/e as in batiin/e (a glutton)

FaMuuL as in maluul (easily bored) or canuud (obstinate) saduug (truthful)
sabuur (patient)
FaaMuuL as in šaaġuul (hard working)
FaMLaani FaMLaaniy as in foogaani (top one)
tahtaani (bottom one)
86 Part 3

MFaMMaL < muFaMMaL as in mšajjar (patterned)

mdawwar (circular)
mFooMi/uL < muFawMaL as in mtoowil (longish)
mhoomur (reddish)

Specimens of derivative adjectives in B are:

noun adjective

beelajaan (egg-plant) beelajaani (violet)

ward (rose) wardi (rose)
gahwa (coffee) gahwači (dark-brown)

Some examples of pl. patterns o f relative adjectives found in B are:

sing. pl.

FaMaaLa as in jamri jamaara (Bani Jamrah villagers)

gatiifi gataafa (Qatifis)
FuMLa as in buhri buhra (Indian Ismailis)
FaMaaw(i)La(h) draazi daraawze (Dirāzi villagers)
FawaaM(i)La(h) as in seebci sawaabca (Abu Sēbi c villagers)
FaMaaL(i) wa(h) as in satraawi sataarwa (Sitrah Islanders)
hindi hanaadwa (Indians)
FaMaaLiL as in halaayli halaayil (Bahārnah villagers)
FaMaaLiyye as in hasaawi hasaawiyye (Hasāwis)

The Formation of Nouns and Adjectives by Suffixes: The Singular

With few exceptions, the suffix -e or -a marks a noun or adjective as feminine singu­
lar, i s i n :

fem, noun mara (woman) bnayye (girl, daughter)

c
fem. adj. oode (big, elderly) saġiira (young, small)

The Dual
Dual nouns are marked by the suffix -een and -teen, e.g.,

masc. waladeen (two boys or sons) bitteen (two girls, daughters)

Feminine nouns which have the termination -a or -e are characterized by the infix -t
before the dual suffix -een as i n :

fem, noun rtaba rtabateen (two ripe dates)

waraga waragateen (two papers)

The Sound Plural

The sound plural is made by the suffixation of-iin, -aat and -iyye. -iin is suffixed to
masculine nouns and adjectives as i n :

mwaddafiin (civil servants) or zeeniin (good, excellent)

87 Part 3

-aat is suffixed to feminine singular nouns that have the feminine ending -a or -e as i n :

bnayye (girl) banaat (girls)

marra (once) marraat (several times)

-iyye occurs with nouns pertaining to trades or origins as i n :

hasaawi hasaawiyye (Hasawis) or hammaaliyye (porters)

The Diminutive
Arabic forms of the diminutive, viz. FMeeL < FuMayL, FMeeLa < FuMayLa,
and FMayyiL < FuMayyiL are also found in this dialect. A locally coined form of the
diminutive ending in stressed óo as in FaMaaLóo is a peculiarity common to Bahrāni and
Umāni speech. The following examples illustrate the diminutive forms in B :

(1) proper names: (i) FMeeL (i) FMeeLa

hmeed (Humayd) fdeeda (Fudayda)

(2) place names: jfeer (jufayr) nceem (Nu c aym)
daar ičleeb (Dār Kulayb) ġreefe (Ghurayfa)
c
(3) (i) FMayyiL: hbayyib (Habib) zayyiz ( c Aziz)
The above are often used to denote maternal love, when said by a mother to her son.
(4) Certain classical forms have also survived in B. Cf:
šwayye (a little) nteefe (a small bit)
qiitat yoom (one day's meal), inf. 2.
(5) The local form of FaMaaLoo, 9 diminutive of proper names, is very common :
hasaanoo (Hasan) fataamoo (Fātrna)

Collectives
In this dialect, one type of collective noun is characterized by a scatter of four
related forms each appropriate to its own grammatical context, thus:

singulative dual collective plural

waraga (one paper) waragateen warag Fawraag

tamaataye (one tomato) tamaatayateen tamaata tamaata

Certain plurals are characterized by the association of the plural form with one of the
following specific words:

raas (head (of onion)) raaseen ruus basal

c
čeele (one scoop) čeelateen čammin čeele eeš

Collective nouns are also formed by the addition of the fem. suff. a to the relative adjec­
tive of the type FaMMaaL. Cf: f:

xammaam xammaama (sweepers)

hammaar hammaara (donkey drivers)

Certain collective nouns denoting local crafts or trades have two realizations in B, viz.
88 Part 3

ġaasa ġawaawiis (divers)

bahhaara bahaahiir (seamen)
xayaayta xayaayiit (tailors)
sammaače samaamiič (fisher folk)

The Verbal Nouns: Derived Themes

Verbal nouns show a high rate of frequency in daily speech in B. The simplest form
of these is FaMiL as in gatil (killing). Certain FaMiL forms have the free variant FaMaaL
as in hamil/hamaal (carriage), ġasil/ġasaal (washing)
Verbal nouns such as derived from hollow verbs are mainly of the form: gooma
(getting up) or nooma (sleeping).
Another common form is FaMaLaan, 10 also derived from hollow verbs. Cf:

fawahaan (boiling) jayabaan (bringing)

gawalaan (telling) šarayaan (buying)

Verbal nouns derived from defective verbs are also copious; these exhibit the form
FaMaaL. Cf:

c
ramaay (throwing) ataay (giving)
sagaay (watering) habaay (crawling)

Archaic forms such as taFMuuL and TaFMaaL (derived from defective verbs, viz. final -y)f
are found in B. Below is a list of the most recurring forms of the verbal nouns derived
from triliteral verbs in this dialect:

II taFMuuL 1 1

tasluum (handing over) tacluum (training, teaching)

tasbuuh (bathing) tasmuuc (listening)
but note: tasbiih (glorification of God on a bead), ta cdiil (tidying) both o f which also
belong to form II of the derived themes of the triliteral verbs.

II (from verbs final w, y )

taFMaaL

tawdaat (delivering) tasfaat (refining, purification)

tarbaat (bringing up) taxlaat (leaving, keeping)
III (i) mFaaMal < muFaaMaLa
mkaafah (hard work) mjaabah (constant attention)
msaafaf (arrangement) mbaašar (regular care)
IV taFMiiL, replacing ?iFMaaL)
takmiil (completing) tabdiil (changing)
tahdiir (preparing) tabliiġ (notification)
V ( i ) t F i M M i L < taFaMMuL
itciddil (tidying)
itmiddin (keeping up with civilization)
itfinnin (excelling)
itbirriz (preparation)
89 Part 3

t of the above forms undergoes total assimilation in the vicinity of d or d. Cf :

iddillim (complaining)
iddillic (fondling)

VI (i)tFeeMiL < taFaaMuL

itbeexil (stinginess)
itheeris (meanness)

The commonest patterns of verbal nouns, derived from quadriliteral verbs are:

II (i)tFiMLiLor(i)tFuMLuL <taFaMLuL

itsirwil (trousering)
itburtum (state of being cross)
ittungur (unwillingness to communicate)
Itfursux (disengaging)

Common Forms of Nouns and Verbal Nouns in B

Below is a representative list of some of the most frequently recurring forms of
nouns and verbal nouns in this dialect:

1. FaML as i n : talc (spadix or spathe of the palm tree)

warč (thigh)
FaMaL < FaMLasin: faham (coal) bahar (sea)
FaMiL < FaMLasin: bagil (clover) batin (stomach)
FaMuL < FaML as i n : gabur (grave) sadur (chest)

Two rare forms, probably arising from FaML, are sidh (roof) and fugur (poverty). Certain
forms of the above have different realizations, with or without anaptyctic u.
Cf: tamr tamur (dates)

The anaptyctic i, such as in FaMiL forms is frequently met w i t h , particularly in the vicinity
of plosives like g and t.

c
2. FiML: idg (bunch) jidc (stem)
(i) FMuL<FiML: bsur (ripening dates) hbur (ink)
3. FuML: xums (1/5th) ruxs (cheapness)
FiML <FuML: dilm (injustice) filf (1/3rd)
(i)FMiL < F u M L :
šġil (work) hzin (sorrow, grief)
4. FaMLa: wajbe (meal) fahwa (unfulfilled wish)
šahwa (wish) gahwa (coffee)
5. FaMLa: gacde (sitting) daxle (entering)
nazie (descending) jalse (getting together)
6. FÏMLa: filga (half or slice) nicme (blessing)
7. FiMLi: šicri (certain, local fish)
jinni (evil spirit)
8. FuMLa: suxma (waist-coat) hurma (lady)
FiMLa < FuMLa hijra (room) gitra (head-cloth)
9. FaMaL: gadam (a holy spot) xabar (news, information)
90 Part 3

10. FaMaLa: tanaka (tin) xalaga (a piece of cloth)

11. FaMaaL: naxaal (sieving) zalaal (skimming)
nagaay (combing—of rice)
c
ajaan (dough kneading) galaay (frying)
halaab (milking)
12. (i) FMaaL<FiMaaL: šraa c (sail) hbaal (rope)
13. (i) F M a a K F u M a a L : ncaas (drowziness) zraar (button)
14. (i) F M u u L < FuMuuL: cyuun (eye) ġyuum (clouds)
15. FaaMLa < F a a M i L a : xaasra (waist) faatha (mourning ritual)
baarha (last night) naasfa (15th of Ramadān)

c
16. FaaMiL: aamil (worker) jaahil (child)
17. FaMaaLa: nadaafa (cleanliness) baraaha (open enclosure)
xaraaba (ruins) gawaaya (boldness, im­
pudence)
18. (i) FMaaLe < F i M a a L a :glaafe (boat building)
sfaara (copper-smithing)
hdaade (black smithing)
twaaše (pearl dealing)
but note: nasaaje (weaving)
19. FaMiiL: sariix (screaming) dariih (shrine)
far/id < tariid (meat and bread broth)
20. FaMiiLa: hariise (grain porridge) xabiisa (sweet made of
flour, butter and
sugar)
21. FaMuuL: gaduuc (food offered as entertainment)
sabuuc (one week)
22. (i) FMuuLa < FuMuuLa: xšuune (coarseness)
hmuuda (sourness)
but note the preservation of the short unstressed u in the koine form: xutuuba
(engagement)
c
23. FaMMaaL: akkaar (date planter)
bazzaaz (cloth dealer)
bahhaar (seaman)
jazzaaf (bulk-buyer of fish, also retailer)
24. FiMMaaLa: šiddaaxa (mouse-trap)
millaale (a pendant; a wooden frame for keeping fruit or
vegetables)
sillaaye (thorn ; fish bone)
c
25. FiMMiiL: sikkiir (alcoholic) irbiid (libertine)
26. FaaMuuL: haaguul (eel) xaafuur (a protected
seedling)
jaaruur (shelf, drawer)
27. MiFMaL: milfac (head veil), mišmar (head and
shoulder veil)
misnad (wall pillow, used for reclining)
mihmal (ship)
28. miFMaaL: mišxaal (sieve) misbaah (beads)
29. taFMaaL: taswaat (making)
tawdaat (delivering)
91 Part 3

tasfaat (refining)
taxlaat (vacating, placing)
30. taFMiiL: tagdiib (pruning)
tanblit (the cutting of the branches from a date palm)
tahdiir (clustering and lowering of branches)
tamšiit (combing)
talgiim (feeding by bits)
31. taFMuuL: tacluum (teaching; training)
tasluum (handing over)
tajmuuc (collecting; saving)
tamsuuh (rubbing, massaging)
32. FaMaLaan: mayalaan (slanting, sloping)
šayalaan (handling) jayabaan (bringing)
šarayaan (buying)
33. maFMuuL: mačbuus (local dish made with meat in the bottom of the pan,
covered with rice on top)
mašmuum (myrtle)
mamruus (local sweets made with flour, butter and sugar)
34. ( i ) t F i M M i L < taFaMMuL: itciddil (tidying)
itbirriz (preparing, making ready)
itsinnid (placing on the floor or against
the wall)
35. (i) tFeeMiL < taFaaMuL: itbeexil (stinginess)
itheeris (meanness)
36. ( i ) t F i M L i L or (i) tFuMLuL < taFaMLuL:
itsirwil (trousering)
itburtum (state o f being cross, grim
faced)
c
37. FaMLiyya: asriyye (evening) subhiyye (morning)
gacdiyye (sitting, sedentary)
38. FuuMaaL: duulaab (date garden) juuraab (socks)
39. (i)mFaaMaL < muFaaMaLa: imkaafah (hard work, toil)
imcaabal (diligence)
imraakad (regular attendance)
imbaašar (care, attention)
imcaadal (aligning, arranging)

The Broken Plural

A large number of classical forms of the broken plural are preserved in this dialect.
Some have undergone certain changes which are set out below. Since ƒ and u are regularly
elided in open syllable FiMaaL loses the short unstressed vowel i as in FMaaL: and
FuMuuL loses u as in FMuuL. The elision of the vowels i and u in open syllable is also a
feature of the c Anazi forms of the same. In lit. A r . FaMMaaL forms of nouns, when used
for persons, normally take the sound plural terminations. In B, such nouns are treated as
broken plurals, e.g.,

gallaaf galaaliif (boat builders)

baggaal bagaagiil (donkey drivers who sell local
vegetables)
gassaab gasaasiib (butchers)

Among the triliteral forms, the following occur most frequently in speech:
92 Part 3

(1)FMaaL, (i) FMuuL, FiMLaan, FuMLaan

Among the quadriliteral forms, the following occur frequently:
maFaaMiL, maFaaMiiL, FaMaaLiiL, FaMaayiL
Certain words have more than one broken plural in B, e.g.,

?araadi ?araadiin (lands)

sufr sufraan (the yellow ones)
zill zawaali (rugs)
nicl nicle (sandals)

Except for final imāla of a to e, the lit. A r . type ?aFMiLa remains stable. Cf :

?amtile (proverbs, examples) ?ajwibe (answers, responses)

Some ?aFMiLa forms also have free variants with the termination -aat. Cf :

?abniye binaayaat (buildings)

Lit Ar. forms that end in long aa are realized with a short -e < -a. Cf:

?aFMiLe,as i n : ?atqiye (pious people)

?ašqiye (mischievous persons)

Certain l i t . Ar. forms of the type ?aFMiLa(a), exhibit shorter forms peculiar to this
dialect. Cf:

ġinye ?agniyaa? (the rich)

ridye ?ardiya (cloaks)

The following items are specimens o f rare forms o f the broken plural found in this dialect :

FaMLe: mawte (the deceased)

FuML: ġurb (strangers)
FiMLe: hible (ropes)
FaMiiL : hariim ( ladies)
(i) FMiiL: (i) nxiil (date plantations)
FaMaaLL: maxaadd (pillows)
Common patterns o f the broken plural in B
The table below sets out some of the commoner patterns of the broken plural in
this dialect:

1. ?aFMaaL occurs as follows:

(a) ?aFMaaL < FiML, as: ?ascaar (prices)
(b) ?aFMaaL < FaML, as: ?awqaat (times)
(c) ?aFMaal < FuML, as: ?axmaas, ?asdaas; as in yidrub
Faxmaas fi ?asdaas (he is counting his 1/5ths and
1/6ths)
(d) ?aFMaaL < FaMaL, as: ?ašjaar (trees)
93 Part 3

Note that ?a cmaam and (i) cmuum (paternal uncle) are equally common in B. Also note
that certain forms of the lit. Ar. broken plural ?aFMaaL are replaced by FiMLaan where
hollow roots are involved. Thus:

looh > liihaan (planks of wood) in place of ?alwaah

baab > biibaan (doors) in place of îabwaab

But note: ?ačyaas (bags).

2. ?aFMiL < ?aFMuL,as: ?alsin (tongues) ašhi/ur (months)
3. ?aFMiLa/e,as: ?adwiye (medicine) ?adciye (prayers)
?anbiye (prophets) ?adkiye (intelligent)

Note that the B form waadye (regions and not valleys) in this dialect, replaces the class­
ical from ?awdiya, in rural forms o f B. Cf:

fi hal-waadye (in these regions) inf. 6 Karrānah

Also note the occurrence in B of the old form samaayid (rubbish) for ?asmide.

4. FaMaaLiL, as: ?awaadim (people) ?ajaanib (aliens)

c
amaayir (buildings) manaayir (minarets)

Note that ?amaakin (places) is invariably realized makaanaat in B.

5. FaMaaLiiL,as: ?abaariig (pitchers)

?ajaawiid (virtuous peopIe)
6. (i) FMaL < F u M a L : ijfar (holes) ihfar (pits, holes)
7. ( i ) F M a a L < FiMaaL:
(a) arising from a sing. FaML, as: člaab (dogs)
(b) arising from a sing. FaMaL, as: jbaal (mountains)
(c) arising from a sing. FaMLa, as: dlaal (coffee pots)
Also note that the Baharnah form rjaal (men) is realized ryaayiil in A.
8. (i) FMuuL < FuMuuL: dluuc (ribs) gluub (hearts
ġyuum (clouds) njuum (stars)
9. FiMiL < FuMuL: kitib (books) midin (cities)
10. FaMaLa < FuMaLaa?: šaraka (partners) nazale (occupants, tenants)
FuMaLe < FuMaLaa?: wukale (agents) zucame (leaders)
11. FiMLaan is related to certain singular patterns. Thus:

Sing. PI.

FaMaaL ġazaal ġizlaan (deer)

FiMaaL jdaar jidraan (walls)
FaMiiL sadiig sidgaan (friends)

Or with hollow roots, as:

siibaan (brooks)
xiilaan (uncles from mother's side)
jiiraan (neighbours)
niiraan (fires)
94 Part 3

Note that the form niswaan12 (women), a common lexical feature of B, has the singular
form mara or hurma (woman, lady) in this dialect.
12. FuMLaan is related to certain singular patterns. Thus:
FaMuuL xaruuf xurfaan (sheep)
FaMaL ba/ad buldaan (countries)
?aFMaL ?ahmar humraan (red)
FaMiiL jafiir jufraan (straw baskets)
13. FiMMaaL: hijjaaj (pilgrims) tijjaar (merchants)
14. FuMMaaL: huwwaal (shifters) zuwwaar (visitors)
15. FaMaaLi: šakaawi (complaints) gahaafi (local caps)
hačaawi (gossips) malaali (Mullas)

Specimens of the commoner forms of broken plurals derived from quadriliteral stems are
given below:

1. FaMaaLi/uL: baxaanug (head veils for young girls) mahaabur (ink pots)
mašaamur (long veils for women) ġadaayur (bowls)

2. FaMaaLila: bahaarne (Bahārnah) saraawle (trousers)

c
3. FaMaaLwa < FaMaaLiwa: akaarwa (date planters)
naxaawla (attendants of date gardens)
dalaalwa (brokers) taraarwa (beggars)
4. FaMaaLiiL: dawaaliib (date gardens) nawaatiir (sentries)
sanaaniir (cats) basaatiin (gardens)
5. FaMaayiL: masaayil (affairs, issues) fasaayil (transplants)
6. taFaaMiiL: tahaariim (religious mournings)
taxaariif (myths, tales)
7. maFaaMiL: mawaatim (Shi c i places of assembly)
madaawis (weaver's treadles)
mahaamil (ships) masaanid (wall-pillows)
8. maFaaMiiL: masaabiih (beads) mawaaciin (kitchenware)

Tanwin (Nunation): an Archaic Feature Preserved in B

Nunation, a phonetic feature of classical Arabic, has survived in B. Two common
forms occurring in this dialect are -an < -an and -in < -an, -in, -un.
The former is found, mainly, in koine forms, and the latter is peculiar to dialect
forms. Nunation does not affect cardinals in this dialect. Examples of the commoner
forms of these are given below:

-an is frequently met with in these koine forms:

ġasban c anni (I couldn't help it) tabcan (of course)

taqriiban (approximately) matalan (for example)

-in corresponding to lit. Ar. -un, -an, -in is found i n :

beetin ma cmuur (may this house be blessed)
hajjatin maqbuule13 (I hope you have had a perfect pilgrimage)
ziyaaratin mabruuka (I hope you had a blessed visit)
Also i n : waiadin zeen (a good lad)
hurmatin ?ajwadiyye (a virtuous lady)
samačatin tariyye (a freshly caught fish)
95 Part 3

It should be noted that dialect -in is caseless, and that the adjectives collocating with
nouns do not have the termination -in, even when they are non-pausal.

The Construct State

Masculine and feminine plural nouns that end in -iin and -aat remain unchanged in
the construct state, e.g.,

masc.pl. mufattišiin il-baladiyye (municipality inspectors)

C
fem.pl. mudarrisaat il-ma aaruf (school mistresses o f the Ministry o f Education)

Dual nouns have no affixed forms and are replaced by a plural + the dual cardinal, as i n :

?awlaade l-itneen fi I-midrase (his two sons are at school)

banaate t-tinteen fi I-beet (his two daughters are at home)
but not:
waladeen ir-rajjaal
or bitteen ir-rajjaal
Feminine singular nouns and collectives that end in -a take -t in the construct, e.g.,
fem. sing. sayyaarat iš-šarika (the company car)
collective xammaamat il-baladiyye (the municipality sweepers)

In rural forms o f B, the particle tabacis often used to indicate a possessive relationship.
Cf:

tabac il-hukuuma (of the Government)

tabac iš-šarika (of the company)

The particle hagg (for) is also used similarly:

m s. hagg ahmad (for Ahmad)

f.s. hagg amiine (for Amina)
m.pl. hagg il-jahaal (for the children)
f.pl. hagg il-banaat (for the girls)
The particles raa ci and r caat (owner of) are also used similarly. Cf.

raa ci t-tiksi (owner of the taxi)

(i) rcaat ittiksiyye (owners of taxis)

The Comparison of Adjectives

The pattern of the elative in this dialect is ?aFMaL, usually with min (than). Thus:

hal-xalag ?aškal min daak (this garment is better than that)

?il-cood ?arzan min is-saġiir (the elder is more composed than the younger)
l-idraaz ?ašrah min is-sanaabis (Dirāz is pleasanter than Sanābis)

The elative of adjectives is found with all numbers and genders. Cf:
96 Part 3

?il-walad ?akbar min l-ibnayye (the boy is older than the girl)
?il-banaat ?agwa min l-awlaad (the girls are stronger than the boys)

The superlative is normally expressed by placing the elative form of the adjective in
a construct relation with the noun or pronominal suffix, as:

?abrak (most auspicious day)

?a cgalhum (the wisest among them)

The form min ?aFMaL maa, a common feature o f the superlative usage in this dialect, is
found i n :

min abda c maa yumkin (one of the best)

min arxas maa yumkin (the cheapest available)

The Numerals

The cardinals one to ten

Below, are the cardinals from one to ten:

with masc. nouns with fem. nouns

1 waahid wahde
2 ?itneene tinteen
3 talaate talaat
4 ?arbaca ?arbac
5 xamse xams/xamis
6 sitte sitt
7 sabca sabc/sabic
8 tamaanye tamaan
9 tisca tisic
c c
10 ašara ašir

It should be noted that it is the urban forms o f B which exhibit the structure FaML as in
sab c (seven) whereas in rural forms of the same, they are realized with the anaptyctic i.
Cf:

sabic xamis

t can be replaced by f in all the forms above, as in falaafe (three).

waahid and wahde always denote an indefinite number, e.g.,
loohin waahid (one plank o f wood) or beeda wahde (one egg).
The masculine counterpart of the above, i.e.,haadi has wider currency in daily speech. Cf:

?il-yoom haadimin rabiic l-awwal (today is the first of Rabi c al-Awwal-3rd month
of the Muslim year)
Or as in these common phrases: haadi š-šahar (first day of the month)
tawaali š-šahar (last days of the month)
97 Part 3

The numerals from three to nine

Masculine nouns, from 3 to 9, take the fem, form of the numerals; and feminine
nouns are associated with the masc. form o f the numerals as i n :

numeral + fem, p l . numeral + masc. pl.

3 papers talaat waragaat 3 boys talaatat awlaad

4 women ?arba c niswaan 4 men ?arba cat irjaal
5 cars xams sayyaaraat 5 Dinars xamsat danaaniir
6 tables sitt taawilaat 6 shirts sittat qumsaan
7 pommegranates sabc rummaanaat 7 thousand sab cat aalaaf
8 times tamaan marraat 8 gardeners tamaanyat zaraariic
9 pieces tisichabbaat 9 pens tis cat aglaam

Note that all the t sounds above can be replaced by ƒ by the majority of speakers.
Collective nouns, whose grammatical gender is fem. viz. those that end in the fem.
suffix -ale as, e.g.,sammaače (fisher folk) and whose singular form is masculine, are as­
sociated with fern, numerals. Cf.

sabc at hammaara (seven donkey drivers)

falaafat xammaama (three sweepers)
?arbacat hanaadwa (four Indians)

The cardinals eleven to nineteen

In pause, cardinals from eleven to nineteen normally take the following forms:

11 ?ihdacaš
12 ?itna c aš
13 talatta c aš
14 larbaata c aš
15 xamsta c aš
16 sitta c aš
17 sabaata c aš
18 tamanta c aš
29 tsaata c aš

Note that there is a strong tendency to realize non-emphatic t of talattacas as emphatic t,

this also affects the quality o f the front vowel a changing it to a fully back vowel, as, e.g.
tal αtt αcaš.
The above applies to numbers from thirteen to nineteen.
Whereas in pause Arabic cašar is contracted to caš, in collocation with nouns, the
longer f o r m , with the loss of Arabic unstressed short a, is retained:

?ihdacšar nafar (eleven persons)

xamstacšar waahid (fifteen persons)

The numerals twenty to ninety

The above are normally realized with the morpheme -iin, in or out o f liaison:
c
20 isriin 20 talaatiin
40 ?arbiciin 50 xamsiin
80 tamaaniin 90 tisciin
98 Part 3

In rural B, in the case of eighty, palatal y is inserted before -iin such as:

tamaanyiin (eighty)

Note that the above numerals can appear in definite constructions, such as:

bil- cišriin wit-talaatjin (by twenties and thirties)

Numbers above a hundred

200 imyateen
300 talaatimye
400 ?arbacimye
1,000 ?alf
2,000 ?alfeen
3,000 talaatat aalaaf
9,000 tiscat aalaaf

The above can appear in definite contexts such as:

wasalaw I-imyateen (they rose to two hundred)

The ordinals one to ten

The ordinal haadi (first) is more common than the koine form ?awwal in daily
speech in B. ?awwal (first) and ?uula (i.e., fem, counterpart of the former) show the
influence of the schools particularly in the expression: talac l-awwal (he was first in his
class) ) or talacat il-?uula (she was first (in her class) ).
The table below sets out the ordinals from one to ten:

masc. fem.

1st haadi/?awwal ?uula

2nd taani taanye
3rd taalit taalte
4th raabuc raabca
5th xaamis xaamse
6th saatt saatte
7th saabic saabca
8th taamin taamne
9th taasic taasca
c c
10th aašur aašra

The Personal Pronouns

Rural and urban speakers o f B employ more or less similar forms of the personal
pronouns. Forms such as 2 f.s. Fintiin/e (you) and 2 c.pl. ?intuun/e (you) are found
in both. In B, first person masculine singular and first person feminine singular have two
distinct forms; whereas in A one form is common to both. Plural forms of the personal
pronouns are of common gender both in A and B, though each employs its own distinc-
tive form.
Singular forms o f the personal pronouns, both in A and B, are set out below:
99 Part 3

B A B A

1 m.s. Fane ααne 1 f.s. ?ani ?ααne

2 m.s. Finte Finte 2 f.s. ?intiinl?intiine ?intay
3 m.s. hu(u) ?uhwa 3 f.s. hi(i) ?ihya

Note the use of the fully back vowel αα in the c Anazi forms above;and the effect of
the guttural h on the syllable structure of the 3 m/f.s. c Anazi forms above. The pl. forms
corresponding to the above are:

B A

1 c.pl. ?ihne hinne/Fihne

2 c.pl. ?intuun/?intuune ?intaw
3 c.pl. hum ?uhma

Note that the form 3 c.pl. -hem is invariably found in liaison with other items.

The pronominal suffixes 14

Urban B, i.e, the Manimah dialect of B, and the villages employ the same forms of
the pronominal suffixes except for 3. c.pl. which has the free variant -hem in rural speech,
used interchangeably with -hum. Sitrah islanders have slightly different forms characterized
by the affrication of Manāmah -k to -č in all numbers and genders. The 2 f.s. has two
realizations in Sitrah speech viz.-(e)š and -eč, depending upon the speaker's village of
origin. -(e)s is found in Khārjiyyah, whereas -ec is used in Markuban.
Below, are the pronominal suffixes found both in A and B. Cf:

rural and urban B A Sitrah Islanders

1 CS. -i -i -i
2 mi. -(u)k -(i)k -eč
2 f.s. -(i)š -ič -(e)šl-eč
3 m.s. -eh -eh -eh
3 f.s. -he -he -he
1 c.pl. -ne -ne -ne
2 c.pl. -kum. čem -kum -čem
3 c.pl. -hum, -hem -hum -hem

Note that h of 3 m.s. suffix -eh is with majority o f Manāmah speakers realized -e; it is
retained, however, in rural B, as i n :
Manimah raase (his head) realized raaseh in rural B.AIso, note that 2 c.pl. -čem is
mainly found in Sitrah speech and occasionally in Shahrakkān village and the adjoining
areas.
Cf. these examples from rural and Sitrah B:

hillaanhem (their personal belongings) inf. 6 Damistān

?ahaačihem (I talk to them) inf. 6 Damistān
šigilhem (their job) inf. 7 Shahrakkān
zamaanhem (their time) inf. 7 Shahrakkān
inbiichem (we sell them) inf. 4 Bani Jamrah
tictiič (she gives you) inf. 22 Sitrah
beetčem (your house) inf. 22 Sitrah
A Bahārnah villager
A Bahārnah gardener displaying his tools
Hajji c Ali cAbdalla Nijim at his ground-loom in Bani Jamrah
A fisherman in the process of finishing a wire trap
Fishermen from the village of Dirāz
Traditional houses of Bahrain
Other traditional houses (of Bahrain)
100 Part 3

The particle lyya+pronominal suffixes

A classical Arabic feature, viz. w + ?iyya+pron. suff., where the w is the wāw
al-ma c iyyah, is preserved in B. It occurs with all persons and numbers. Thus:

3 m.s. wiyyaah (with him) 3 c.pl. wiyyaahum (with them)

3 f.s. wiyyaaha (with her) 2 c.pl. wiyyaakum (with you)
2 ms. wiyyaak (with you) 1 c.pl. wiyyaanne (with us)
2 f.s. wiyyaaš (with you)
1 c.s. wiyyaayi (with me)

The reflexive pronouns nafs and ruuh

nafs and ruuh are interchangeably used to mean "self" in B. Often they are used in
association with the personal pronouns, such as:

3 m.s. hub-nafse maa yidri (he does not know himself)

3 f.s. hi b-nafishe maa tidri (she does not know herself)
2 m.s. Finte b-nafsuk maa tidri (you do not know yourself)
2 f.s. ?intiine b-nafsiš maa tidriin (you do not know yourself)
1 m.s. lane b-nafsi maa-dri (I do not know myself)
1 f.s. ?ani b-nafsi maa-dri (I do not know myself)
3 c.pl. hum ib-nafishurn maa yidruun (they don't know themselves)
2 c.pl. ?intuune b-nafiskum maa tidruun (you don't know yourselves)
1 c.pl. ?ihne b-nafisne maa nidri (we don't know ourselves)

maal and maalat as possessive pronouns

The possessive pronoun maal/maalat (belongs t o , owned by) is often found in
liaison with the pronominal suffixes, such as:

when the item concerned is masc. or feminine

3 m.s. maale (h) (his) maalate(h)

3 f.s. maalhe (hers) maalathe
2 m.s. maaluk maalatk
2 f.s. maališ maalatš
1 c.s. maali maalati
3 c.pl. maalhum maalathum
2 c.pl. maalkum maalatkum
1 c.pl. maalne maalatne

A similar usage prevails for the possessive pronoun hagg (for, belongs to) which is also
found in association with the pronominal suffixes such as:

3 m.s. haggah 3 f.s. haggha

2 m.s. hagguk 2 f.s. haggis
1 c.s. haggi, etc.

In addition to the above, maal can appear with nouns to mean "belonging t o " or
"owned b y " a s i n :

ktaab maal ahmad (Ahmad's book)

101 Part 3

Demonstrative pronouns

Below appear the demonstratives such as employed in rural and urban B:

nearness remoteness

m.s. hay/haade/de (this) ha(a) daak/daak/haak/haaka (that)

f.s. haadi/di ha(a) diik/diik/heek/heeka/heeki
Note that haak/haakajheek/heeka are met with in Dirāzi women's speech only. The suffix
-a/i is added when the demonstrative is used to refer to prersons, as i n :

remoteness

objects persons

m.s. haak haaka (that)

f.s. heek heeka/heeki (that)

The c Anazi forms of the demonstratives are:

m.s. haay/haadi/di (this) hadaak/daak (that)

f.s. haadi/di hadiičjdiič
d and d are used interchangeably in t h e c A n a z i forms above. Short and long forms are
equally common both in A and B.The long aa of the open syllable haa- is often shortened
to ha- both in A and B.
The plural forms o f the demonstratives are, both in A and B, o f common gender. Cf:

those indicative of near objects:

A B

c.pl. hadeele/deele (these) hadeleen/deleen (these)

hadpole/hadool (these) hadoole (these)

those indicative of remote objects:

c.pl. hadelaak/delaak (those) hadelaak/delaak (those)
hadoolaak (those)

Note that the oo of hadoole and hadoolaak is often diphthongized to aw in rural forms of
B. as: hadawle and hadawlaak
The demonstrative haade (this) is often contracted to ha-, as i n :

har-rajjaal (this man)

hal-mara (this woman)

Often, the prefix ha- of the demonstrative haččidi is dropped, as i n :

čidi (like this) čidaak (like that)

102 Part 3

The demonstrative of place

The following forms of the above demonstratives recur in B:

ihni(i)/ihna (here) ihnaak/ihnaaka (there)

minni/minne < min ihni (from here)
minnaak < min ihnaak (from there)

The forms: ihna,ihnaaka, and minne are found in rural B only.

The demonstratives in liaison with pronominal suffixes

Demonstratives in liaison with pron. suff. are common both in A and B. Both in A
and B different forms o f these are employed, Cf:

near persons or objects:

B A

3 m.s. haadahu (this is him, it) kaahwa

3 f.s. haadahi kaahya
2 m.s. hadante kaante
2 f.s. hadantiin kaantay
1 m.s. hadaane kaane
1 f.s. hadaani kaane
3 c.pl. haadahum kaahma
2 c.pl. hadantuun kaantaw
1 c.pl. hadahne kaahne

for far persons or objects:

3 m.s. hadakku, hakku (that is him, it) kaahwa

3 f.s. hadakki, hakki kaahya
3 c.pl. hadakkum, hakkum kaahma

Note above that the c Anazi forms for near and far persons or objects are the same.

The relative pronoun ?illi

The relative ?illi (which, who) is of common gender in B:

masc. šahr illi ngada (the month that elapsed)

sabuucilli raah (the week that elapsed)
fem. ?il- ?ard Uli btaacat (the land which was sold)
?is-sayyaara lli ndacamat (the car which had an accident)

Particles

Prepositions
Both types o f prepositions i.e., separable and inseparable units are found in B.

Separable units: the most recurring forms of these are: b-, ?ila, cala, can, fi, min, janb,
c
ugub, ba cad, cafašaan, hagg
103 Part 3

These are used as follows:

?ila (for), as: haade ?ila ?ahmad (this is for Ahmad)

la < ?ila, as: haade la-xtuk (this is for your sister)
c
ala (on), as: sallucala n-nabi (say your prayers; cool down)

c
an (of, about), as: yirwooncan ?amiir il-muumniin
(it is said of I m a m c A l i (Commander of the Faithful ) )
fi (in), as: axuuyi fi l-midrase (my brother is at school)
min (from) as in this proverbial expression:
min foog hallahalla, min tahat yiclam alla
(lib. God knows what is beneath this neat appearance, viz., appearances are deceitful)
(n) of min is more often assimilated in liaison with ( l ) . Cf:
mil-leel las-subh (from night to morning)
c
ugub (after, later), as: haadecugub daak (this comes after that)
bacad (also), as: ?ihne bacad . . . (we also . . . )
c
alašaan (for the sake o f ) , as calašaanceen tikram ?alfceen (for the sake of one person
(loved-admired) I will please a thousand)
c
ind (with), as: Nktaabcindi (the book is with me)
l-iktaabcindiš (the book is with you)
mitil (as, Iike), as haade mitil daak (this is Iike that)

Examples of prepositions with affixed pronominal suffixes are:

b + pron.suff. l + pron. suff.

3 m.s. beh (with him/it) leh

3 f.s. ibhe leehe
2 m.s. buk luk
2 f5. bis Iiš
1 c.s. bi Ii
3 c.pl. ibhum leehum
2 c.pl. ibkum leekum
1 c.pl. ibne leenne

Note the use of prosthetic i, particularly in the plural forms above.

Adverbial particles

Adverbial particles figure largely in daily speech. Some common forms of these are:

those indicating present time :

kill-yoom (every day); kill-saaca (every hour);

kill-wakt (any time). ?al-hiin (now)
These can appear in initial or final position in a construction. Cf :

?al-hiin maa nihtaaj (we don't need them now)

imgaffud al-hiin (he is closed now)
104 Part 3

(indicating emphasis) init. kill-yoom yaaxid diinaar

(every day he takes a dinar)
fin. yaaxid diinaar kill-yoom

Note that Sitrah form of the above is invariably čill-yoom.

those indicating past time:

gabt išwayy (a m o m t ago) ; ?il-baarha (Iast night) ;

?ams (yesterday); ?awwal-ams (day before yesterday);

baarhat l-uule (last night); ?il-la caam15 (last year).

these indicate future:

han-nooba (next time) door is-sane (after this year)

raas iš-šahar (opening days o f the month)
tawaali ša c baan (the end of Sha c bān)

The adverbial particle taww (just, now) in these examples is regularly followed by parti-
cipials:

tawwa gaacid (he has just woken up)

tawne mwasliin (we have just arrived)

In the following example, taww is used interjectively :

tawhum biruuhuun! (just now they are setting off ! i .e., they are late)

Often, the adverbial particle taww (just, now) is followed by the imperfect, as i n :

tawwa yaakil (he is just eating)

tawne nitcašše (we are just having supper)
The adverbial particle c ajal (so):
c
ajal is, in these negated constructions, employed to confirm a previous statement:

c
ajal maa bijji? (So you are not coming then ? )
c
ajal maa saafart? (So you have not travelled then?)

The adverbial particle caad (make sure) is used in the following imperative constructions
to confirm or emphasize a statement. It may begin or end a statement, as i n :

c
aad, dawwur š/ z-zeen, laa ygiššuunuk (make sure you choose the good ones, don't
let them cheat you)
or in: laa tinsecaad (make sure you don't forget)
c
aad with the imperative may be used to mean "please". Cf :

c
aadcitni šwayy (please, give me some)
saacidni fi š-šeelcaad (help me in lifting please)
105 Part 3

Adverbs o f place, such as appearing below, are very frequent, Cf :

minni (here) ihni (here) minnaak (there)

ihnaak (there) soob (towards) mgaabil (opposite)

Note that often the Manamah form ihni is realized ihne in rural forms of B.

Conjunctions

(a) Conditional conjunctions

Below are some of the commoner forms o f conditional conjunctions:
Pin, ?in gadart marreetcaleek (if I am able, I shall look in)
?inčaan, ?inčaan wudduk, hayyaak (if you like, come along)
?illa ?ida, ?illa ?ida matarat, ma-hne raayhiin (only if it rains, we shall not go)
?amma, ?amma l-yoom yaa baačir (either today or tomorrow)
?aw, ?aw is-sabt, ?aw iNahad16 (either Saturday or Sunday)
lo(o)y lo ?adri maa riht (had I known I wouldn't have gone)
hatte, hatte yinbit, laazim tisgiih kill-yoom
(in order that it grows, you should water it daily)
leekaan, leekaan il-cood maa gadar, čeef is-sagiir?
(if the elder couldn't do i t , how could the younger?)

(b) Conjunctions as connectives

laakin (but), as i n : wasseete laakin nase (I reminded him but he forgot)

c
?u (and), as i n : tabaxne eeš ?u samač (we cooked rice and fish)

Conjunctions as adverbs

bacdeen (later) : xalle la bacdeen (leave it to some other time)

taali (afterwards): bašuufuk taali (I shall see you later)
Interjections
Some common examples of such usage are:

bass as in : bass ihne maa dareene (only but we did not know!)
suuf. . . weeš (look, what!) as i n : šuufi weeš jaayib!
(look what he has brought!)

maa baġa (wouldn't), interjective maa is often used with the perfect verb baġa in ex­
clamatory contexts. The paradigm below illustrates its occurrence:

3 m.s. maa baġay-ji! (wouldn't he have wanted to come!)

3 f.s. maa baġat itji!
2 m.s. maa bageet itji!
2 f.s. maa baġeetiin itjiin!
3 c.pl. maa baġaw ijuun!
2c.pl. maa baġeetuun itjuun!
106 Part 3

Note that the t in the above examples, is often totally assimilated by the g. Thus itji
ijji. The interjective particle čeef čaan!? (how come!?) is regularly followed by the perfect
in interjective usage. Cf :

čeef čaan bayyan! (how come he came!?)

čeef čaan maarcaleenne! (how come you paid us a visit!?)

Interrogative particles
Some of the common interrogative particles in B are:

čeef (how), as: čeefbitruuh? (how will you to (there) ?)

čamm (how much/many). Cf. also čammin waahid? (how many?, masc, and
čammin wahde? (fem.)
wees lit. Ar. wa-?ayyu šay? (what), as:
weeš fiik? (what is wrong with you?);
weešhu? (what is it?)
lees li-?ayyi šay? (why), as:
leeš maa jilt? didn't you come?)
min (who), as: min gaal luk? (who told you?)
or, minhu? (who (is it)?)
la < ?il a (to, for),as la-ween? (where to?)
mate (when), as: mate s-safar? (when will you travel?)
(i)b-čam (for how much?), as: (i) beam ?axadte? (for how much did you
buy it?)
?ayy (which), as ?ayy waahid? ?ayy wahde (which one?: masc. and fem
respectively) ;
?ayyhu, ?ayyhi (which one?: masc. and fem, respectively).
hagg wees (what for?), as: hagg weeš maa jiit? hagg weeš maa jiitiin? (why didn't you
come? masc. and fem, respectively.
maa (haven't, don't (you) ), as:
maa riht il-midrase? (haveen't you been to school?)
maa tubġi? (don't you want?)

Two common particles found in A, to the exclusion of B, are šuule (why?) and wara
(why?). In B, alternative particles are found as i n :

A : šuule/wara maa yiit? (why didn't you come?)

B: leešIhagg weeš maa jiit?

NOTES:

1. The regular employment o f kasra for classical Arabic fatha in the imperfect pre-
formatives in B above, is, we are told (Lisān, vol. 20, p. 283) a linguistic peculiarity
of the tribes: Qais, Tamim, Asad, and R a b i c a ; only the Hijāzis and some members
of al-Hawāzin, the Azd of Sarāt and Hudhayl, retain the classical fatha in the above
forms. This phonetic feature is called taltalat Bahrā? after the Bahrā? tribe of
Qudā c ah, says Anis in Fi al-Lahajāt al- c Arabiyyah, p. 139.
2. The c Anazi forms of the above are invariably ye and yiit.
3. The c Anazi form of the above is ?ayyisaw.
4. The above forms are equally common.
107 Part 3

5. Perfect forms such as are used in B are not found in A, though occasionally they
may appear i n c A n a z i speech as borrowings from B. However, in A alternative
usages are found, as:

gaal yabbi (he said he wanted)

čaan ?abi (I wanted)
kinne nabbi (we wanted)
6. See EADS, p. 45.
7. Ibid.
8. See WGAL, Part I I , p. 143.
9. Al-Muslim, M.S. in his Sāhil adh-Dhahab al-Aswad, p. 147, expresses the view that
the suffix -oo is a reflex of anti-Portuguese feelings. The Portuguese ruled over the
islands from 1521 to 1602, i.e., just over 80 years. Jayakar in ODA, Part I, pp.
654—5, notes the occurrence of the above -oo i n c U m ā n i Arabic.
10. In WGAL the above type is given under form X X I . See part I I , p. 111.
11. Reinhardt mentions it for the Bani Kharūs dialect (op. cit., p. 4 ) ; Landberg notes it
in Hadrami (Etudes, vol. I, p. 393); Rhodokanakis, for Zafāri (op. cit., vol. I I , p.
153); Rossi for San c āni Arabic (Appunti, p. 249); (L'Arabo Par/ato,p. 30);and
finally Johnstone for Dōsiri dialect of Kuwait (Article, BSOAS vol. X X I V , Part I I ,
1961) and the majority o f east Arabian dialects (EADS, p. 45).
12. Also found in Sancā speech, Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, p. 14.
13. Such greeting terms as this and the following one are conferred upon a haajj (pil­
grim) or a zaayir (i.e., somebody who has just visited the shrines of Shici Imāms)
immediately after his safe return.
14. See Map IX, Appendices.
15. Viz. caam with a reduplicated / deriving from the article.
16. Lit. Ar.al-?ahad.
Part IV
Some syntactic features

Generally speaking, this part o f the study is concerned with (a) the peculiarities
that set the syntax of B as against other dialects, and (b) what local variations, viz. inter-
dialectal features, there are and how they function.
More specifically, this section examines the grammatical functions performed by
perfect and imperfect verbs in B, and the positional permutations that these can asssume
in relation to other items in a given structure. Also, among the items considered in this
section are: the regular appearance o f the particle lakid < laqad (already, etc); baruuh,
raayih, in verbal constructions; and the use of the imperfect verb iji as an adverbial
particle to mean " f o r , about"; interrogative particles; relative pronouns; compounds such
as interrogative particle + pron. suff., viz., weešhu?, weešhi?; local peculiarities such as
hagg weeš?, min weeš? in B, and šuule?, wara? in A ; the classical Arabic interrogative
particle ?ayy; and the employment in sentence final positions of a rising -é?to indicate
questions, a feature peculiar to Umāni and Bahrāni Arabic and not reported elsewhere.
Also treated are: concord in relation to the concept of definiteness and indifinite-
ness; gender and number concord ; the employment of intensifiers such as waajid and kiiiiš
in adjectival structures; negated forms of the pronouns, viz ma(a)hu and ma(a) hi, and
their shorter counterparts mu(u) and mi(i); the preservation in B of an old Arabic feature,
namely iyya + pron. suff.; the conditional sentences; and the verbal permutations in the
protasis and apodosis of conditional sentences.

The Verb

The perfect
The perfect, in this dialect, is used mainly to indicate an act accomplished in the
past. It can occur in sentence-initial, and post-nominal positions. Thus 1

a) ?ištaġalt fi š-šarika xams isniin (I worked with the Company (i.e., BAPCO) for five
years)
b) killhum raahaw sawa (They all left together)

In negated constructions, the perfect invariably follows the negative particle, as i n :

bacde maa je (he hasn't arrived yet)

maa sa?alcannuk (he hasn't asked about you)
maa šifte (I haven't seen him)

108
109 Part 4

In optative constructions, the perfect may appear either with or without a particle. In the
examples below, where the particles yaa reet and loo are used, the perfect is in a post-
particle position. Cf:

yaa reetik kint haadir (I wish you were present)

lo (o) zeen jiit (I wish you had come)

Again, in optative constructions, in which the perfect is employed without a particle, it is

often found in sentence initial position, such as:

saafjabatk issalaame (may safety be yours (i.e., may you be preserved) )

or hafadk alla (God save you)

The emphatic particle lakid2 (already, etc.), arising from lit. Ar. laqad, systematically
precedes the perfect form of verbs, such as:

maa taIact waraah, lakid raah (when I went after him, he had already gone)

Often, lakid in the above sentence, can be separated from the perfect by an adverbial
phrase viz., min zamaan (a long time ago) :

maa wasal, lakid min zamaan akalne w-itgahweene

(when he came, we had long ago eaten and drunk our coffee)

Note the employment of maa meaning " w h e n " in the constructions above.
Finally, when giving instructions, as in the following construction where the speaker
is explaining how to grow lucerne, the perfect may appear where the imperative is ex­
pected :

itcaddil il-mahal, ?ileencaddalte ?u naddafte hatteet samaad, ?u sageete door

. . . dooreen . . . (you prepare the place (i.e., the land), then when you have
prepared it and cleaned it, you add manure and you water it once or t w i c e . . . )

This is virtually a conditional construction.

The imperfect
The imperfect in B, as in other dialects of Arabic, is employed for various gram­
matical functions. Chief among these is to denote a habitual action, as in this description
from a gardener describing his customary activities:

incaabil il-?ard ?u nisgi z-zarc, ?u njizz gatt...

(we till the soil, water the plant, and cut lucerne)
It is also used to make a statement of fact, as:

yigcid min ġubše (he wakes up at daybreak (i.e., very early)

?issaaca sitt iruuh l-išġil (he goes to work at six o 'clock)

In conjunction with an adverbial particle the imperfect in the following construction

denotes continuity or progression of action:
110 Part 4

?al-hiin yištiġil, maa b-yigdar išuufuk

(he is working now so he won't be able to attend to you)

In conjunction with b(-) the imperfect in the following constructions is employed to

indicate a future action:

baruuh is-suugbaštarisamač (I am going to the market to buy fish)

and baačir bisaafruun il-hijjaaj (the pilgrims will travel tomorrow)

The imperfect may also appear in optative structures, in which case it regularly follows
the subject o f the sentence as in these common expressions:

?ajla yihfadk min ič-čarr wid-darr

(May God guard you against evil and harm)

or in ?alla itawwilcumruk (May god give you longer life). The imperfect can occur in
sentence-final position when a purpose is to be expressed, such as:

šiil l-iskaar,calašaan il-maay imurr

(remove the stopper, in order that water can pass)
?ilbas suuf, hatte laa tubrad
(get dressed in wool, lest you should feel cold)

A perfect preceding a following imperfect, indicating intentions, is found in these

common constructions:

raah yixruf l-irtab (he has gone to pick dates)

gaam isalli (he has got up to pray)
gacad yihsib (he has settled down to count)

Note that the items raah, gaam, gacad, as used in the above sentences are very common
in daily speech.

The use of the imperfect verb iji (for about, since) as an adverbial particle
iji in the following examples functions as an adverbial particle:

iji šahar al-hiin maa šifnaah (we have not seen him for about a month now)
iji sabuucmin saafar (it has been a week now, since he left)

The imperative
Besides the normal uses of the imperative, it can occur in reported speech in a
sequence o f perfect verbs, in which case it does not function as an imperative in the
normal sense,3 e.g.

bacid maa ?akalaw, raahawcadaari, nazalaw yitsabbahoon, xid ruuhuk inte

bacad u nutt min foog, fi saacateh tcawwar u waddooh il-hakiim
(after they had eaten they went t o c A d ā r i pool, (just as) they started swim­
ming, you take yourself (i.e., what does he do but take himself) and jump
from a height, immediately he injured himself and was taken to hospital)
111 Part 4

The active participle

A feature commonly met with in B is the occurrence of two successive participials
the former invariably having the nunation in, e.g.

gaayimin gaacid (standing up and sitting down—said of a boy who cannot settle in
one place)
maakilin šaarub (eating and drinking—said of an unproductive person)
daaxilin taalic (coming in and going out—said o f a mischievous boy)

The employment of participials to indicate past or future time

As in all Arabic dialects the active participle most frequently indicates a past action
the effect of which lasts up to the time of speaking. Often, however, the participles o f
verbs of motion such as raayih anajaay are employed to indicate an immediate future. In
this usage jaay and raayih maintain their concordial relationship with the preceding
subject, e.g.,

2 m.s. ?inte jaay wiyyaanne, w-ulla la?

(are you coming with us or not?)
2 c.pl. ?intuun jaayyiin loo la?
(are you coming or not?)
3 f.s. hi (i) raayha s-suug
(she is going to the market)
3 c.pl. hum raayhiin is-suug
(they are going to the market)

In two-word collocates, the negated forms of the pronouns are often followed by parti­
cipials. Thus:

mahu haadir (he is not present)

mahi raayha (she is not coming)

In the following constructions the participial always follows the particle ?illi:

?illi haadur w-illi ġaayib (he who is present and he who is absent)
?illi raagid w-illi saahi (he who is sleeping and he who is waking)

The passive verb

As mentioned earlier, the passive voice in B is expressed mainly by the use of the
V l l t h form of the triliteral verb, by a 3 pl. verb or by not expressing the agent, e.g.

active perf. zarac (he planted)

passive perf. ?it-tamaata nzarac (tomatoes were planted)
active imperf. yizrac (he plants)
passive imperf. ?il-jazar b-yinzarac (carrots will be planted)

In a passive context, the subject normally follows the verb:

?inkasar is-sahan (the plate is broken)

But to denote emphasis, the above order can be reversed:

112 Part 4

?is-sahan inkasar

When the agent is not expressed, the passive construction takes the following sequential
order:

l-inxiil maatat (the date palms have died out)

or maatat l-inxiil

In the first example above, the initial item carries the emphasis.

Subject-verb concord
Subject-verb concord, in regard to gender and number, is closely maintained in this
dialect. Cf :

m.s. naam il-walad (the boy has slept)

f.s. naamat il-bitt (the girl has slept)
m.pl. naamawl-awlaad (the boys have slept)
f.pl. naamaw il-banaat (the girls have slept)

To emphasize the subject of the sentence, the above order may be reversed thus:

l-awlaad ragadaw (the boys slept)

or ?in-niswaan itgaddamaw (the women left first)

Interrogation
Interrogative particles and pronouns usually appear in initial positions in sentences.
The interrogative sentence has, in the main, the same sequential order as a statement. The
syntactic bahaviour o f certain interrogative particles and pronouns are examined below.
For example:

čeef4 bitšiile? (how are you going to handle it?)

čam 5 waahid? (how many?)

wees (what?) is normally found in initial positions in a sentence. This order is reversed
when weeš is not the carrier of the emphasis. Cf :

weeš haade? (what is this?)

haade weeš? (this now, what is it?)

Often wees appears in liaison with the pronominal suffixes -hu and -hi in interrogative
contexts. Cf :

3 m.s. weešhu lli nkasar? (what was broken?)

3 f.s. weešhi has-saalfe? (what kind o f a tale is it?)

wees can also appear in liaison with the prepositions hagg (for) and b- (with), as i n :

hagg weeš maa katabt? (why didn't you writer?)

b-weeš šilte? (what did you remove it with?)
113 Part 4

or in liaison with a preposition min, as i n :

min weeš maa je? (why didn't he come?)

min weeš maa jiitiin? ( why didn't you come? (fem.) )

The c Anazi counterpart of weeš is ?eeš, which is sometimes contracted to š-, as i n :

š-gaal lik? (what did he tell you?)

However, ?eeš or š-, syntactically, are analogous to weeš in B. The interrogative particle
šinhu? (what?) is another example of a contracted interrogative compounds found both
in A and B. It is contracted from lit. Ar. ?ayyu šay?in huwa (what is it?) and syntactically
behaves like weešhu. Cf :

šinhu Hi naagsinne min is-suug (what do we need from the market?)

Like wees, it is also found in liaison with the 3 f.s. -hi, as:

šinhi l-muškile? (what is the problem?)

The interrogative particle min (who?) is also found in liaison with pronominals, as, e.g., i n :

3 m.s. minhu llicarras (who got married? : masc. sing.)

c
3 f.s. minhi lli arrasat (who got married? : fem, sing.)
3 c.pl. minhum illi maa stalamaw (who are the ones who have not received
anything yet?)

The interrogative pronoun ?ayy (which) is also often found in liaison with pronominals.
Thus:

3 m.s. -hu: as in ?ayyhu I-cood fiihum? (who is the elder among them?)
3 f.s. -hi: as in ?ayyhil-coode fiihum? (who is the elder among them?)
3 c.pl. -hum:as in ?ayyhum illi bitbiichum? (which are the ones you intend to

sell?)

When realized in isolation, ?ayy is often collocated with indefinite pronouns, such as:

m.s. ?ayy waahid ? (which one?)

f.s. ?ayy wahde?
but note that čam (how many?) is invariably found out of liaison :
masc. čam waahid? (how many?) fem. čam wahde?
mu(u) čidi? (isn't it?), mu(u) cadil? (right or note?), cadil-la? (isn't that right?), expres­
sions corresponding in grammatical function to English question-tags such as isn't it?,
etc., are often found in ultimate positions in sentences. Cf :

baačir falaafiin fi š-šahar, rnu(u) čidi?

(tomorrow is the 30th of the month, isn't it?)
c
ataani xamsat danaaniir giddaamuk, mu(u) cadil?
(he gave me five dinars, in front of you, isn't it right?)
114 Part 4

saar luk al-hiincašrat ayyaam minjiit,cadil-la?

(ten days have elapsed since you came, isn't that right?)

Other examples of interrogation, where the rising tone rather than the explicit use of
particles conveys the question, are given below:
verb + obj. riht is-suug? (have you been to the market?)
obj. + verb + subj. l-iktaab, gareete? (the book, have you read it?)
In the last example, the object of the sentence is transposed to initial sentence position to
indicate emphasis. Such a shift is also found in this example:

?axuuk, leeš maa thaayeet wiyyaah? (your brother, why didn't yougreet him?)

A peculiarity found in B, not in A, is the employment of the suffixed vocal termination

-é? denoting interrogation, such as:

?akalt-é? (have you eaten?) katabt-é? (have you written?)

Two interrogative particles found in A , to the exclusion o f B, are wara and šuule. These,
and there counterparts in B, are used as follows:

A B
wara maa tguul lene? hagg weeš maa tguul leen-ne?
(why don't you inform us?)
šuule maa tmurcleen-ne? lees maa tmurrcleen-ne?
(why don't you visit us?)

(Note: wara maa is a compound o f Arabic adverbial waraa? and the interrogative particle
maa; and šuule = iš-leh. In interrogative contexts both items are found in association with
maa.)

Negation o f verbs

The particle ma(a) (not) is used to negate a statement o f fact, as i n :

perf. imperf.

sing. maa gara (he has not read) maa yiktib (he doesn't write)
pl. maa garaw (they have not read) maa yiktibuun (they d o n t write)
The particle laa also appears with verbs. One of its functions is to negate the imperative
verb, as i n : m.s. laa tisrax (don't scream) f.s. laa tlstacjillin (don't make haste)
wala (not) is also employed to negate all forms o f verbs, such as:

Perf. gaal bijl, wala je (he said he was coming, but he didn't come)
imperf. saar le mudde, wala ybayyln (it's been long time and he has not shown up)

In certain constructions, maa and wala are interchangeable. Cf:

maa je (he didn't come) maa bayyan (he has not shown up)

Double negation
laa ... wala ( n e i t h e r . . . nor) is found mainly in the following constructions:
115 Part 4

(a) with adverbials, as: laa hni wala hnaak (neither here nor there)
(b) with aux. + imperf. as: laa yubġi yaakil, wala yišrab
(he does not want to eat or drink)
(c) with imperf., as: laa yigra, wala yiktib (he neither reads nor writes)
(d) with perf., as: laa ?akal, wala šarab (he has not eaten or drunk)

maa . . . u maa . . . (neither... nor), found with the connective u, is interchangeable with
laa... wala. Cf :

maa ybiic u maa yištari (he neither sells nor buys)

laa ybiic wala yištari (he neither sells nor buys)

The Noun

The indefinite noun

As in other Arabic dialects indefiniteness can be expressed simply by the absence o f
the definite article a/-: e.g. daar (a room). However, indefiniteness may also be expressed
by waahid (someone) and wahde placed before the relative adjective as i n :

waahid jamri (someone from Bani Jamrah)

wahde manaamiyye (some lady from Manāmah town)

Often,min (from) may be inserted after waahid or wahde, such as:

waaljid min l-idraaz (someone from Dirāz village)

wahde min liġrubaat (some lady from the remote villages)

min (from, of) is inserted between two nouns where the first is indefinite in the singular
and the other definite in the plural, as i n :

sane min l-isniin (a certain year)

safra min is-safaraat (a certain journey)

The concept of the indefiniteness of a number of persons is also conveyed through the
use o f the item naas (a crowd), as in :

naas waajid hadaraw iz-zaffe

(a big crowd attended the wedding procession)

Cf. similarly, the use of xalg (people) as i n :

xalgin cadiim (a great number of people)

Note the tanwin -in above (which is of course caseless),6 and also the concordial relation­
ship between the common plural xalg and the singular adjective cadiim. Such usage is not
uncommon in B.

Definite and indefinite concord

As in Arabic, concord operates in respect of gender, number and definition in B.
Thus, nouns can be defined in many ways:
116 Part 4

(a) by the addition of the article ?il- < al-, e.g., ?in-naxle (the date palm)
(b) by the addition of a pron. suff., e.g.,xawaathe (her sisters)
(c) by belonging to the category of proper nouns, such as: ?ahil sitra (people of Sitrah)
(d) by close association with a following noun which is itself defined:
faniig il-hatab (the alIey o f al-Hatab)
suug il-xamiis (the al-Khamis market)
beet abu naxle (the house with the palm tree)
(e) by association with the vocative particle, such as: yaa hajji (Oh! Hajji)

Nouns defined in the manner (a) to (d) above, must be accompanied in the noun-adjective
phrase by adjectives which are also defined by the prefixation of the article ?il- e.g.,
?il-qaadi l-jadiid (the new judge)
?is-sihle l-foogiyye (the upper Sihlah)

Nouns defined in the manner of (e) are accompanied by definite adjectives with which yaa
is associated, e.g.

yaa ?ahmadya l-haddaar (oh talkative Ahmad)

Villi is also employed to define an adjectival phrase whose antecedent is a defined noun,
such as:

?il-beet Uli thaddam (the house which came to ruins)

Gender and number concord

The typical sequence is N + A , viz. the adjective regularly following the noun. The
following concordial combinations are found in B:
m.s. noun + m.s. adj: naxalcood (big date palm garden)
beetin kabiir (a big house)
walad faahim u haab riih (an educated and smart boy)
f.s. noun + f.s. adj : naxlecoode (a long date plam)
hijratin kabiira (a big room)
bitt faahme ?u haabbat riih (an educated and smart girl)

Note that gender distinction in the above examples is associated with the presence or
absence of the fem, suffix -a or -e.
Exceptions to the above are found in these examples where feminine adjectives are
associated with masculine nouns in figurative usages:
m.s. noun + f.s. adj.: hal-walad aafe (this boy is a glutton)
hal-walad natfa (this boy is mischievous)
f.s. noun + f.s. adj.: hal-bitt aafe (this girl is a glutton)
hal-bitt natfa (this girl is mischievous)

Compound adjectives such as consisting of two nouns are also common in B. Gender
concord is regularly maintained between such compounds and the nouns they collocate
with:

Famiine šeexat il-banaat (Amina is the best o f all the girls)

?ahmad šeex l-awlaad (Ahmad is the best of all the boys)
117 Part 4

Relative adjectives, which take the suffix -i in the masculine singular and -iyye in the
feminine singular show gender distinction in the singular only:

m.s. rajjaal ingiliizi (an Englishman)

f.s. mara ngil iizi yye (an Englishwoman)

The plural is of common gender:

m.pl. rjaal ingiliiz (Englishmen)

f.pl. niswaan ingiliiz (Englishwomen)

Adjectives of colour
Adjectives of colour show gender distinction in the singular only:

m.s. ?il-mišmar il-wardi (the rose-coloured, head-and-shoulder veil)

f.s. ?il-gitca l-xamriyye (the wine-coloured piece (of cloth) )

The adjectives o f colour, which in the plural take the suffix -aan, are of common gender:

m.pl. ?il-qumsaan is-sufraan (the yellow shirts)

f.pl l-iab il-biidaan (the white gowns)

Often, adjectives o f colour are preceded by intensifier such as killis and waajid, both
meaning "very":

m.s. hal-ihbur killiš mhoomur (this ink is intensely red)

f.s. has-sayyaara waajid msoowde (this car is very black)

Certain nouns, which are used to describe material, show no gender or number
distinction, but agree for definiteness, such as:

m.s. mišt plaastiik (a plastic comb), or ?il-mišt l-iplaastiik (the plastic comb)
xaatam dahab (a golden ring)
f.s. tirkiyye dahab (a golden ear-ring)
taawfe plaastiik (a plastic table)
m.pl. mšuut plaastiik (plastic combs)
f.pl. taraaki dahab (gold en ear-rings)

In the following examples, relative adjectives retain their immediate post-nominal posi-
tion:

c
eeš pišaawari, ?abu habbe tawiile
(Pishawari rice o f long grain)
hatiib hoolandi, ?abu warde
(Dutch milk—Carnation brand)

When a descriptive of material co-occurs with a relative adjective, the former immediately
follows the noun and immediately precedes the relative adjective, as i n :
118 Part 4

f.s. faaniile suufingiliiziyye

(an English woollen cardigan)
m.pi. ġtar gitin sweesri
(Swiss cotton head-cloths)

Negation of the nominal sentence

The negative particle maa-fi (there is/are not) which does not inflect for gender or
number, is used to negate nominal sentences:

m.s. maa-fi galam fi š-šanta (there is no pen in the bag)

f.s. maa-fi tamara naadje (there is no ripe fruit)
m.pl. maa-fi najaajiir hal-ayyaam (there are no carpenters these days)
f.pl. maa-fi sayyaaraat fi d-diira (there are no cars in the village)

The following particles show gender distinction:

masc. mu(u) jawaad, ?axuuh (not Jawad, his brother)

fem. mi(i) I-coode, xithe (not the elder, her sister)

In the following proverbial expressions mu(u) is followed by the item kill (every) :

mu(u) kill hamle b-walad (not every pregnancy will yield a male) 7
mu(u) kill imdahrab jooz (not every round object is a nut)

laa . . . wala ( n e i t h e r . . . nor), besides appearing in verbal constructions, is also employed

to negate nominal constructions:

laa haade wala daak (neither this nor that)

laak l-kabiir wala s-saġiir (neither the elder nor the younger)

Finally, the particle maaku (there is/are no), a salient feature of Iraqi and Kuwaiti Arabic,
is also common in B. It is not inflected for gender or number:

maaku ?ahad fi t-tariig (there is no one in the street)

maaku xudra fi s-suug (there are no vegetables in the market)
maaku sayyaaraat lil-ijra (there are no cars for hire)

Negated forms o f the personal pronouns

Negated forms of the personal pronouns have a high rate of frequency in daily
speech. They are found with nominals as well as verbals. Below are those found in B:

3 m.s. ma(a)hu
3 f.s. ma(a) hi
2 m.s. mante
2 f.s. mantiin
1 m.s. maane
1 f.s. maani
3 c.pl. maahum
2 c.pl. mantuun
1 c.pl. mahne
119 Part 4

Note that the Bahārnah forms ma(a) hu < Arabic maa huwa, and similarly ma(a) hi <
Arabic maa hiya, have the shorter forms mu(u) (masc.) and mi(i) (fem.).
In A , also, two variants are present, viz. mhub < lit. Ar. maa huwa b- and mhib <
maa hiya b-. However, the shorter form mub, which is of common gender in A, has higher
frequency in daily speech than the inflected variants.
In B, in statements, negated forms o f the pronouns are normally found in colloca­
tion with adjectives, in which case the latter follow the former, e.g.

ma(a)hu or mu(u) zeen (he, it is not good)

ma(a)hi or mi(i) xayra (she is not gentle)

Negated forms of the pronouns are also common in verbal sentences where they are
regularly followed by participles. Cf. these interrogative constructions:

mante jaay? (aren't you coming?) (masc.)

mantiin jaayye? (aren 't you coming?) (fem.)
mantuun raayhiin ? (aren't you going?) (c.pl.)

Sentence Structure
Below are specimens of nominal and verbal sentences selected for the structural
variations which they exhibit:

The nominal sentence

haadi gailat tamr (this is a sack o f dates)

beetne taht il-maatam (our house is near the Matam, i.e., Shi ci place of
assembly)
îaxuuyi muu hni (my brother is not here)
?//- c ood wis-sagiir fneenhum msaafriin
(the elder and the younger are both abroad)
haadaak waajid ibciid (that is very far away)
killhum b-xeer (they are all good)
îintuune mistaansiin (you seem to be happy)

The verbal sentence

The simplest forms of verbs, in this dialect, are found with or without a specified
subject, such as:

je (he came) raahat (she went)

The verbal sentence may have the sequential order subject + verb or verb + subject, e.g.
subj. + verb : faatma rajacat ( Fātma came back)
Finte ruuh is-suug (you, go to the market)
verb + subj.: igli I- c eeš (The price of rice has risen)
taffaw il-hariiga (the fire was extinguished)

Initial imperative in liaison with a pronominal suffix is another common feature of the
verbal sentence in this dialect:
120 Part 4

sawhumcala raahatk (make them at your leisure)

xidhumcala bagiyyatk (buy them according to your liking)
wadne l-manaame (take us to Manāmah)

The effect of emphasis on positional variations

Transpositions of one kind or another are very common in this dialect. Often,
where the sentence order verb + noun is normally expected, the reverse order, i.e., noun +
verb is found instead; this kind of positional shift is normally made to emphasize an item,
as:

c
ala IIa twakkalne (on God we rely)
?il-habb ?awwal nibdira (the seeds are first sown)
fi d-dawaaliib ?aštigil (on date gardens I work)

The above also applies to these proverbial expressions which are copious in speech:

yoom saxxanne l-maay, fan id-diič

(after we had boiled the water, the cock has escaped)
or in : ?il-kilme lli tistahi m-minhe, badhe
(that word which you are shy of mentioning, enunciate it first)

The sequential order: adj. + noun

The normal sequence in a nominal sentence, where the predicate is an adjective or a
noun with an adjectival function, is sometimes reversed to indicate emphasis as i n :

ihleewiin hal-igtac (these pieces (fabric) are pretty)

saahir hal-walad (this boy is a magician, i.e., smart)

The adjective xo(o)š (good, excellent)

The adjective xo(o)š, a borrowing from Persian, is common to both A and B. It is o f
common gender and number and placed before the noun it qualifies, as i n :

sing. xo(o)š šayy (what a good thing!) xo(o)šwalad! (good boy!)

xo(o)š bittl (good girl!)
pl. xo(o)šawlaad! (good boys!)
xo(o)š taawilaat! (good tables!)

The particle wees

wees* (what a . . .! or how!) besides functioning as an interrogative particle in B,
has the function of expressing surprise and wonder; it is often found in pre-nominal posi­
tions. 9
Cf. these examples from B, where weeš functions as maa:

weeš halaawte! (how pretty!)

weeš halaawathum! (how pretty they are!)
weeš hal-hajaayij (what (fake) pretexts!)

The particle kill/e

kill (every, each, all) which collocates with nouns only is often found in pr-
nominal positions:
121 Part 4

kill ?arbacsaacaat, ?iblachabbe

(every four hours, take one tablet)
Often kill carries the emphasis in a statement. Cf :

kill yoom yištiġil (he works everyday)

or kill leele yigra ?u yiktib (he reads and writes every night)

The adverbial particle kille (regularly, always) is regularly found in pre-participial

positions in these sentences. Cf:

3 m.s. kille tacbaan ( (you are) always tired)

3 f.s. kille tacbaane ( (you are) always tired)
c. pl. kille raagdiin ( (you are) always sleeping)

Demonstratives

Near objects
The demonstratives which indicate near objects in this dialect are haade (this) and
haadi (this) for masculine and feminine singular respectively; and the common plural
form is ha(a)deleen (these). C f : 1 0

m.s. haade beetne (this is our house)

f.s. haadi sayyaaratne (this is our car)
c.pl. hadeleen iwlaad axuuy (these are my nephews)
hadeleen banaat ixti (these are my nieces)

Note that haadi may also appear with masculine and feminine plurals, as i n :

m.pl. haadi š-šawaari c Uli šaggathe l-hukuuma

(these are the roads constructed by the government)
f.pl. haadi sayyaaraat iš-šarika
(these are Company (BAPCO) cars)
Demonstratives, as shown above, precede the noun when occurring predicatively in
statements; this also applies to questions, except when a shift o f emphasis takes place and
then the above order is reversed. Cf :

demon. + noun : haade I-beet la-min? (whose house is this?)

noun + demon.: ?il-beet haade leekum? (is this your house?)

Remote objects
ha(a) daak (that) and ha(a) diik (that ) are used for the masculine and feminine
singular respectively. These inflect for gender and number as i n : 1 1

m.s. ha(a)daak il-baab iš-šargi (that is the eastern gate)

f.s. ha(a) diik id-dariiše l-ġarbiyye (that is the western window)

The plural forms o f the above, viz. hade(e) laak (those (masc.) ) and diik (fem.) are used
as follows:
122 Part 4

m.pl. hadelaak byuut il-hukuuma (those houses are owned by the government)
f.pl. diik is-sayyaaraat la š-šarika (those cars belong to the Company)

Finally, in Dirāzi female speech distinction is made between two sets of demonstratives,
viz.

far objects far persons

m.s. haak (that) haaka

f.s. heek (that) heeka/heeki

The above forms are less common than their Manāmah counterparts viz. daak and
diik used for both persons and objects. In contexts, however, the Dirāzi forms appear
thus:

m.s. objects haak il-yoom (that day) for daak il-yoom

m.s. persons zacag haaka (that man yelled) for zacag daak
f.s. objects heek al-hiin (at that time) for diik al-hiin
f.s. persons raah ila heeka (he went to that woman) for raah ila diik.

Demonstratives in liaison with pronominal suffixes

Compounds consisting of the base-demonstrative in liaison with pronominal suf­
fixes haada (this) in B and its counterpart kaa in A are regularly found. 1 2 These forms,
viz. 1 m.s. hadaane (here I am) or its corresponding c Anazi counterpart,kaane, are used
similarly. In sentences they are regularly followed by verbs or adverbs, such as:

with verbs B A

1 p.m.s. hadaane jaay (here, I am coming) kanne yaay

1 p.f.s. hadaani jaayye kaane yaayye

Note above that the A-forms are the same for both genders.

with adverbs: B A

3 c.pl. hadakkum ihnaak (there they are) kaahma hnaak

3 c.pl. haadahum ihni(i) (here they are) kaahma hni(i)

Unlike B, where two distinct sets o f these are used for near and far persons or objects, in
A only one set is used for both. Cf :

B A

3p.m.s. (near) haadahu (here he, it is) kaahwa

3 p.m.s.(far) hadakku (there he, it is) kaahwa

The particle -iyya

An old Arabic feature which has survived both in A and B is the item -iyya +
pronom. suff. In B,-iyya + pron. suff. is often found in sentence-initial positions when
used in cautionary exclamations, e.g.
123 Part 4

2 m.s. ?iyyaak itruuh b-ruuhuk (don't go by yourself)

2 f.s. ?iyyaaš itsawwiin šataane (don 't make mischief)

-iyya in liaison with w-, i.e., waw al-ma ciyye, is found regularly in post-verbal positions,
as in:

1 cs. tacaal wiyyaayi (come with me)

2 c.pl. ?intidur, baji wiyyaak (wait, I am coming with you)
3 m.s. bitsaafur wiyyaah? (are you travelling with him?)

Conditional sentences
The conditional particles are ?ida(a), lo(o), (?in)čaant (?i) leen, ?in} ?illi. These are
all equally frequent in daily speech. ?ida(a) in the protasis, is used with:

(a) the imperfect tense, as:

?ida(a) bitruuh is-suug baji wiyyaak
(if you are going to the market I'II come with you)
?ida(a) b-taakluun, bininčib il- caše
(if you feel like eating, we will serve the supper)
(b) the perfect tense, as:
?ida(a)jict,kill
(if you feel hungry, (go ahead) eat)
?ida(a) t cibt, naam
(if you are tired, go to sleep)
(c) participials and adjectives, as :
?ida(a) mant ta cbaant guum saa cidne
(if you are not tired, come give us a hand)
?ida ntiin mašguule,maani maarra
(if you are busy, I shan't call)
(d) nominalsasin:
?ida(a) yoom il-Jim ca, maa bagdar aji
(if on Friday, I won't be able to come (make it) )
or as in : ?ida(a) kill waahid nuss, bijazzi
(if everybody (takes) half, it will suffice)
(e) in proverbial expressions the condition is implied without the explicit use of a
conditional particle as in:
?idrub il-čalbt yit?addab il-?asad
(chastise the dog, and the lion will behave)

A more explicit form of the aobve is: ?ida darabt il-čalb, it?addab il-?asad.
lo(o) in the protasis appears with:
(a) the imperfect tense as in :
lo(o) ?axuuk yidri, čaan axadk wiyyaah13
(if your brother knew, he would have taken you with him)
or as in : lo(o) yištiġluun kill yoom, čaan kamal il-beet
(if they work (daily) regularly, the house will have been completed)
(b) the perfect tense as in :
lo(o) šara l-la caam, čaan dafa cagall
(if he had bought last year, he would have paid less)
lo(o) čdaras aan najah
124 Part 4

(if he had studied, he would have passed)

(c) active participles as in :
lo(o) laabis čaan axadnaak wiyyaanne
(if you were dressed, we would have taken you with us)
lo(o) mgafdiin yoomeen, čaan waajid it cattalne
(if they had remained closed for two days, we would have had a lot of delay)
(d) nominal constructions such as:
lo(o) huu hni(i), čaan saa cadne
(if he were here, he would help us)
or in this proverbial expression,
lo(o) fiih xeer, maa ramaah it-teer
(if it were worthy, the bird wouldn't have discarded it)

(?in) čaan in the protasis appears with:

(a) the imperfect as in:
(?in) čaan ti cruf, di raawne
(if you know, then show us)
(b) the perfect as in:
(?in) čaan xallas min idruuse, xalle yitla c
(if he has finished (revising) his lessons, let him go)
(c) the future as in:
(?in) čaan bitruuh, baji wiyyaak
(if you are going, I'll come with you)
(d) nominal constructions as in:
(?in) čaan is-sayyaaraşaahye,bawaddiikum
(if the car is in order, I shall take you)

?ileen (if, when, in case) has the free variant leen, both being equally common in speech.
(?1)leen can appear with:
(a) the perfect in the protasis + the imperfect (with a future particle) in the apodosis:
leen carrast, bitgiib awlaad
(when you get married, you will have children)
(b) the perfect (in the protasis) + the imperative (in the apodosis):
leen baġeet, xid
(if you felt like having (some), do (take some)
leen ihtijt, guul liyyi
(when you need (some), let me know)
Note that the perfect forms above have a future meaning.
(c) the negative imperf. (in the protasis) + neg. imperf. (in the apodosis)
leen maa bittaawu c, maa bithassil
(if you don't obey, you won 't get)

The conditional particle 7in (if, whether) is found in the protasis, mainly with the perfect.
Cf: perfect:
?in gadarne, marreene caleekum
(if we are able, we shall drop by)
?in šiftuk haafi, baštaki caleek cind abuuk
(if I find you barefooted, I shall complain you to your father)
or as in : ?in ittasal ahad fi gyaabne, xid numrate
(if anybody calls in our absence, take down his number)
125 Part 4

Again, note in the apodosis above, the verb is in the imperative. The relative pronoun ?illi
(who, which) is commonly used as a conditional particle. It is found in the protasis with
imperfects as well as adverbials. Cf :

imperf. (protasis):
?illi yidris, yinjah
(he who studies, passes (the examination ) )
adverbials (protasis):
?illi fi l-igdur, ital ca l-millaas
(the scoop can reveal what the pan conceals)

And less frequently with nominals in the protasis as in this proverbial expression:
?illi beete min kazaaz, maa yfallic ihjaara
(those who live in glass houses should not throw stones)

yaa, besides functioning as a vocative particle, is used to mean "either. . . or" in condi­
tional contexts. It is found with:
(a) nominals in the protasis and apodosis:
naad liyyi yaa ?abuuk, yaa ?axuuk
(call me either your father or your brother)
(b) imperfects : yaa tji wlyyaanne, yaa tig cid fi I-beet
(either you come with us, or else sit at home)
(c) adverbials : yaa hni, yaa hnaak, makaan ġeer la
(either here or there; nowhere else)

Note that yaa, as used in conditional contexts, is not found with the perfect.

Relative clauses
If the subject or object is defined, relative clauses are introduced by the relative ?i//i
(which, who), as: subject definite: ?i/- cummaal illi yištiġluun fi š-šarika, hassalaw zyaade
(The workers who work with the company have received a rise (in wages) )
object definite : ?ir-risaalellikatabthe, waddeethe l-bariid
(the letter which I wrote, I have posted)

Relative clauses where the subject or object is not defined are put bogether without Ulli,
as:
subj. indef.: haadi mis?ale tihtaaj ila nadar
(this is an issue (which) requires thinking)
obj. indefl.: šift sayyaara tuulhe yumkin talaatiin fuut
(I saw a car (which) is about thirty feet long)

When the antecedent is object definite, the pronominal suffix attached to the main verb
of the relative clause is in gender and number concord with its antecedent. Cf:

I-idlaag illi štareete šams, labaste

(I wore the socks which I had bought yesterday)
?il-baladillijawha baarid, laa ţţubha
(The country with a cold climate, avoid going to it)
Note the inversions in constructions such as the following:
hum Uli waşafaw gabilne
126 Part 4

(it's they who arrived first)

gillat il-matar hi lli txalli z-zar c imuut
(it is lack of rain which makes the plant shrivel)

A common feature is the occurrence of min in association with ?i//i, in which case min illi
is used to mean "by or of what" as in:

t cajjabt min illi šifte

(I was amazed by what I saw)
c
itni min Uli cinduk
(give me of what you have)

Temporal clauses
Below are some of the common particles used to introduce temporal clauses. ?ileen
< ?ilaa?an (until, when) has the short form leen. It is found with the:

(a) imperf. asin:

?isbur ileen axalIis
(wait until I have finished)
haaris ileen axuuk yihdur
(wait until your brother arrives)
(b) perf. as in:
xalle yigli, w-leen faah šiile
(let it simmer, when it boils remove it)
lane basaa cidk ileen inte t cibt
(I shall help you when you feel tired)

Often ?ileen appears with maa to introduce a clause in the perfect, as in:
nasooh cala n-naar ileen maa htarag
(it was left on the fire until it burnt)
xallooh fi š-šams ileen maa yabas
(they exposed it to the sun until it got dry)

Like ?ileen, yoom (when) is also used to introduce a clause in the perfect:
yoom xallas, raah
(when he had finished, he left)
yoom ikbur, gaam isalli
(when he grew up, he started praying)

The particle lamma (when) is found more often with the perfect than with the imperfect
verbs in temporal clauses. Cf :
perf.: lamma wasalaw ihnaak, maa šaafaw ahad
(when they arrived there, they found no one)
lamma xallasat il-midrase, raja c il-beet
(when the school had finished, he came home)

lamma as used above, is interchangeable with yoom (when). Cf:

yoom wasalaw ihnaak, maa šaafaw ahad
With a majority of speakers, ?ileen + perf. replaces lamma + imperf. in these clauses:
less common : lamma txallis it-tanawi, ruuh il-jaam ca
127 Part 4

(when you finish secondary schooling, go to the university)

more common : ?ileen xallast it-tanawi, ruuh il-jaam ca
(when you have finished secondary schooling, go to the unversity)
less common : lamma tinjah baštari luk saa ca
(when you pass (the exams.) I shall buy you a watch)
more common : ?ileen najaht, baštari luk saa ca
(when you have passed (the exams.) I shall buy you a watch)

NOTES:

1. Occasionally, an elderly interlocutor may begin his speech with an adverbial phrase
indicative of a past event, the exact date of which is unknown to him, as in:
sanat illi je t-taa cuun. .. (the year plague hit the country (appr. 1247 A.H.) )
or sanat it-tab ca . . . (the year of the mass foundering of local boats (appr. 1288
A.H.) )
2. Arabian dialects almost all have (č, ts) in this particle and not q.
3. Such usage is also noted for the Shammar- c Abde speech of north Arabia. See
Cantineau, Études, III, p.188.
4. čeef has the free variant čeefe.
5. čam has the nunated form čammin, which denotes scarcity, as in bass čammin
waahid (only few ones) and is equally common.
6. Tanwin, in this dialect, is examined under Morphology, Part I I I .
7. Bahraini husbands, like most Arabs, prefer a male child from an expectant wife.
8. Also examined, in the previous pages, under Interrogation.
9. For classical Arabic maa, see WGAL, part II, p. 98.
10. Note that haade and haadi have shorter free variants, which are equally common.
These are de for the former and di for the latter; their syntactic behaviour is anal­
ogous to their longer counterparts. Note also that ha(a) deleen has the shorter free
variant deleen which syntactically behaves like its longer counterpart and is equally
common.
11. ha(a) daak and ha(a) diik also have the shorter free variants daak and diik for the
former and the latter, and the shorter forms behave similarly to their longer counter­
parts.
12. The above forms also appear in the appropriate section under Morphology.
13. čaan, the shorter form of ?inčaan, is used interchangeably with the latter. Both
forms are equally common.
PartV
Lexical features

Lexical features constitute an important part of a dialect survey. The present study
of Baharnah lexis was directed at speakers with different registers of language. The aims
laid down for this part of the investigation were, primarily, two-fold:
(a) to acquire sufficient data representing both urban and rural forms of B;
(b) to obtain a large number of specialized lexis, in particular items pertaining to
cottage industries.

The prevailing date-culture and the concomitant traditional activities, some of which are
solely dependent upon the former, are long-established traditional pursuits of the Baharnah
rural community. 1 However, one should note here that owing to a strong tide of sweep-
ing modernization some such industries have already diminished and others which are
extant are rapidly dwindling away. Shortly after the craft disappears, its specialized
vocabulary is subsequently forgotten.
The present study of the Baharnah lexis has revealed the following:
(1) Items circulating in daily speech are to a great degree common to both rural and
urban forms.
(2) A large number of classical items have survived in B.
(3) Pan-Arabic koine forms show a high rate of frequency in current urban speech
(4) A large number of proverbial expressions are in circulation, especially in the speech
of the elderly.
(5) Foreign words, old and recent, occur frequently in the entire dialect area.
(6) Specialized lexis is found in all the areas within Bahrain where similar traditional
activities are found.
(7) Finally, a large number of Arabicized forms are in current use.
Lexical data is studied under three sections, the first deals with specimens of two-
word collocates, localisms, proverbial expressions, classical and koine forms in current
speech. Section two (B) looks into old and recent borrowings; and section three (C)
examines specialized lexis pertaining to certain traditional activities.

Section A

Specimens of two-word collocates, i.e., noun + adjective

hawin cood a big enclosure (of a house)

maayin faatir lukewarm water
jins barraani foreign fabric

128
129 Part 5

naas ?ajaawiid virtuous or good people

?it-toob l-imšajjara the patterned gown
tamrin zeen good dates
wzaarjamri a Bani Jamrah loin-cloth, Le, one made in Bani Jamrah village
rde seeb ci an Abu Sebi cloak, i.e., one made in Abu Sëbi c village

Specimens of common verbal forms

Below is a specimen list of some common verbal forms chosen from the texts of
interviews with local people:

nsaffiih u niniši we dispose of it (sell it) and then leave

nitmasjah we make a profit
maayinfug it can't be sold
načaf he changed his mind
farcis he has opened his shop
gaffad he has closed his shop
tyassar he has set out
twaffa he has passed away
?akruf ruuhi I toil laboriously
c
ixayyim ind il-jiiraan He lingers at the neighbours

Specimens of localisms
The following items, most of which are of Arabic origin, have undergone certain
morphophonemic changes or acquired a new range of meaning in this dialect:

mahaayin trades and crafts

ighaafaat sea-beds
waadye local regions or areas (not valleys)
mkaafah toil, struggle
m caabal diligence, constant attention
mraakad regular attendance
jadahaat drilled holes
?abuuk il- cood your grandfather
?ummuk il- coode your grandmother
yoom u tark every alternate day
baaluul a small hamur (fish of the grouper family)
naknuuk a small hāmur (Sitrah)
baġle2 a clay jar for cooling water
halaayil native Baharnah Arabs
nasiib a relative; when used by the halāyil, i.e., Bahärnah villagers,
the term indicates a sense of belonging to the same stock
iġrubaat remote areas
diira village
Jawwadne l-mihne (from a weaver) we stuck to our
(inherited) trade
?iz-ziraa ca da ciife garden ing is i n decline
weeš in-nadar what course of action should we adopt?
?astaad head mason;skilful worker
xašab boats, local ships (lit. wood)
130 Part 5

?aafe glutton
mahmuul u yitraffas |jt. a kicking (grumbling) dependant; lib. beggars can't be
choosers.
hamiihe haraamihe I it, the protector is a crook; lib. if the enforcer of the law is
criminal, what sort of justice can you expect?
he got lost in the crowds
hi b-šiime w hi b-giime first beg for his favour and also pay
for his labour (said of an ungrateful worker)
jaahil a child, a lad
c
eeš rice
xubz bread

Some common proverbial expressions

(1) maa tirtifi cilia s-samaade, wala yi ctali ?illa d-dixxaan
(rubbish and smoke both rise up!)
(2) ?i//i y cazzi w-illi maa y cazzi yaakilc eešI-ihseen
(lit. he who beats his chest (during Muharram) and he who doesn't receive (Imam)
Hussein's rice! Cf. one man sows and another reaps!; one beats the bush and another
catches the birds!)
(3) čafan bi-blaaš ?ariid amuut!
(for a free shroud, I am willing to die!)
(4) kitr id-daggifiččl-ilhaam
lit. constant striking undoes the welding; lib. constant dripping wears away the
stone, or little strokes fell great oaks
(5) waraak yaa basai tigle, gaal an e fiz-zaad ahle
(should you raise your price ye onion? yes, he said, 'cause, with me, food tastes
nicer!)
(6) I-ifluus itjiib il-caruus
(lit. money can buy you a bride;lib. a golden key opens every door)
(7) maa ntageet min l-injuum ?illa sheel!
(out of all the stars you chose but Canopus!)3
(8) catiig is-suuf wala jadiid l-ibriisam
(better old wool than new silk!)
(9) yaa maaši fi ?ard iz-zalag, laa ti?man it-teeh
(he who treads a slippery path, is doomed to fall)
(10) Ya lli waasill been il-basale w-gišrathe, maa yintaabuk ilia dmuu c
(he who breaks in between the onion and its skin, gets naught but tears)
(11) hsaab umm il-beed! (lit. the calculation of the lady who sells eggs!; lib. don't count
your chickens before they are hatched! or, catch your bear before you sell its skin!)
(12) ?isbur cala majnuunuk laa yjiik ?ajann im-minne
(better the devil you know than the devil you don't know!)
(13) šiil il-xara cala r-raas, wala l-haaje ?ila n-naas
(lib. better a scavenger, than a solicitor of favours)
(14) cadaari tisgi l-ib ciid, ?u tinse l-gariib
(lib. c Adari (a natural pool) pours water in remote areas, forgetting the adjoining
ones, i.e., charity begins at home!)
(15) midd irjuuluk cala gadd ilhaafuk
(stretch your legs according to your coverlet or cut your coat according to your
cloth.)
(16) laa tsawwi l-habbe dabbe
(don*t make a mountain out of a molehill)
131 Part 5

Classical Arabic Items in B

Below are specimens of classical Arabic items in current use in B, regardless of the
educational status of the speaker:

radii ca (sister) wajbe (meal)

dane (offspring, son) mawaa ciin (kitchen utensils)
nasaal (lady's hair washing) saniin (sharp)
naxaal (sieving or sifting) faatir (tepid)
zalaal (skimming) mnazz (cradle)
mahaah (egg yolk) mxamma (broom)
fuss (stone such as used on rings) ?adnaat ši (a minimum of)
xeezaraane (cane, stick) haab riih4 (smart, dexterous)
buxnug (head-veil for young girls) sihle5 (plain, lowland)
maa ?atiig (I can't stand... ) mitbarje (said of a lady who appears in
gubše < ġabaš (daybreak) public uncloaked or unveiled)
c
afse (disarray, confusion) falag <falag (to split)
zabra(h) (a scream of anger) za cag <da caq (to scream or yell)
latma(h) (a slap on the face) fatas (to strangle, to drown)
nooše (conflict, brawl, fray) gasat (to chip)
hooba <hawbah (poverty, ill-fortune) nadab (to send for)
c
haniin (longing, screaming) adan (to become familiar with)
waniin (wailing) kawwad (to heap or pile)
haafi (barefoot) ?il-karr (circular rope with a soft
zataat (quick) back, used for climbing date
saxxa (quiet) palm trees)
binč < bunuk (prime of) dibs (date honey (syrup) )
batiin (glutton) dalu (leather-bucket)
hazze (time of) tanbiit (the process of cutting the
gabbat il-muġrub (at night) branches off the date palm)
sluum iš-šams (at sunset) tahdiir (the clustering and lowering
tawaali š-šahar (the closing days of the month) of the bunches of a date palm
raas is-sane (opening days of the new year) so that they can grow unobs-
tructed)
gallaaf (boat builder)

Pan Arabic koine forms in current speech

The dialectal forms appearing to the left hand side of this list are often replaced by
the koine forms shown on the right:

ġurb foreigners, strangers ?ajaanib

baazaar market suug
c
šaagardi labourer, worker aamil
glaas glass kaas
ličče stingy, mean baxiil
?aalu potatoes bataata
c
eeš rice ruzz
dlaaġ sock juuraab
motar il-hiariiga fire brigade sayyaarat il-?itfaa?
tawdaat delivering naql
karwa fees, fares, wages ?ijra
132 Part 5

šigil/mihne job, work waziife

luumi lime laymuun
daxtar doctor tabiib
binsil pencil galam rasaas
kamče spoon mil caqa
kašme spectacles nazzaara
c
duuni ordinary, usual aadi
yikruf ruuha he toils yijhid nafse
sille thorns; fish bones šook
timbe ball kora
xatt/maktuub letter risaale
bugše envelope zarf
hakiim (in ceem) (Ni ceem) hospital mustašfa

Comparative lexis: specimens of regional variations

The following lexical items are normally exclusive to the dialect under which they
appear. Cf :

B A

darab he hit tagg

garše bottle butjl
sannuur/sannuura cat gatu/gatwa
rid wara move back waxxir, tna c caz
ixawwuf causing alarm or dread ixarri c
mxabbal stupid xabal
weeš itguul? what is it? šin-gaayil
wees in-nadar what course of action šinsawwi (also š-in-nadar)
should we take?
haadahu here it is kaahwa
halaawate how nice! hle(e) laate
duulaab date garden naxal
hawi enclosure, compound hooš
(house)
ijirr to drag, tow idiff (also iyirr)
rama he threw
?akil food, provisions ignaad (also ?akil)
bil-jumle in bulk gootra
gdur cooking pan sifriyye (also jidir)
hjaara stones hasa
jafur well jiliib
leeš (maa jiit?) why didn't you come? wara (maa yiit?)
faag buuze he opened his mouth fig. faačč halje
he screamed abuse
xalaga a piece of cloth xirje
maskuuk closed, shut msakkar (also
maskuuk)

Specimens of inter-dialectal variations: rural and urban forms of B

The forms given below are exclusive to the division under which they appear:
133 Part 5

Rural B Urban B

nse(e) fiyye sack juuniyye

(cajuuz) mzimne elderly (lady) c
oode
mamšaah its disposal, sale (said of hand-woven bee cah
cloaks)
îinxarat disappeared (said of a trade or craft) raah, ?ixtafe
(?id-diira) tgišš (the village) is deserted (during tixtali
pearling season)
c
ala marbaah according to habit, customary hasab it-ta cwiid
?adoobiš do all sorts of jobs ?aštiġil fi kill ši
ma csuuma grave yard mugbara
tnabbur you dig with the hands tihfur (also tnabbur)
tdimm (caleeh ir-raml) you cover it(with sand) tġattiih . . .
diiwaaniyye spacious sitting-room mijlas
tamar jumped over natt
imzayyin hairdresser imhassin
taliil evil spirit jinni
looga ornamental box for guuti
keeping perfume bottles, etc.
sirj light, lantern fanar, šim ca
hasiir imraaje straw mat hasiir xuus
yitġattar caliyyi difficult (for me) to distinguish yis cab it-tafriig beenhum
tagdiib pruning gasaas
gaadu the dried end part of a date palm karab
bough, raceme
mahaariir spices ?abzira,bahaaraat
mitbarje said of an unveiled, uncloaked lady haasra

Section B

Notes on English loan-words

A tendency among educated speakers is to eschew loan-words, particularly those
for which an Arabic equivalent exists. Nevertheless, loan-words from English, Persian and
Urdu are in copious use in daily speech. A large number of these words is, however, of
relatively recent acquisition. They are recent because the bulk of these words came into
use, apparently, after the discovery of oil in 1932 and the subsequent establishment of
the Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAPCO).
The above company has always employed a substantial number of indigenous
workers who came into linguistic contact with expatriate work-mates, mainly British and
Indian serving in technical and clerical capacities. Furthermore, with the coming of oil,
trade and travel greatly flourished. These further developments have emphasized the
actuality of broad linguistic interaction between the indigenous and the expatriate popula­
tion of the country.
Many villagers abandoned gardening in preference for the more lucrative jobs that
the nascent oil industry had created. A new range of borrowings came into use. Items
such as ?il-kumbani (the Company, i.e., BAPCO), forman (foreman), oof (off-duty),
saahub (from Indian saab, sir), not only gained wide currency, but also brought into being
a new range of vocabulary, hitherto unknown to local speech. Workers employed as
assistant pipe-fitters soon acquired a specialized form of vocabulary, viz. beebfitar (pipe-
134 Pirt 5

fitter),hoozaat (fire hoses), beebaat (pipes),sbaanaat (spanners), ringaat (rings), etc.

BAPCO was not the only source for these new lexical acquisitions. Certain items,
firmly ingrained in current speech, came through contact with other British-Indian firms
operating in the area. The terms fuss (first) and fussiglaas (first class), sikin (second class),
deek (deck passengers) are normally associated with the two classes of sea travel available
on the British India Steam Navigation Company's ships which had a long-standing mono­
poly on the sea route from Bombay, through the Gulf ports, ending up in Basrah. Thus, a
Gulf passenger can travel to Bombay or Basrah either fuss, sikin or deek.

Notes on Hindustani loan-words

Hindustani (Urdu) words were acquired through two channels:
(1) trade and travel
(2) contact with the quite sizable Indian community existing in Bahrain.

Trade between the old region of al-Bahrain and India is of long standing. 6 Trade with
India introduced new lexical items which were completely alien to Arab culture. Trade
items such as čiit (course Indian calico),sabaataat (sandals),malmal (Indian voile), jawaati
(shoes), rawaamiil (handerkchiefs), jawaani ceeš (sacksful of rice (sing, juuniyye <
gooni) ), etc., were incorporated into local speech. The Indians living in Bahrain were
familiar with the clerical side o f the Gulf trade; and insurance, clearance and commercial
correspondence were among the activities normally conducted by the Indian clerks who
often worked for local importers. It is in this sphere of economic activity that words like
sii aay ef (C.I.F., i.e., Carriage, Insurance and Freight),biime (bailment),draaft (bankdraft)
were acquired.
A large number of Bahrainis paid, and still pay, regular visits to Bombay, once
described as the "London of the East". Among these were pearl dealers, locally called
tawaawiisht treešiyye (regular commuters on business trips) and many others who sought
medical treatment there, for the want of it back home. Also, a large number of Baharnah
Arabs, disenchanted for various reasons with their situation back home, settled for long
years in Bombay. All of these had to communicate in Hindustani and many acquired a
good deal of it. The pearl dealers learnt new Indian words such as daana (a single, large,
very expensive pearl), jiiwan (well-rounded, large, white, expensive pearl), buuka (the
smallest and least expensive of pearls), etc.
The Bahraini travellers witnessed new modes and ways of life in Bombay, sbiitaal
(hospital), traam (tram car), and rees (horse racing), all became part of their newly
acquired vocabulary.

Notes on Persian loan-words and place names

The Baharnah Arabs pay annual visits to the shrines o f their Imams in Iraq and
Persia. A large Persian community has long existed in Bahrain. The dhow trade between
the adjacent Persian and Arab coastal towns is of long-standing. For long periods, some­
times with interruptions, the local chiefs of the islands were tributaries to Persian mon-
archs. Persian place names, such as are still found in Bahrain, are a vestige of the past. The
Baharnah village of deeh (Den) which is perhaps derived from a Persian word meaning
"village", samaahiij7 (Samahij) from Persian se (three), maahi (fish), and damistaan
(Damistan) arising from Persian dabistaan (school) attest to the extent of Persian lexical
influence which the old region of al-Bahrain and specifically the island of ?Awal witnessed
in pre-lslamic and post-Islamic times. Also, baagše < baagče (garden) a specific garden
once created in Manamah by a Persian sovereign of the islands, is another example. It is
not surprising then to find certain Persian items in current use in the area; the ubiquitous
 135 Part 5

adjective xo(o)š (good, fine) and the equally omnipresent hast (is, has), are in circulation
in most Gulf dialects starting from Kuwait to Abu Dhabi.
Other items, such as šahrabaani (police station), mišhad <mašhad (shrine, sanctu­
ary), qand (sugar cones), samaawar (samovar), etc.are items often heard in local traveller's
accounts of Iran.

Further notes on Persian and Hindustani loan-words

Certain other items, viz. from Persian and Urdu are in use in current Bahraini
speech. Items like p/binsil (pencil) or pa/urde (curtain, screen) are common to contem­
porary Gulf Arabic. 8 Whether these items were acquired through Persian or Bombay
Hindustani,9 is often difficult to determine because words such as these are found in both
of these languages. It is thought, however, that such items were acquired during the days
of the British Raj in India when large numbers of Bahrainis and other Gulf Arabs used to
frequent the Indian port of Bombay.
The word buuz, from Persian puuz (mouth), should not be treated on equal footing
with other borrowings such as tindeel (foreman, tally clerk) or dirwaaze (door, gateway),
both from Persian. The difference is that buuz is much older and therefore has a wider
currency in East Arabian speech than the latter two items. Shaikh Jalal al-Hanafi, ac­
counting for the occurrence of the same item in Baghdadi speech, dates its adoption to
the fourth century A . H . 1 0 It is sometimes difficult to ascertain the chronology of an
acquisition, particularly in view of inadequate historical data.

Arabicized forms in current circulation in the area

In their account of Arabicized forms, Arab grammarians list noun-forms which were
incorporated into Arabic a long time ago. Some such forms, acquired largely from Persian,
ceased to exist in the original language, yet their Arabicized forms are in circulation in the
Gulf area as well as in MDA. Some common examples of these, such as recur in Bahraini
speech, are: 1 1

surwaal (trouser) tannuur (coal oven)

?ibriisam (silk) bay) jass, yass (gypsum)
?ibriig, briij (pitcher) tast (a metal wash-trough)
diibaaj (brocade, soft pillow tarz (form, shape)
stuffing) maaš (Indian peas)
finjaal/n (coffee-cup)
juuraab (sock)
sirdaab (cellar)
dabbuus (pin)

Specimens of borrowings from English

The borrowings appearing in this list are of relatively recent incorporation, found
both in A and B:

fannaš he resigned (inf. 4)

fannašooh he was dismissed
banšar/fančar to have a puncture, or to be unable to continue an action
?anwaat notes (currency)
teem time (inf. 11)
l-igliiz the glaze (pottery) (inf. 12)
136 Part 5

šalfaat shelves (inf. 12)

beebaat pipes (inf. 12)
bulisiyye police
baabko BAPCO (Bahrain Petroleum Company)
l-sčinjaat telephone exchanges (inf. 1 )
tiksiyye taxis (inf. 1 )
kankari concrete
albe ALBA (Aluminium Bahrain)
haliib karnešan "Carnation"milk (inf. 1)
aayil oil
hoozaat hoses (inf. 5)
lanjaat launches (inf. 2)
ringaat rings
salandaraat cylinders (inf. 5)
čeenaaw China (inf. 4)
dabal double
?il-yoom oof I am off-job today (inf. 5)
fuss iglaas first class
tarak taraat tractors (inf. 6)
dreewliyye drivers (inf. 6)
mawaatir motor-cars (inf. 6)
čaakleeti of chocolate colour
waayaraat electric wires (inf. 6)
hinč inch (inf. 6)
kumbani company (inf. 7)
baasaat passports (inf. 7)
l-ikreen the crane (inf. 19)
it-taawaraat the towers (inf. 19)
beebfitar pipe-fitter (inf. 19)
preemar primer (inf. 19)
beet griibaal Messrs. Gray Paul and Co. (inf. 7)
jaalbuut jolly-boat
minwar man-of-war
fariig it-teel a locality in Manamah named after the Telegraphic Office built
there in the early forties.

Specimens of borrowings from Hindustani (Urdu)

The items appearing below are common to both A and B :

baxšiiš tip, gratuity (also found in Persian)

jookam risky
beezaat money (from paysa the smallest unit of Indian corrency)
abannid I close (inf. 12) (Persian bindan)
dabbe a small tin or box
saamaan furniture (inf. 12) (also found in Persian)
namuune kind, type (inf. 1.) (also found in Persian)
siide straight (inf. 1)
man (waahid) one maund (inf. 2) (a unit of weight in current use in India,
Persia, also Portugal and western Asia (O.E.D.) )
čeeku Indian fruit (inf. 3)
137 Part 5

gaari cart (such as a fisherman's donkey cart) (inf. 3)

baanka fan
juuri pair ( also found in Persian)
santara Indian mandarin
huuri a small boat (inf. 6)
tiizaab acid (also found in Persian)
battaat door hinges
ruumaal handkerchief (also found in Persian)
kamče < čamča spoon
čitti note or written order (in Hindustani meaning letter or a doctor's
prescription)
kašamaat goggles, spectacles (also found in Persian čašm meaning "an eye"
and čašme meaning "a fountain".
Specimens of borrowings from Persian
Below is a list of borrowings from Persian, most of which are of relatively recent
incorporation and circulate in A and B:

zari silver or gilded cord

roozane niche
naġde lamé
bištaxte (from piiše taxte12) a small chest or coffer
doošag(from doosak) mattress (also Turkish davJšak)
karaafi from čaar payye foIding bed
čarx wheel
baadagiir13 wind-circulating tower
meewa fruit
trinj <toronj citron
naarjiil cocoanut
dariiše <Ldariiče window
ieewaan< ?iiwaan hall or gallery
kišmiš sultanas
xaašuuga <qaašoq spoon, ladle
daane one piece (also found in Hindustani)
irsi <uruusi sash or verandah
bandar anchorage
fast reef, shoal
falle good, excellent, or wholes, bulks
tpmaaše a public scene
pahlawaan hero, stunt
tindeel tally clerk or head worker
siim (pl. ?asyaam) metal wire
neesaan scar mark or target
kaste picnic
bisyaar plentiful, abundant

baxšiiš present, gift, gratuity

rang, as in colour, kind, brand
weeš ranga? what sort is it?
uuti iron for ironing clothes
fatiile wick of a candle or a lantern
 138 Part 5

zanjafeh < ganjiifeh playing cards

bugše < buqča knapsack, envelope
buuk < b u q č a wallet
dismaal <dastmaal handkerchief
lagan <lakan tub, basin
?atlas satin
ġawaazi money (from Persian ġaazi, a Persian coin)
sooġa gift, present< Persian sawġaat
ġalyuun <qalyuun hubble-bubble
mizraab < miizaab spout
naxxaj < nuxud chick-peas

Specimen of borrowings from Turkish

boos empty, useless as i n : kill ta cabne raah booš (our efforts have
been wasted)
jigaayir cigarettes
ġuuzi whole, roasted and stuffed lamb
fašg/fišag < fišek cartridge 14
baaše Pasha, rich man
tambal stupid, lazy (also found in Persian)
gumrug custom house

Section C

Specimens of specialized lexis: items pertaining to l-izraaca (gardening)

Perhaps /-zraa ca (gardening) is one of the oldest professions pursued by the native
islanders. It is as old as the existence of the numerous subterranean, natural springs found
on the mainland and in the sea surrounding the islands. Below, is a specimen list of spe­
cialized lexis drawn up from the text of an interview with a Bahrani gardener:

tagdiib pruning
xaafuur a protected seedling; transplant
binni l-?ard b-imhašš raking of the soil with a sickle so that the sun's rays
permeate the soil
yihriš il-?ard he stirs up the soil with a spade
?is-sawaagi narrow channels which allow water to pass into
planted areas
?il-?asraab planted beds
?il-xatt a furrow dug in preparation for the sowing of seeds
ijizz gatt he cuts off lucerne
wadah waahid one watering
yi cmur il-?ard he ploughs or prepares the soil
?ahitt il- cuud is-sane I plant the seedling this year, and it blossoms next
haadi ?u s-sane year
l-faanye yihmil
nista cmil samaad, ?u cuum we use manure, and sardines
?il-?ard tab caane the land is soggy with water
il-?ard tihtaaj ila the soil requires systematic
mbaašar attendance
139 Part 5

idiffcaleehe r-raml he covers it with sand

n caabil il-?ard we till the soil

Items from the text of an interview with a date planter

c a native date-planter
akkaar
naxlaawi an attendant or owner of a date garden
nirkab bil-karr we climb the date palm with the help of the karr (i.e,
a circular rope with the middle part plaited to support
the back of the climber while picking dates)
nixruf b-yaadiin-ne we pick dates with both hands
w-unnabbit we cut off the branches from the date palm to lighten
it
w-unrawwis we remove the prickles from the plant
w-unhaddir we cluster the bunches and lower them
w-inšallix jariid we cut the dry fronds into pieces
w-insallix in-nabaat w-inyadne we remove the leaves and plait them together

talc spadix or spathe

jduu c trunks of date palm trees
druuf plaited baskets also known as gaa cuudiyye used for
sitting on bare floors
jraab a plaited basket, deep enough to hold food remnants,
such as bread, dates and date-stones, which form part
of the cows'and donkeys' food
hsur mats
gafiif straw-baskets
ziblaan big straw-baskets

Specimens from the nautical vocabulary of a local bahhaar (seaman)

siif harbour
satwa spots where there is abundant seaweed, used locally as fish-bait in
traps
mislaat net with a wooden handle used for scooping out trapped fish
from a weir
garaagiir fish -traps made of wire
hduur weirs, fish-traps built from palm branches
saalye fish-net
jazzaaf bulk-buyer of fish also retailer from Arabic juzaaf (bulk-buying)

Pearl diving
gees diver
snaan anchor
baac fathom
ġubba deepest spot in the sea
mahhaar pearl oysters
dayyiin knitted basket for holding the oysters
seeb seaman in charge of the rope tied to the diver
magaalit ropes used for lowering or pulling divers
140 Part 5

gahamaat rounds, turns (of diving)

tabbaat dives
zaad foodstuff consumed during the pearling season
rakba the start of the pearling season
tarah dropped anchor
ixraab rope attached to the anchor
baraax hauling the anchor
sadur prow, stem of a ship
tafur poor, stern
nahhaam boat chanter
jiib small sail
ijyaab the two big oars attached to the prow

Specimens from a weaver's specialized vocabulary15

rde lady's cloak

wzaar loin-cloth
fijje one piece
?anaajir red stripes such as made on the fringes of a lady's cloak
dfaaf breast beams of a ground loom
///ta 1 6 reed beater
igfuul side beams of a ground loom
kariib shuttle
madaawis treadles
sadaat the process of separating dust from cotton by beating the cotton
with two sticks
sooj the process of starching the newly spun thread
hirš weft
ġazil threads, warps, yarn

Specialized lexis: folk-medicine

The following items are obtained from the text of an interview with the owner of a
traditional laboratory for the extraction of folk-medicine.17 Some items are Arabic in
origin, others have come from Persian, all of which were known to the Arabs since earlier
times.
maay /-igruuf also known as maay il-liggaah: liquid extracted from the outer crust of the
male pollen of a date palm tree used for scenting tea and making soft drinks. Its medicinal
properties are widely believed to cure minor heart troubles and to stop dizziness.
margaduuš < mardaquuš:18 liquid extracted from marjoram and origanum. Recom­
mended for abdominal pain and the activation of the bladder.
maay iz-zamuute: liquid extracted from origanum and thyme, recommended for stomach
upset and acidity.
maay il-kawzabuun (from Persian) known to the Arabs as
ward ilsaan it-toor: from Persian "ox-tongue rose". It is a rose-coloured herb imported
from Iran. It is believed that its medicinal properties help regulate the functioning of the
heart. It is also recommended as anti-cough syrup. Ibn Manzur observes, "it was called so
for its analogy to ox-tongue". 19
maay iš-šaatirra: liquid extracted from a medicinal herb imported from Iran. Recom­
mended for the alleviation of blood pressure, allergy, and al-sawdaa?, i.e., the liver ailment
caused by excessive intake of dates. 20
141 Part 5

maay il-hindibaan: this liquid is extracted from wild chicory or endive, hindib is defined
as "a pungent herb", 21 and is recommended for abdominal ailments
maay il-hilwa: liquid extracted from aniseed, recommended for the regulation of heart
malfunctioning. Also given to children as, a sort of vitamin.
maay it-hiij < maa? ?al-haaj: a wild thorny medicinal herb with deep-seated roots. 22
This herb is found in the plains of Bahrain. It is recommended as a cure for jaundice and
also believed to be effective for the release of blocked urine.
Finally, these items are among common folk-medicine in use today:

hadaj colocynths, recommended for colds and rheumatic pains

bleelaj myrobalana bellerica, prescribed for stomach upsets (imported from
India)
hi/be fenugreek plant (trigonella), recommended for chest or breathing dif­
ficulties; also good for regulating the function of the liver and bladder
išrig circoea, a species of cassia, used mainly as a laxative.

NOTES

1. For the geographical distribution of the traditional industries of Bahrain, see Map
X—Appendices.
2. The above form should not be confused with baġala (largest of the indigenous sea­
going vessels). See H.R.P. Dixon, The Arab of the Desert, p. 473.
3. Lexicon, vol. I I , p. 1554, defines sheet as: (reference is made to Tahdhib of al-
Azhari and The Sihah) "A certain star (well known, namely, Canopus) not seen in
Khurasan, but seen in al-clraq; as Ibn Kunasah says, seen in al-Hijaz and in all the
land of the Arabs, but not seen in the land of Armenia."
4. From classical Arabic: ka-habbatir-riih (like a gust of wind)
5. As in the local place-name: ?is-sihle l-foogiyye (the upper Sihlah) or ? is-sihie i-had
riyye (the lower Sihlah).
6. Medieval Arab sources render accounts of the flourishing trade between the island
of ?Awal and India. However, talking of eloquence among Arab tribes, Abu Nasr
al-Farabi, in his al-AIfaz wal-Hurüf observes that Quraish were the most eloquent
therefore a source of reference on good Arabic . . . that Bakr ibn Wa?il were ex­
cluded from such a prestige because they had as neighbours the Copts and the
Persians, and so were c Abd al-Qais (of Bahrain) and Azd (of c Uman) who mixed
with the Indians and the Persians (see al-Suyuti ,al-Muzhir, vol. I, pp. 211—212).
7. For a fuller treatment of this item, see part I of this study, p.22.
8. The item purde is also found in MDA. See CDB, p. 18.
9. The Shorter Oxford Dictionary defines Hindustani as "The Language of the Moslem
conquerors of Hindustan, being Hindi with a large admixture of Arabic, Persian,
etc.; also called Urdu. It is now a kind of lingua franca over all India."
10. Mu cjam al-Alfaz al-Kuwaitiyya, p. 52. Some such items are also adduced by Blanc
as occurring in MDA.
11. For a fuller account of these, see al-J awaliqi, al-Mu Carrab min al-Kaläm ai-?A cjamiy
(Leipzig, 1867); also al-Tha c ālibi, Fiqh al-Lugha; and al-Suyüti,al-muzhir.
12. From Persian piiš (under, beneath) and taxt (bed), normally this item is kept under
the bed in olden times.
13. From Persian baad (air, wind) and giir (catcher), i.e., wind-catcher.
14. Also found in Persian, viz. ftšang.
142 Part 5

15. These items are extracted from the texts of interviews with informants from Bani
Jamrah village. For the woven garments of the Arab world in the first two centuries
of the Hijri calendar see article by Sālih al- c Ali, "al-Ansijah fi l-Qarnayn al-Awwal
wath-Thäni", al-Abhäth (Quarterly Journal of the American University of Beirut),
No. 4, vol. X I V , 1961, pp. 550—600. On the woven garments of al-Bahrain and
c
Uman, see pp. 574—8 of the same article.
16. From the Arabic verbal form yuliit (to join, to stick together), Lisan al-cArab, vol.
V I I , p.395.
17. This laboratory is situated in c Ayn Dar village within the periphery of the greater
village of Jid Hafs.
18. Lisan, vol. 6, p. 346.
19. Ibid., vol. 13, p. 227
20. Ibid., vol. 3, p. 227.
21. lbid.,vol.l,p.788.
22. Ibid., vol. I I , p. 246.
Part VI
Comparative analysis

In this final part of the study we shall examine the characteristic features of dialects
A and B as described in the preceding parts, noting also the presence or absence of any
particular features in one or the other of these two dialect groups. In addition, we shall
indicate the comparable forms found in the adjoining dialect areas and in particular in
c
Umani and Yamani, as these two, in certain respects, show closer correspondence with
Bahrani speech-forms than the other dialects of the area. It would seem indeed that Qatifi
and Hasäwi are also close to Bahrani Arabic but no detailed study of these two has yet
been undertaken.

Phonology

The plosives
We will begin our analysis with the phonology of the Baharnah dialect, starting with
the plosives and selecting here only those features of the dialect relevant for our present
purpose. In our study of the phonology of B we have found that the occurrence of a
medial and final hamza is relatively rare, and that initial hamza though somewhat lax, is
found in items where it is also found in lit. Arabic, such as:

?ane (I) and ?ani (fem.) etc.

A feature found in B is the realization of the hamza of certain items as pharyngal c .
This feature, known as can canah ascribed to the Tamïmi tribes of eastern Arabia, has
survived in these forms from B: ?uum >cuum (sardines ), da?am >dacam (he col-
lided), etc. 1
On the interchangeability in lit. Ar., of hamza and c , al-Lughawi (died 351 A.H.)
adduces quite a number of items which can appear with a hamza as well as c . Some such
items are:
kata?a labanu2 or kata ca . . .
(the milk has thickened and the oily matter floated upon its surface)
mawtun zu?aaf3 or zucaaf...
(quick death)
la?atahu b-sahmin4 or la catahu ...
(he hit him with an arrow)

Ibn Jinni also observes the presence of can canah in certain Tamîmi forms.5
Reinhardt6 notes the occurrence of the same feature in these forms from the Bani

143
144 Part 6

Kharûs dialect of c Umān :

?asl > casl (origin) and îarnab > carnab (rabbit)
Rhodokanakis7 observes the occurrence in certain Zafäri forms of pharyngal c as
glottal ?.
Another transformation of penultimate hamza in B is its realization as w, in the
following examples:
twaxxar for ta?axxar (he was late)
twaalafaw for ta?aalafuu (they got on well)

The above feature is also reported for Yamāni Arabic. 8

The sound p, a borrowing from Persian as well as English, is often heard in these
forms:

parde/purde (curtain, screen (from Persian) )

pančar (puncture (from English) )
pahlawaan (hero (from Persian) )

The occurrence of the sound p is also reported for MDA,9 and for some other contem­
porary east Arabian dialects.
Non-emphatic initial b of the stressed open syllable Cá- of bàgar, etc. in B, has a dif-
ferent realization in A, where b is realized emphatic in combination with back vowel u. Cf.

B A

Cá-CaC bá-gar (cows) Cú-CaC bú-gar

bá-sal (onion) bú-sal

Emphatic b such as occurring in the phonemic environment in A above, is also

noted in north Arabian speech. Cantineau 10 mentions the occurrence of non-emphatic 6
as an emphatic one in the neighbourhood of a mufakhkham consonant or the back vowels
o, u and α in most north Arabian dialects. The presence of the same feature is also noted
in MDA.11 However, emphatic b such as noted in A-forms above, is not found in Baharnah
Arabic, nor in c Umāni or Yamāni dialects.
A peculiarity of B, also reported for c Umäni Arabic, 12 is the tendency to realize
non-emphatic t as t in the vicinity of fully back vowels in cardinals from thirteen to nine­
teen, such as:

?arbααtαcaš (fourteen) or sabααtα caš (seventeen)

Devoicing of d to t in the vicinity of the gutturals x and h such as in these items

from B: tihin for dihin (animal fat) or ?axathum for ?axadhum (he took them), is also
noted in these demonstratives from Datïnah Arabic: 13

taak for daak (that) and haataak for haadaak

Total assimilation of the voiceless t in the neighbourhood of voiced consonants j, z, d, s, d
a feature common to B :

t > j mijjannis (naturalized)

t > z mizzawwij (married)
 145 Part 6

t > d yiddalla (he enjoys fondling)

t > s missaadig (befriending)
t > d middaarub (quarrelled)

Total assimilation of t mainly in the vicinity of emphatic consonants is also mentioned

for c U m a n i , 1 4 Zafāri, 1 5 and the Harb dialect of Arabia. 1 6 .

Affrication of k
The affricate c < k is found both in A and B, and it is also reported for a majority
of East Arabian dialects. Cantineau, 17 notes it among the sheep nomads of the northern
deserts of Arabia; Johnstone 18 mentions it for the Dosiri and c Anazi dialects of eastern
Arabia. Blanc 19 mentions it for Iraqi Arabic and notes: "evidence from present distribu­
tion as well as from older sources points to non-affrication in old sedentary populations
versus conditioned affrication in populations descended from, or influenced by, north
Arabian nomads."
Affrication of k, however, does not seem, except for the affricate -c of Arabic 2 f.s.
-k, to be a regular feature in the majority of the Yamāni dialects. Cf. these forms from
Datinah Arabic with their counterforms from B : 2 0

Datinah B
kalba dog čalb
kam how much/many? čam
c
kawa he cauterized čawa
kuuc d
elbow čuuc

Diem's 2 1 account of the affricate č in Yamāni Arabic confirms the view that affrication
is not a regular feature of most Yamiani dialects. Except for the affricate c of the second
person feminine singular found in the dialects of the northern uplands, viz. Khamir,
Sinnatain, Raideh, c Amrän, affrication is markedly less frequent in Yamāni than in
Bahrāni Arabic.
Both in A and B affrication occurs in the following forms mainly in the neighbour­
hood of front, short and long vowels in non-emphatic environments:

A B

simač fish samač

heeč toil, labour heeč
čibiir elder, bigger čabiir
nicaf he changed his mind načaf
itahačče he speaks yithačče

Affricate c in the vicinity of back vowels, less common than the above, is nonetheless
found in these forms from A and B

A B

c c
luuč chewing-gum luuč
čuuc elbow čuuc
tčuuč openings, funnels (i)fcuuc
146 Part 6

In the following demonstrative from A, affricate c has the grammatical function of a

feminine marker. Cf:

A B

diič/hadiič (that (fem.) ) diik/ha(a)diik

Affricate č such as noted in the c Anazi form above, is also reported in the same form for
MDA;22 and in some north Arabian Beduin dialects; 23 and also in East Arabian dialects
of the c Anazi type. 2 4
However, as in B, the -k of the above demonstrative remains stable in the following
dialects: south Arabian, 2 5 central Arabian, 2 6 Yamāni 2 7 and c U m a n i 2 8 Arabic.
The k of the 2 m. plural suffix -kum is affricated in Sitrah. Cf:

A Manämah (B) Sitrah (B)

lukum leekum leečem

c c c
indikum indkum indčem

The k of the 2 m.s. pronominal suffix is affricated to -c in Sitrah forms of B only.Thus:

ktaabeč (your book(masc.) ) galameč (your pen (masc.) )

c
aleeč (on you) wiyyaač (with you)
tabgaač (I need you) bawaddiič (I'll take you)

In A , the affrication of the 2 f.s.k to č serves a grammatical function. Thus:

ktaabič (your book (fem.) ) glumič (your pen (fem.) )

The affrication of k in these forms is noted in A only:

A B

mičaan place makaan

mačtuub letter maktuub
čoočab Kawkab, proper kawkab
name; offshore
spring
čalaam speech kalaam

Finally, the affrication of k in these forms occurs in Sitrah speech only:

ciII yoom (every day) čilIene (all of us)

nidhač (we were joking) Pačal (he ate)
niftačč minčem (we get rid of you)
2 f.s. k > -š
A feature peculiar to B is the realization o f -k o f 2 f.s. as -š. Thus, ragabatš (your
neck), and toobiš (your gown). Thus feature known to Arab grammarians as kashkashah,
and is ascribed to the Ribl c ah tribes of the area. Sibawayhi, commenting on the same,
gives these examples:29
147 Part 6

ra?aytu gulaam is (I saw your servant)

and daxaltu daariš (I entered your house)

Ibn Jinni, accounting for the same, mentions these examples: 30

c
alayš (on, to you) minš (towards you)
Jayakar, mentions the occurrence of the same in U m I n i Arabic; Reinhardt 3 2 notes it
31 c

for Bani Kharus; Rhodokanakis 33 reports it for Zafāri Arabic; and Cantineau 34 mentions
it in these forms from Bani Sakhar speech:

hawaajbeš (your eyebrows) ?abuus (your father)

Rossi 35 also observes the occurrence of 2 f.s.š and is in San c a Arabic, as i n : baytiš (yout
house) and haggis (for you); and Rhodokanakis 36 reports the same for Zafāri Arabic.
D i e m 3 7 commenting on this feature, notes that in the northern uplands of Yaman both -č
and -ič, -š and -iš are found in the town dialects of Khamir, Sinnatain, Raideh, and
c
Amran; whereas in the southern uplands only -s is found in the dialects of Zafār, ad-
Damighah and Bainun; in the south-western areas, only -s is found in the dialects of al-
Mahall and Qafr.
The occurrence o f the 2.f-s -š is also reported for Hasāwi Arabic. 3 8

Devoicing of q to k in rural B
The realization of q as k in the contiguity of front and back vowels, is found in
rural forms of B, particularly Sitrah forms. Cf.

urban B rural B 3 9

guum get up kuum

bagil clover bakil
hagg for hakk

On the interchangeability of q and k in Arabic, al-Lughawi 4 0 provides these examples:

naqiib or nakiib (headman, leader)

?aqhab or ?akhab (dust colour)
?a craabiyyun quhh or . . . kuhh (pure Arab)

Also on the occurrence of q as k, Landberg 41 gives these examples from Hadrami speech:

kaam for qaam (he stood up); tkuum for tquum (you stand up)

Rossi 42 also reports the presence of the above feature in San c ā speech. He observes that
whenever q is followed by a voiceless consonant it is pronounced k, and when it is fol­
lowed by a vowel it is pronounced g as in these illustrations from San c a Arabic:

yikfid for yiqfid (it shrinks) wakt (time)

buksen for buqšeh (envelope) ?awgaat (times)
148 Part 6

q > k is also noted in these items from Baghdādi Arabic: 43

waket (time) ketal (he killed) kufax (he slapped)

q > ġ in A
A feature noted among the c Anazi speakers of Bahrain is the realization of non-final
q as ġ in the neighbourhood of front and back vowels as in this example: raġum (number).
This feature is not found in Qatifi, Hasiwi, c Umāni or Bahrāni speech forms of eastern
Arabia. It is, however, mentioned for the Jabal Reimah district of the Yaman. 44 It is also
reported for the Yamāni Arabic of the western mountain chains and the Hugariyeh region
to the south of it, as these examples from al-Hadiyeh dialect of the south-western moun­
tain chains show: 45

xulaġat (she was born) maa tuġuul (what do you say?)

îaġdir (I can) ġahweh (coffee)

Cantineau 46 also mentions the presence of the above feature in north Arabian Beduin
dialects. Johnstone47 reports the same for Kuwaiti and the c Anazi dialects of Bahrain.

g > ġ in A
Another feature noted for the c Anazi forms of Bahrain is the realization, by some
speakers, of non-final Arabic ġ as q. q < ġ is also reported for Mawäli speech of north
Arabia, as these examples show: 48

qarbal < ġarbal (to trouble)

qanamhum < ġanamhum (their sheep)

The affrication of q in A
q realized; is a phonetic feature peculiar mainly to nomadic Arabic. It is found in
northern speech in Arabia 49 and also in their East Arabian branches, viz. Kuwaiti, the
c
Anazi of Bahrain, Qatari and in the dialect of Abu Zabi and the adjoining areas, q > j,
however, is not a regular feature of Bahrāni, Hasāwi, Qatifi, c Umäni or Yamani, all of
which are sedentary dialects.
Johnstone50 notes the affrication of q in the contiguity of front vowels in the
c
Anazi speech of eastern Arabia; Blanc 51 accounting for the reflexes of q in MDA, con­
firms the presence of g<q and k <q, and to a lesser extent j < q. In certain forms, Blanc
notes, old Arabic q exhibits two distinct realizations in Baghdādi Arabic, vlz.šarji/šargt'
(eastern); jeddaam/geddaam (before); sadiij/sadiig (friend). Blanc concludes that some of
his Muslim informants who have more forms with j than with g show the influence of the
rural dialects of Iraq, where; reflexes are commoner.
Although q shows a higher rate of frequency in c Umani than Bahrāni Arabic, its
affricate form j < q is almost absent in both. A reading of Landberg, Rossi and Diem
does not lead to the conclusion that the affricate; < q is a regular feature of Yamāni
Arabic.
However, affrication of q to j in c Anazi forms of Bahrain is found in the neigh­
bourhood of short and long front vowels, such as:

jisme (division, portion) waajif (standing)

ġaamij (dark) rfiij (friend)
149 Part 6

Palatalization of j
as y, a regular feature of the c Anazi dialects of Bahrain and somewhat less
j realized as
so in rural forms of B is found in all positions, as in these examples from rural B:

yariid for jariid (fronds) hayar for hajar (stone)

?il-hayy for ?il-hajj (the pilgrimage)

Cantineau 52 and Socin 53 mention the presence of the above feature in northern and
central dialects of Arabia. Johnstone54 also reports the same for the majority of east
Arabian dialects which have emanated from the former dialects. Landberg55 observes the
same feature in Hadrami speech and Rhodokanakis56 in Zafāri Arabic. This appears to be
a cross-dialectal feature.
A feature of rural B is the realization of non-final j as g mainly in the vicinity of
front vowels, as in these examples:

jafiir > gafiir (basket) l-ijnuub > l-ignuub (the south)

The above feature is absent in the cAnazi forms of Eastern Arabia. Reinhardt, 57 however,
reports it for the Bani Kharus of c Uman, Thus:

yuugid (it is found) wugh (face)

j > g is also noted for Zafāri Arabic in forms such as: 58

geles (he sat) šigra (a tree) dgaag (hens)

Cantineau 59 also notes the same for Shammari and c Anazi speech of north Arabia;
Rossi60 mentions it for Tihämah and the Ta c izz Arabic of the Yaman; and Diem 6 1
reports the occurrence of I as g and g y for the Yamāni dialects of the western moun­
tain chain and Hugariyeh, and for the south-western dialects viz. Qafr in these examples:

giik (I came) giina (we came)

gamal (camel) gabal (mountain)

Velar ƒ
Velar / [ χ ] such as is found in the contiguity of the emphaticss, d, t in: salbuux
(shingle), (i) dluu c (ribs), titbe (a wish), is common both to A and B; but the occurrence
of the velar/ in contiguity with the consonants χ, ġ,g <q, is exclusive to A. Cf:

A B

xa/aal (green unripe dates) xalaal

šuġul (work) šiġil
gabul (before) gabil

Velar /, such as noted for c Anazi forms of Bahrain above, is also reported in these forms
from MDA:62 xaaf (mother's brother); xall (vinegar);suġul (work).
Velar ƒ such as occurs in the vicinity of x, s, d, t, is also reported for Haçjrami63 and
D a t n a 6 4 Arabic, Zafāri 65 and for the majority of the north Arabian dialects.66
150 Part 6

The fricatives
A feature noted in B, and to a lesser degree in A , is the tendency to realize non-
emphatic s of certain forms as s in the neighbourhood of the guttural x and the emphatic
t such as in these illustrations:

suxma (vest) jasmax (deaf)

saatuur (adze) bsaat (rug)

On the interchangeability o f s and s in certain Arabic words, al-Lughawi 67 provides these

examples:

maġas > maġas (stomach pain)

yanbis > yanbis (to utter, whisper)

Sibawayhi, 68 accounting for the above feature, notes its occurrence in the vicinity of x
and t in these Arabic forms:

salax > salax (he has slain)

saatic > saatic (glittering, shining)

Reinhardt 69 also on the same feature, provides these examples from the Wädi Bani
Kharus:

s > s as i n : wasax (dirt); sixxaam (soot or smut)

Rhodokanakis 70 also notes this feature in this example from Zafäri Arabic:

sultaan for sultaan (sovereign, ruler)

Rossi 71 mentions the occurrence of s as s in the neighbourhood of emphatic t in San c ā

speech, and Landberg 72 notes it for Hadrami Arabic.

The occurrence of t as f i n B
Arabic inter-dental t_ has the free variant f in B, e.g.,

fuum (garlic) for tuum nafye (female) for natye

falaafe (three) for talaata

Arab grammarians, accounting for the same feature, adduce large lists of words wherein t
and fare interchangeable. Specimens of these are: 7 3

init. tarwa/farwa74 (wealth) taalaj/faa/aj75 (paralysis)

76
med. hutaala/hufaala (dregs, worst parts)
?intajarl?infajar77 (burst, gushed out)
fin. jadat/jadaf78 (grave )
tahannat/tahannaf 79 (he relinquished the worship of idols)

Landberg 80 notes the occurrence of t as ƒ in Hadrami Arabic; Rhodokanakis 81 mentions

it for Zafäri Arabic in these examples:
151 Part 6

tehem/fehem (he understood) toogjfoog (up, upstairs)

timhe/famhe (her mouth)

Rossi notes it in these forms from Yamāni Arabic:

San c a speech: 82 mitl/mifl (like, as)
Ta c izz speech : 8 3 hadiit/hadiif (tal k)
al-Hudaidah: 8 4 tumm/fumm (mouth)

Smeaton 85 confirms the occurrence of t as f i n Hasäwi speech.

The partial preservation of d both in A and B has been mentioned. However, the
occurrence of d in the following demonstratives is found in A only. Cf:

haadi (this) haade

hadeele (these) hade (e) leen

The occurrence of d in demonstratives is also reported for Datinah and Hadrami

speech. 86
The replacement of Arabic inter-dental z by d both in A and B, has a parallel in
c
Umäni Arabic, as i n : 8 7

nadar (eye-sight) hafad (he learnt)

The above feature is also mentioned for Hadrami, 8 8 north Arabian, 8 9 and for Hudaidah
Arabic. 9 0
The preservation of -h of Arabic 3 m s. pronominal suffix -hu in rural forms of B is
also reported for San ac-91 and c U m a n i 9 2 Arabic, e.g.

c
indeh (he has it) ?ileh (for him)

The occurrence in B of sentence-final, stressed -é, used to indicate question, is also

mentioned for c Umani Arabic, 9 3 e.g.

min darabk? imhammad -é? (who hit you? Muhammad?)

The occurrence of -n in 2 f.s. and 2 c.pl. in B

The occurrence in B o f an idiosyncratic feature, viz. -n in the pronouns 2 f.s. îintiin
(you) and 2 c.pl. ?intuun (you), is also attested in a number of dialects. Jayakar 94 men-
tions the presence in c U m I n i Arabic of 2 f .pi. -n , but not of 2 f.s. -n. Cantineau 95 re-
ports the occurrence of -n in Sba c a and the Rass forms: 2 f .pl. ?antan; Rossi 96 notes
only the preservation in San c ā Arabic o f 2 f.pl -n but not of 2 f.s. -n. Blanc 9 7 reports
the occurrence of -n in the imperfect 2 f.s. and 2nd and 3rd person plural as in these
Muslim forms: tketbiin (you write) (f.s.), tketbuun (2nd. pl.),yketbuun (3rd pl.). But in
his account of independent pronouns,-n does not appear in the 2 f.s. nor 2 c.pl. forms of
the pronouns as these examples from MDA show:

Muslim Jewish Christian

2 f.s. enti enti enti

2 c.pl. entu entern entern
152 Part 6

As regards the c Anazi forms of Bahrain, Johnstone 98 does not report the occurrence of 2
f.s. or 2 c.pl. -n in the independent personal pronouns, although he reports the presence
of 2 f.pi. -n in certain other East Arabian forms. He also mentions the presence of 2 f.s.
and 2 c.pl, -n in verb-forms from the c Anazi dialect of Bahrain. Thus:

2 f.s. thidriin (you chatter) 2c.pl. tcarfuun (you know)

D i e m " writing on the same feature in Yamāni dialects mentions it for the northern
uplands in the 2 f.pl. form ?antinna, and ?antin; and in the southern uplands in 2 f .pl.
?antain; and in the coastal plain, viz. Tihāmeh, in 2 m.pl. ?antun; and al-Hudaideh 2 f.pl.
?antin; and in the south-western dialects he mentions for Ta c izz the 2 f.pl. ?antin, al-
c
Udain 2 f.pl. ?antan, and al-Mahall 2 f.pl. ?antun. As regards Zafāri Arabic, 100 this
feature is absent as these examples show:

2 f.s. enti 2 c.pl. enturn

It is also absent from the Hasāwi form of the same: 1 0 1

2 f.s inti (you)

Imāla in B
Imāla, a salient phonetic feature of both A and B, is ascribed to the Tamim and
c
A b d al-Qais tribes of Eastern Arabia. 1 0 2 Arab grammarians, including Sibawayhi, dist­
inguish between two types of imāla, viz. internal and word-final both of which are re­
garded as a variety of palatalization. 1 0 3
In the Bahāmah dialect only word-final imāla is found. It is found in certain con­
sonantal environments where Arabic unstressed short and long vowels -a and -aa are
realized -e. Wright 1 0 4 accounting for the same feature defines it as the 'deflection' of the
sound a and aa towards e and ee, respectively.
In B imāla affects the Arabic nominal and verbal suffix -a(a). Thus:

nicme (grace, bounty) same (sky)

yitmašše (he is walking) yithačče (he is talking)

Imala in urban B and to a large degree in rural B is normally absent in words that have
the emphatic consonantss, d, t as their final radical, a s : 1 0 5

rasaasa (bullet) fawda (noise, confusion) hoota (enclosure)

However, in the following forms from a Dirāzi speaker, imāla occurs in post-1 posi­
tion:

murbate ( (donkey's) harness) barbute (I shall tie it)

In the following forms from rural and urban B, imāla occurs in the former only. Cf:

rural B urban B

yitla ce (he takes it out) yitla ca

tbiice (he sells it) tbiica
gurfe (room) gurfa
153 Part 6

Rhodokanakis 106 notes the occurrence of word-final imāla in these examples from Zafāri
Arabic:

c
Fane (I) aše (supper)

Rossi, 1 0 7 accounting for the same in San cā Arabic states that the vowel, i.e., -a is less
imālized in context and more in pause as in these illustrations from the same:

giime (price) giimat (price of)

Further examples of imāla in San cā Arabic, also shared by B a r e : 1 0 8

hi/be (trigonella) ?il-mee (water) jee (he came)

Blanc, writing on the same feature in MDA, notes the presence of both internal and word-
final imāla. He mentions the realization of word-final -a as -e} particularly in Syrian
speech. 1 0 9
Diem, 1 1 0 also notes the occurrence of -a as -e in the Yamāni dialects of the northern
uplands, in pause only, viz.

je (he came) katabne (we wrote)

But not in liaison: jot (she came)

In his introductory remarks, Alexander Borg mentions imāla of -aa and -a for the
dialects of Iraq, Aleppo, Hawrān, Negev Beduins, Upper Egypt and North Africa. Imāla of
the feminine ending -a, he adds, is to be found in a number of dialects not having any
other kind of umlaut, medial or final. These include the dialects of Damascus, Hamā and
various Lebanese and Palestinian dialects.

Diphthongs
The lit. Ar. diphthongs <ay-and -aw- are realized -ee- and -oo- respectively both in A
and urban B. -ey- (arising from lit. Ar. -ay-) is preserved in rural B, less so in the urban
varieties of B, e.g.

saheyne (we woke up) xeyr (good, grace)

In B, the 3 pi. suffix -uu is invariably diphthongized to -aw as i n : Fakalaw (they ate). This
is a feature which B shares with all the A dialects of E. Arabia. Certain vowels, such as
found in urban B, are diphthongized in rural B Cf:

urban B rural B

ƒ > ay biruuh (he will go) bayruuh

i > iy hači (talk) hačiy
oo >ow hadoole (these) hadowle
ee >ey beezaat (money) beyzaat

12
Reinhardt notes the occurrence of -aw as -oo in Bani Kharūs forms of speech;
154 Part 6

Rhodokanakis 113 mentions two types of diphthongization in Zafāri Arabic, viz. // > ey
after h, c, ht t, x as in: sob cey (my finger) and mwaá ceyn (utensils) and uu > ew or 6w,
as in: yisma cewn (they hear). Partial preservation in Zafāri Arabic of an older diphthong
ay is also noted as in the example: hi and hey (she) both of which are found. Can-
tineau, 1 1 4 notes the occurrence in north Arabian speech of aw as oo and ay as
ee. Rossi 115 mentions the preservation in Yamāni speech of the diphthongs aw and ay.
Blanc 116 notes the preservation in MDA of Arabic diphthongs ay and aw; and Johns­
tone 1 1 7 observes the occurrence of Arabic ay and aw in addition to -uy and -ei in a
majority of east Arabian dialects.

Morphology

Verbal forms
Arabic strong verb of the type FaMaL undergoes phonemic changes in A, not found
in the same forms in B. The Arabic stressed short vowel a in the initial syllable of the
perfect of the simple verb is retained in B, whereas in A, since a occurs in open syllable
only in limited circumstances, it is realized as ƒ. 118

A B

kitab (he wrote) katab

širab ( he drank) šarab

Cantineau 119 notes the occurrence of FaMaL as FiMaL for most of the north Arabian
dialects; Blanc 1 2 0 reports the same for certain areas of MDA; Johnstone 121 mentions the
sound change involved for the c Anazi forms of Kuwait and Bahrain as well as the majority
of east Arabian and Najdi dialects. However, the sound change involved in A dialects are
not mentioned for c Umāni or Yamāni Arabic. On the other hand, the Bahârnah forms
above correspond closely to c U m ā n i 1 2 2 and San c ā 1 2 3 Arabic.
Certain perfect forms of Arabic weak verbs, viz. ?aka/znd ?axad lose the prefix ?a-
in A. Cf :

A B

1 & 2 m.s. kaleet (I ate) ?akalt

1 & 2 m.s. xadeet (I took) ?axadt
3 m.s. kalaaha (he ate it) lakalhe
3 m.s. xadaaha (he took it) ?axadhe

Similar renderings such as are noted for A above are also reported for the Shammari
dialects of north Arabia and those of the sheep nomads. 124 Johnstone also reports the
same for the majority of the East Arabian dialects of the c Anazi type. 1 2 5 However,
comparable forms of these, viz. 3 m.s. xad and kal, such as are present both in A and B,
are also noted for c U m ā n i 1 2 6 and Datinah 1 2 7 Arabic.
A feature of B is the replacement of the perfect theme ?aFMaL by the theme
FaMMaL, as: viz.:

xabbar < ?axbar (he told) rassal < ?arsal (he sent)

The above feature is also noted for c U m ā n i , 1 2 8 San c ā n i , 1 2 9 Hadrami 1 3 0 and the dialect
of Datfnah. 1 3 1
155 Part 6

A feature found in the c Anazi forms of Bahrain is the elision of the Arabic un­
stressed short vowel a in the initial syllable o f a series of short vowels, such as occur in the
perfect forms 3 f.s. and 3 c.pl. This feature does not occur in B. Cf.

A B

3 f.s. ktibat (she wrote) katabat

3 c.pl. ktibaw (they wrote) katabaw

Cantineau 132 notes this kind of elision in north Arabian dialects; Rossi 133 observes
the same for San cā Arabic; Blanc 1 3 4 mentions the occurrence in Muslim forms of e and
u for Arabic unstressed vowel a, i n :

3 f.s. ketbat,kubrat 3 c.pl. ketbaw, kubraw

Johnstone 1 3 5 notes the elision of the vowel a in the majority of East Arabian dialects in
comparable patterns as in the these illustrations:

3 f.s. ktibat 3 m.pl. ktibaw 3 f.pl. ktiban

The imperfect preformative y-

Both in A and B the Arabic imperfect preformative 3 m.s. y- of certain verbs is
realized i- as in these examples from B :

y- >i- hollow verbs isuum (he fasts)

ibaat (he stays overnight)
weak verbs iji (he comes)
ihayyi (he greets or salutes)
geminate verbs imurr (he passes by)
idill (he directs)

Cantineau 1 3 6 reports the occurrence o f the above feature in examples from Shammari
speechi, as:

iniid (he wants) jšuuf (he sees)

Rossi 1 3 7 also notes it for Yamā3ni Arabic, i n :

Hudaidah forms: iruuh (he goes) isiir (he walks)

Tihameh forms: išuuf (he sees) ihiid (he deviates, gives up)

In c Umāni Arabic the 3 m.s. imperfect preformative y- remains stable as these examples
show: 1 3 8

yaridd (he returns) yiji (he comes)

yami// (he gets bored)

The imperfect preformative of the FaMaL pattern both in A and B is:

156 Part 6

A B

3 m.s. ya- is in yaktib yi- as in yiktib

2 pi. ta- as in taktib ti- as in tiktib
1 P«. na­ as in naktib ni- as in niktib

As the above examples show, the Bahārnah forms of the imperfect preformatives employ,
invariably, / and not a. The replacement of a by / is known to Arab grammarians as taltalat
Bahrā?, already mentioned in Part I I I . The imperfect preformatives of strong verbs for
c
Umāni Arabic are: 1 3 9

3 m.s. yarkab 2 m.s. tarkab 1 pl. narkab

3 m.s. yijlis 2 m.s. tijlis 1 pl. nijlis
3 m.s. yu/iktib 2 m.s. tu/iktu/ib 1 pl. 1 pi. nu/iktu/ib

And in San cā Arabic these are: 1 4 0

3 m.s. ya- 2 pl. ta- 1 cpl. na-

But the imperfect preformatives of verbs of the type FaMiLa in San cā Arabic are:

3 m.s. yi- 2 pl. ti- 1 cpl. m- as in:

yišrab tišrab nišrab

And for certain verbs of the type FaMaLa:

3 m.s. yuxrij 2 pl. tuxrij 1 c.pl. nuxnj

In Zafāri Arabic 1 4 1 the preformatives are more frequently:

3 m.s. yi-, 2 pi. ti-, 1 c.pl. nf-,

and less frequently ya-, ta-, na-

in north Arabian dialects the preformatives ya-, ta- and na- are reported for the majority
of them. 1 4 2
As regards Iraqi Arabic, Blanc gives these examples for Muslim Baghdādi: 143

3 m.s. yeftehem 2 cpl. teftehmuun 1 cpl. neftehem

Johnstone,144 accounting for the same in East Arabian speech, mentions the occurence
of 3 m.s. ya-, 2 m./f. ta- and 1 c p l . na- in the majority of East Arabian dialects including
the Anazi forms of Bahrain which tally closely with Cantineau's account for north
Arabian.

The terminations -inne and -tinne

A feature shared by both c U m ā n i 1 4 5 and Bahrāni Arabic is the employment of
-inne/h and -tinne/h in verbal forms. These terminations, viz. energetic -n(n) + pronominal
suffix -eh are added to the form FaaMiL, as:
min šaarinne/h? (who bought it? )
fariide taabxitinne/h (Farida cooked it)
157 Part 6

The occurrence of -inne, such as noted above, is also mentioned for Hadrami speech. 146

FaMaaMiiL for FaMMaaLuun

A salient feature in B and some other dialects of the area is the replacement of the
sound plural pattern FaMMaaLuun by FaMaaMiiL, particularly in nouns that denote
crafts or professions, as:

galaaliif (boat builders) xabaabiiz (bakers)

gasaasiib (butchers) bagaagiil (grocers)

The FaMaaMiiL pattern is also noted for c Umāni Arabic. 1 4 7

In San c āni, 1 4 8 Zafāri 1 4 9 and north Arabian 1 5 0 speech, only the pattern FaMaaLiiL,
but not FaMaaMiiL is reported.
B.H. Smeaton reports the occurrence of FaMaaMiiL in these examples from Hasāwi
Arabic:151

samaamiik (fishermen) najaajiir (carpenters)

?aFMaL > FaMaL in A

In c Anazi dialects the ?aFMaL pattern is realized FaMaL where the first radical is a
guttural, as, for example, hamar for ?ahmar and cawar for ?a cwar. This phenomenon,
which is not characteristic o f B, is also reported for some other dialects of the area.
Forms such as noted for A are also reported for Bani KharCFs152 and north Arab­
i a n 1 5 3 speech, but not for San cā A r a b i c 1 5 4 wherein the same forms are realized ?aFMaL
as in B. Perhaps the presence in Bani Kharüs of FaMaL for ?aFMaL is indicative of an old
Najdi influence.

Tanwh
A classical Arabic feature that has survived in B is the (caseless) nunation -in, as i n :

rtabatin zeen e (good ripe date)

čammin waahid (a few persons)

Tanwin has also survived in some other dialects of the area. Rhodokanakis 1 5 5 men­
tions the occurrence of -en and -in in Zafâri Arabic; Cantineau 1 5 6 also notes the occur-
rence in pause of -an, -en, -in in north Arabian speech. Johnstone, 1 5 7 accounting for the
same in east Arabian dialects, writes that: "indefinite nouns in non-final positions may
have the ending -an, -int -2n which, however, is not inflected for case." Al-Hâzmi, 1 5 8
in his study of the dialect of Harb tribes, mentions the absence of tanwfn among the
settled population, but notes its frequent occurrence in adverbs in the same dialect. In the
dialects of Qasim all nouns in collocation must have -in, thus distinguishing them from
pausal forms.

- c a š and cašar
Another feature found in B and some other dialects is the occurrence of both - cašar
and - as for Arabic cardinal - cašar in the numerals from eleven to nineteen.
Reinhardt, 1 5 9 accounting for cardinals in c Umāni notes the presence of both long
and short forms. Rhodokanakis 1 6 0 reports the occurrence in Zafāri Arabic of the longer
form only, viz. - cš(y) ar and - cšer; Rossi, 1 6 1 writing on the same in San cā Arabic,
mentions the presence of both forms as in:had c ašir and had caš (eleven). Blanc 1 6 2 notes
158 Part 6

the presence in MDA of the shorter form only; and Cantineau 1 6 3 on the same in north
Arabian observes that before a following noun the short form - caš employed as i n :
tna caš sene (twelve years), but the longer form may occur in isolation only. Johnstone, 1 6 4
accounting for the same feature in east Arabian dialects notes the presence only of the
shorter form - caš in cardinals from eleven to nineteen. As regards the c Anazi forms o f
Bahrain, he mentions the occurrence of the longer form only, viz. - cašar.

Personal Pronouns
A peculiarity in B, to the exclusion of A , is the distinction between 1 m.s. ?ane (|)
and 1 f.s. ?ani.165 Such a distinction is also reported for certain Yamāni dialects, 1 6 6 and
for Aden Arabic. 1 6 7
D i e m 1 6 8 notes, specifically, the occurrence of ?ana (masc.) and ?ani (fern) in the
dialects of the southern uplands of the Yaman, viz. Zafār, and in the coastal plains, such
as Tihāmah and Hudaidah, and also in a number of dialects in the south-western areas.
However, the above distinction is not reported for c Umāni, 1 6 9 Datinah, 1 7 0 Iraqi, 1 7 1
and San c ā 1 7 2 Arabic.

3 m.s. hu(u) and 3 f.s.hi (i)

The independent pronouns for the third person are realized differently both in A
and B. Whereas in A , their realization tallies closely with north Arabian Bedouin dialects,
in B they are paralleled by c Umāni and Yamāni forms. Cf :

A B

3 m.s. uhwa (he) hu(u)

3 f.s. ihya (she) hi(i)

hu(u) and hifi), such as found in B, are also reported for c U m ā n i , 1 7 3 Datfnah, 1 7 4
Zafāri, 1 7 5 San c a Arabic 1 7 6 and for the majority of the Yamāni dialects o f the northern
uplands, the coastal plains, viz. Tihāmeh and Hudaidah, and the southwestern areas
including Ta c i z z 1 7 7 and for Hasāwi. 1 7 8 In MDA, the Muslim and Christian forms of the
same are: huwwa (m.) and hiyya ( f . ) 1 7 9
Negated forms of the pronouns in B, such as ma(a)hu (he isn't) and ma(a)hi (she
isn't) are also mentioned for the dialects o f the northern uplands of the Y a m a n , 1 8 0
Z a f ā r i 1 8 1 and D a t m a h 1 8 2 Arabic. Johnstone 1 8 3 notes the occurrence, in the c Anazi
dialects of Bahrain, of mub, mhub and muu; and mfhjuu (masc), mfhii] (fern.) in the
c
Ajmi dialect of Kuwait.

Demonstratives
Demonstrative pronouns have shorter free variants both in A and B. A characteristic
feature in A is the occurrence of the shorter form dfiič (that) (fern.), invariably realized,
except for Sitrah form ha(a)diič, diik in B. Whereas in A,di (this) is of common gender,
in B its counterpart de (this) is employed for the masculine gender and di for the femi­
nine.
In Zafāri Arabic, dee is used for masculine gender only, whereas dii is employed for
both.184'
The demonstratives haak(a) (that) (masc.) and heek(a) (that) (fern.) found in rural
B are absent from the rest of B and A. Cf :
 159 Part 6

rural B A urban B

f.s. heek, heeka, diik diic (that) diik

m.s. haak, haaka, daak daak (that) daak

haak, as reported for rural B, is also noted for Najdi 1 8 5 and Moroccan 186 Arabic; and
haaka for Tunisian Arabic. 1 8 7

The occurrence of a series of short syllables in B

A feature peculiar to B is the occurrence of front a in a series of short syllables. Cf.
these forms from A and B:

B A

nouns: hataba (a piece of wood) htuba

samace (a fish) smiče
waraga (a paper) wriga
verbs. daraba (h) (he hit him) druba
safaga(h) (he slapped him) sfuga
hamalateh (she bore him) hmilteh

D i e m 1 8 8 notes the occurrence of a series of short open syllables in the southern uplands,
particularly in the Zafāri dialect of Yaman in these examples:

hamalateh (she carried it) katabateh (she wrote it)

Cantineau, 189 accounting for the same feature in north Arabian speech, notes that in a
succession of short syllables with the vowel a the first is elided, as in these examples:

bgara < bagara or ktabat < katabat

The effect of gutturals on the syllable structure in A

The effect of the gutturals on the syllable structure where the non-final Arabic
closed syllable CaC- is realized CCa-, is a feature typical of Najdi and c Anazi forms of A,
and is not found in pre- c Anazi east Arabian speech. Cf :

A B

ghawa (coffee) gahwa

hmise (turtle) hamase

Cantineau, 190 accounting for the same in north Arabian speech, notes that after gutturals
x,
g, h, C, h an open a is employed as these examples show:

sxala (a lamb) ghawa (coffee)

Hess 191 also notes it for c Utaibi speech and Johnstone 192 mentions it for a number of
East Arabian dialects, including the c Anazi dialects of Bahrain.
However, this cAnazi feature is not found in B, as these comparisons show:
160 Part 6

A B

CGa- < CaG-193 sxale lamb saxle

Ga— </ ?aG— hamar red ?ahmar
c c
GCu- < Ga-Ca rubi Arab <arabi
CGi- < CaG- šhime fat šahme

Lexis

Notes on comparative lexis

Generally speaking, quite a number of lexical items circulating in Bahārnah Arabic
are also found in c Umāni and Yamāni speech. Such items, in the above dialects, are not
only analogous in form to their Bahārnah counter-forms but also share the same range of
meaning. Similarly, certain lexical items, peculiar to c Anazi Arabic of Bahrain are also
present in central and north Arabian speech.
However, when dealing with comparative lexis, it seems worth while to look into, in
particular:
(a) Specimens of lexical similarities present in Bahrini and some other pre- c Anazi
dialects of the area, such as c Umāni or Yamāni.
(b) Specimens of loan-words in circulation in the same dialects.

The following items from c Umāni Arabic are also shared by B : 1 9 4

ir-rajjaal il- cood the big man

haab riih dexterous, skilful
jaahil infant
siuurn iš-šams sunset
baarhat ams last night
wees what?
hakkuuh there he is
zaffe wedding procession
zariibe cow shed
geelamejhamase turtle
jariid date palm fronds
sanaaniir cats
xariit meaningless chat
nawwax he lingered
rajaajiil men
hamaamiil porters
najaajiir carpenters
šaarinne I bought it
jaaybinne I brought it
wiyyaaš with you
haggis for you

Loan words are by no means restricted to a specific dialect in the area. The following loan
words from Persion are in current circulation in c Umāni as well as in Bahrāni A r a b i c : 1 9 5
161 Part 6

daraayiš windows
juuniyya/jawaani sacks
gawaazi money
sooga present, gift
xaašuuga spoon
mizraab spout
karraani clerk
galyuun hubble-bubble

Below is a list of lexical items found both in Hadrami and Bahrāni Arabic.

dalu 196 leather bucket

karab197 lower parts or ends of date palm
branches, raceme
jraab1 9 8 a bag or receptacle for left-over
food
sufret" straw mat used as a table cloth
tariid200 crumbled bread in broth
minhaaz 2 0 1 mortar
Jaah'il202 lad
siuurn iš-šams203 sunset
mšaahara204 salary
sabbat205 it caught fire, flared up
20e
gabba forxabba he concealed
lakid 2 0 7 already
zabar 2 0 8 he scolded
dallaal 2 0 9 broker
bazzaaz210 cloth dealer
humraan 211 reds
biidaan 2 1 2 whites
furda 2 1 3 place where ships unload, jetty
samak 214 fish
baqara 215 cow
gamar216 moon

Some Persian loan-words common to both Hadrami and Bahrāni Arabic are:

21
juuniyyaljawaani sacks
lagan218 tub, basin
bandar 219 anchorage
karraani 2 2 0 clerk, tally-clerk

The following lexical items are found both in Datinah and Bahrāni Arabic:

2 21
cat
sannuur 221
222 he concealed
gabba for xabba
he became quiet
saxx 2 2 3
local wooden bed
sajam 2 2 4
a scold
zabrah225
leather bucket
da/u 2 2 6
162 Part 6

227
bartam he ceased from verbal communica­
tion as a sign of dissatisfaction
bazz 228 cloth, fabric
229
šabb in-naar he let the fire
karab230 lower parts of the branches of a
palm tree, raceme
tarad231 he crumbled bread into broth
jraab 232 a bag for left-over food
karr233 circular rope for climbing a date
palm
maa cuun/mawaa c
iin 234
cooking utensils
lakid 23s already
jaahil236 lad
mšaahara 2 3 7 salary
baqar238 cows
samak239 fish
furda240 place where ships unload, jetty

Certain loan-words, viz. from Persian, are also found both in Datinah and Bahrāni Arabic:

zabii/241 basket
karraani 2 4 2 clerk, tally-clerk
juuniyya243 sack
laqan 2 4 4 tub, basin
sawgaat245 presents
galyuun 2 4 6 hubble-bubble
mizraab241 spout
buuz248 mouth

The following lexis from San c ani Arabic are also present in B:

al-me(e)? 2 4 9 the water

?ane(e)? 250 I
mif/251 like, as
hilbe 2S2 trigonella
siiniyyah 2S3 tray
daarIduur 2 5 4 room, house
haadawla? 25S these
haadaw/aak256 those
diik 257 that (fern.)
li(f)š258 to, for you
haggiš259 for you
guumi (i)260 stand up
bagareh 2 6 1 cow
hajareh262 stone
sijareh 2 6 3 tree
saadeh 2 6 4 descendants of the Prophet
?aniis265 amusing
dinye 2 6 6 world
taagah 2 6 7 a roll of cloth
163 Part 6

gahweh 2 6 8 coffee
marateh269 his wife
tacmaul270 making
mgahwi 2 7 1 coffee pourer

We will now evaluate the comparative closeness of links in the field of phonology between
B and the other dialect-areas referred to above statistically. Not all the features listed are
perhaps of the same importance but for what it is worth the number of parallels is as
shown in the tabulation given below (where the asterisk indicates the presence of the
given feature).

Distribution of comparative data

c c
Phonological Features A B Umāni Yarnāni Zafāri Irāqi N.A

Hamza > c * *

Non-final ? > w * *

Presence of emphatic b * * *

Absence of emphatic b * * * *

t > t in cardinals 13 to 19 * *

Affrication of k to č272 * * rare rare rare * *

* * Bani
2 f.s. -k > - š 2 7 3 * * Sakhar
only
Devoicingof q to k * *
Fronting of q to g * * * * * *
*
Presence of ġ < q * * *

Absence of ġ < q * * * *

Affrication of q to j 2 7 4 * * *

Absence of q > j * * * *
Palatalization of j to y * * * * * * *

Velar g <j * * * * *

t>f 2 7 5
* * *
Employment of sentence
* *
final -é?
 164 Part 6

c c
Phonological Features A B Umāni Yamāni Zafāri Irāqi N.A.

Occurrence of final -n in 2 f.s. *

? intiin &
2 m./f. pi. ?intuun276 * * * Sbaca &
ar-Rass
Occurrence of final-n in the * * *
imperfect forms 2 f.s. & 2 f. pl.

Imāla of word-fînal-tf >-e * * * * * * *

Preservation of Arabic diph- * * * * * * *

thongs-ay and -aw

From the list of phonological data given above it emerges that out of a total of nineteen
features found in B, there are:

13 features which match with c Umāni Arabic

12 features which match with Yamāni Arabic
10 features which match with Zafāri Arabic
7 features which match with c lrāqi Arabic
7 features which match with N.A. Arabic

The tabulation on the following page sets out the morphological links between B and the
dialects of the neighbouring areas referred to above:

c c
Morphological features A B Umāni Yamāni Zafāri lrāqi N.A.

FaMaL > FiMaL * * *

FaMaL >FaMaL * * * *

?akalt > kaleet * * *

?akalt > ?akalt * * * *

3 m.s. imperf. preform.y- > * * * *

Occurrence of the pl. pattern j * * *

FaMaaMiiL for FaMMaaLuun 2777

Arabic nominal type ?aFMaL * * *

> FaMaL as in hamar —
c
awar

Presence of tanwīn * * * * * * *
Contraction of Arabic - cašar * * * * * *
to - caš in numerals 11—19

L
165 Part 6

c c
Morphological Features A B Umāni Yamāni Zafāri lrāqi N.A.

Occurrence of the longer form * * * * * *

c
ašar

Independent personal pro­ * * * *

nouns realized 3 m.s.hu(u), 3
f.s.hi(i) 278

Presence of the negated forms * * * * * *

of the personal pronouns viz.
ma(a) hulma(a)hi 279

Occurrence of a series of * * * *
short syllables

Effect of gutturals on syllable * * *

Structure

Presence of tanwīn -n(n) in * * * *

verbal forms

From the morphological data provided in the tabulation above, it emerges that out of a
total of eleven features found in B,

10 tie with c Umāni Arabic

10 tie with Yamāni Arabic
7 tie with Zafāri Arabic
3 tie withcIrāqi Arabic
4 tie with N.A. Arabic

The total number of phonological and morphological links with the dialects of the area
are:
23 with c Umāni
22 with Yamāni
17 with Zafāri
10 withclrāqi
11 with N.A.

Links are, accordingly, far closer with south Arabian than withclrāqi or north Arabian
speech.
No analogous statistical data from the field of lexis are given because samples in
that field were chosen in a somewhat random way and not with a systematic coverage of
certain selected aspects. However, the material presented above likewise bears witness to
the existence of a strong linkage between B and c Umāni and Yamāni in particular.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

From the foregoing analyses, it arises that certain inter-dialectal variations of
phonological, morphological and lexical nature, affect rural and urban varieties of Bah-
166 Part 6

ârnah Arabic. Unlike urban B, where the reappearance of Arabic inter-dentals is alregly
due to expansion in education and the increasing influence of the media, partial preserva-
tion of the same in rural B is, to some extent, the result of religious teaching, particularly
the type of teaching children undergo at the hands of traditional teachers.
Among the features noted for rural B is the realization of 3 m.s. pronominal suffix -
-h, which is normally absent in urban B. Another feature is the unconditional fronting of
q to k , 2 8 0 and the wider distribution, in Sitrah forms, of the affricate c < k, including the
affrication also in Sitrah forms of -k of the 2 m.s. pronominal suffix and the partial
realization in rural forms of ultimate r and n, when these are preceded by stressed long
vowels.
Among the peculiarities reported for both divisions of Bahārnah speech community
is the realization of Arabic t as f. This phonetic feature together with some others such as
j > g or j > y, etc., are, we found, ascribable to certain tribes of old Arabia. Another
characteristic feature of Bahrāni Arabic is the word-final imāla of -a to -e.
We also noted that the phonetic features known a s c a n c a n a h , 2 8 1 taltalah,282 and
kashkashah283 have left traces in current Bahārnah speech. Also noted was the preserva­
tion, particularly in rural B, of the old diphthongs -ay and -aw; and the employment both
in Bahrāni and c Umāni of a word-final interrogative -é?284 not reported for most other
dialects of the area.
As regards morphological features, other than the presence in rural B of the suffixes
2 c.pl. <čem, 3 c.pl. -hem, and the Dirāzi demonstratives haak/a, heek/a, the rest of the
features are shared by all speakers of B. Salient among these features are that preforma-
tive y- of the 3 m.s. imperfect of certain weak verbs is realized ƒ-; and that lit. Ar. verbs of
the perfect type ?aFMal_ are replaced by FaMMaL, as in: xabbar and rassal. (i)tFooMaL
and (i) tFeeMaL are two forms of theme II of the quadriliteral verbs found in B, as i n :
itsooban (he soaped himself) and itheeras (he was mean with). An archaic feature that has
survived in B and in c Umāni Arabic is the verbal form FaaMil + energetic -nn as in lane
šaarinne (I bought it), hu(u) baay cinne (he sold it). TaFMaaL and TaFMuuL, archaic
forms of the verbal noun derived from theme II of the triliteral verbs have survived in B,
as i n : taswaat (making) and tasbuuh (bathing). Also the verbal noun muFaaMaLah,
derived from theme III of the triliteral verbs, is regularlyrealized mFaaMaL, as mbaašar
(regular attendance), mkaafah (struggling, toiling). A peculiarity of B, also reported for
c
Umāni Arabic, is the replacement of the plural form FaMMaaLuun by FaMaaMiiL as i n :
samaamiic (fisher folk) and galaaliif (boat builders). Other such peculiarities in B are
hayyiin for ?ahyaa? (living), maytiin for ?amwaat (dead), both are plural. The last ex­
ample co-occurs with a less common form mawte. Also found in B and in c Umāni are the
forms liihaan for îalwaah (planks of wood), biibaan for îabwaab (doors). Among other
features that have survived in B are tanwīn -in and -an; and the archaic forms of the
personal pronouns:

2 f.s. ?intiine

2 c.pl. ?intuune

compound pronouns, viz. iyya+ pronominal suffixes, such as

wiyyaak (with you) and wiyyaaha (with her)

the demonstratives:

hadakku (from lit. Ar. haadaaka huwa (that's him/it) )

hadakki (from lit. Ar. haadiika hiya (that's her/it) )
167 Part 6

And finally the particles:

čeef maa čaan (somehow, one way or another)
lakid (already)
hagg (for)

Conclusions
The pre- cAnazi dialects of Eastern Arabia which form the older stratum in present-
day east Arabian speech are (a) Qatīfi, (b) Hasāwi, and (c) Bahrāni.
To the above one may add c Umāni, for what is now known as U.A.E. was, to
medieval Arab sources, part of c Umān proper. Hence, c Umāni Arabic shows traces of
eastern as well as southern Arabic.
Central and northern peninsular Arabic, particularly Najdi,have influenced c Anazi,
Muharraqi and Hiddi dialects of Bahrain.
As regards Bahrāni Arabic, our comparative data confirm a strong correspondence,
in certain respects, with c Umāni and to a slightly lesser extent, Yamāni Arabic. There­
fore, Bahrāni Arabic ought to be grouped with southern Arabic in some respects, but its
main significance is that it clearly represents the ancient Eastern Arabian type before the
spread of cAnazi-type dialects. This is not, however, to deny the emergence, throughout
the years, of features that are peculiar to the Bahārnah dialect of Eastern Arabia.
The evidence of history confirms the evidence of linguistic findings in that Yamāni
Arabic influenced both Bahrāni and c Umāni. The Azd tribes of c Umān (Oman) had their
original homelands in the Yaman, their settlement in c Umān is said to date back to the
burst of the Ma?rib dam. Similarly, the c Abd al-Qais tribes of the ancient region of al-
Bahrain and the island of ?Uwāl, had their earlier settlements in Tihāmah (see Part I,
Section A).
It is understandable therefore, that the pre- c Anazi dialects of East Arabia show
close parallels to the dialects of the settled population of east and south Arabia; whereas
the cAnazi forms of Bahrain are closer to central and northern peninsular Arabic.
The presence in East Arabian speech of a large number of Arabicized forms, and
loan-words, is indicative chiefly of two factors:
(a) old trade links with Persia and India
(b) Persian rule of the region in pre-lslamic times.
Persian lexical influence, more conspicuous in Bahrāni Arabic, is said to date back
to Persian control of the island. Some such loan-words, however, are as we have seen in
the foregoing analysis, also present in c Umāni, Zafāri and Yamāni Arabic.
Koine forms, such as are circulating currently in B, are to a large extent due to ex­
pansion in the school system and the spread of the media.
Finally, lack of adequate published data on Qatiīi and, except for Smeaton's little
data on Hasāwi forms, unfortunately makes it impossible at present, to comment on these
two dialect communities; although ethnic ties and shared history between these two and
the Bahārnah of Bahrain are well established.
168 Part 6

NOTES:

1. See above, p. 42.

2. Al-lbdāl, vol. II, pp. 5 5 4 - 5 5 7 .
3. Ibid.
4. Ibid.
5. Al-lcrāb, vol. I, pp. 2 3 4 - 2 3 7 .
6. Ein arabischer Dialekt, p. 22.
7. Dialekt im Dofâr, vol. I l , p. 76, parag. 4(f)
8. Rossi, "Appunti di dialettologia del Yemen", RSO, X V I I , 1938, p. 235.
9. Blanc, CDB, p. 18.
10. Etudes sur quelques parlers de nomades arabes d'Orient, Il I, p. 129.
11. Blanc, CDB, pp. 18,40.
12. Reinhardt, op. cit., p. 10. But also in many non-Arabian dialects.
13. Landberg, Etudes sur les Dialectes de l'Arabie Méridionale (Datīnah), vol. I l , p. 447.
14. Reinhardt, op. cit., p. 14.
15. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. I l , p. 8 1 , parag. (a).
16. Al-tfāzmi, A Critical and Comparative Study of the Spoken Dialect of Harb Tribe in
Sacūdi Arabia (Ph.D. Thesis, Leeds University, 1975), p. 63.
17. Etudes sur quelques parlers de nomades arabes d'Orient, III, p. 141.
18. EADS, p. 4. Also, "The Affrication of kaf and gāf in the Arabic Dialects of the
Arabian Peninsula", JSS, vol. V I I I , 1963. In central Najd ts, not č, is the affricated
variant of k.
19. CDB, p. 26.
20. Landberg, Glossaire Datīnois, vol. Ill (a) p. 2581, (b) p. 2584, (c) p. 2598, (d), p.
2598.
21. W. Diem, Skizzen jemenitischer Dialekte, pp. 14, 36.
22. W. Fischer, Die demonstrativen Bildungen der neuarabischen Dialekte, pp. 89, 92.
23. Ibid.
24. Johnstone, EADS, p. 67.
25. Fischer, op. cit., p. 65.
26. Ibid., pp. 9 0 - 9 2 .
27. Ibid., pp. 89, 93.
28. Ibid., p. 90.
29. Al-Kitāb, vol. II, p. 295.
30. Al-Icrāb, vol. I, p. 235.
31. ODA, part I, pp. 6 6 4 - 6 6 5 .
32. Ein arabischer Dialekt, p. 22.
33. Op. cit., vol. I I , p. 106, parag. (c).
34. Etudes, I I , p. 141.
35. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 20, parag. 28.
36. Dialekt im Dofâr, vol. I I , p. 78, parag. 6 (d).
37. Op. cit., pp.' 33, 36, 4 1 , 60, 84, 89.
38. Smeaton, Lexical Expansion due to Technical Change, p. 48.
39. This is also a feature of some of the rural dialects of the Jabal al-Akhdar area of
c
Umān according to Prof. Johnstone.
40. Al-lbdāl, vol. II, pp. 3 5 3 - 3 5 9 .
41. Études.. . (Hadjamoût), vol. I, pp. 130—131.
42. L'Arabo Parlato, pp. 5 - 6 , parag. 7(2). Also Appunti, p. 235.
43. Blanc, CDB, p. 27.
169 Part 6

44. Rossi, Appunti, p. 235.

45. Diem, op. cit., pp. 9, 77.
46. Études, III, p. 140.
47. EADS, p. 20.
48. Cantineau, op. cit., p. 144
49. In central Najd the equvalent sound is dz.
50. EADS, pp. 2, 6, 31—32. Also "The Affrication of kāf and gāf in the Arabic Dialects
of the Arabian Peninsula", JSS, vol. VIII, 1963. A similar affricate occurs in c Umān
only in dialects of the E. Ar. type, viz. on the Bātinah coast and the central desert
area.
51. CDS, pp. 2 6 - 2 8 .
52. Études, I I I , pp. 136-137.
53. Dīwan aus Centralarabien (1900).
54. "The Sound Change j > y in the Arabic Dialects of Peninsular Arabia", BSOAS,
vol. X X V I I I , part II, 1965.
55. Études... (Hadramoût), vol. I, pp. 32—34.
56. Dialekt im Dofâr, vol. I l , pp. 7 8 - 7 9 , 86.
57. Op. cit., pp. 3, 9. 13. So too in all Jabal al-Akhdar dialects.
58. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 78—79, parag. (f).
59. Études, I I I , p. 138.
60. Appunti, p. 236.
61. Op. cit., pp. 9, 7 1 , 9 3 - 9 4 .
62. Blanc, CDB, pp. 1 9 - 2 0 .
63. Landberg, Études... (Datīnah), vol. II, p. 1189.
64. Ibid., vol. I, p. 5 1 .
65. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 82—84.
66. Cantineau, op. cit., p. 136.
67. Al-lbdāl, vol. I I , p. 178.
68. Al-Kitāb, vol. II, p. 428.
69. Op. cit., p. 10.
70. Op. cit., vol. II, p. 8 1 , parag. (e).
71. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 7, parag. 9 (b).
72. Études... (Hadramoût), vol. I, p. 389.
73. See al-Lughawi, al-lbdāl, vol. I, pp. 181-200.
74. Ibid. Also Lisān, vol. X I V , p. 110.
75. Al-lbdāl, loc. cit.
76. Ibid., Also Lisān, vol. X I , p. 142.
77. Al-lbdāl, loc. cit. Also Lisân, vol. IV, p. 101.
78. Al-lbdāl, loc. cit. Also Lisān, vol. I l , p. 128.
79. Al-lbdāl, loc. cit. Also Lisān, vol. I l , p. 138.
80. Etudes... (Hadramoût), vol. I, p. 510.
81. Op. cit., vol. I l , p. 83, parag. (c).
82. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 8, parag. (11).
83. Appunti, p. 261.
84. Ibid., p. 264.
85. Lexical Expansion due to Technical Change, p. 23.
86. Landberg, Etudes, vol. I l , p. 447.
87. ODA, Part I, p. 652.
88. Landberg, Etudes, vol. I, p. 118.
89. Cantineau, Etudes, I I I , p. 132.
170 Part 6

90. Rossi, Appunti, p. 264.

91. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, p. 20, parag. (28).
92. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, pp, 6 6 4 - 6 6 6 .
93. Ibid., p. 657. Also, Reinhardt, op. cit., p. 9.
94. ODA, Part I, p. 664.
95. Études, I I I , p. 173.
96. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 19, parag. (27).
97. CDB, pp. 6 (f), 59, 60, 63.
98. EADS, pp. 66, 94, 104.
99. Op. cit., pp. 26, 3 1 - 3 2 , 4 1 , 68, 7 1 , 79, 84, 94, 104, 119.
100. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. I I , p. 106, parags. (c), (d).
101. Smeaton, Lexical Expansion, p. 48.
102. El, vol. Ill (under Imāla)
103. Sībawayhi deals with the imāla of afif when there is a kasra in the syllable that
immediately follows or precedes it, such as:cālim (knowing), kilāb (dogs) or bayyāc
(seller). He mentions, also, the seven consonants that prevent the occurrence of
imāla, viz. t, d, z, s, ġ, x, q.
104. WGAL, Part I I , p. 10.
105. Also noted by Johnstone, EADS, p. 35.
106. Op. cit., vol. II, pp. 9 0 - 9 1 .
107. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 3, parag. (4).
108. Ibid.
109. CDB, pp. 4 1 - 5 0 .
110. Op. cit., p. 24.
111. "The Imāla in Maltese", I.O.S. (no. 6), 1976, pp. 191-193.
112. Op. cit., p. 8.
113. Op cit., vol. II, p. 92, parags. (p) (q) (t); also p. 99, parag. (j).
114. Études, I I I , pp. 151—152, 230.
115. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 4, note (4).
116. CDB, p. 6.
117. EADS, p. 25.
118. On the elision involved, see p. 159 below.
119. Études, I I I , p. 185.
120. CDB, p. 97.
121. EADS, p. 42.
122. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, pp. 6 5 2 - 6 5 6 .
123. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, p. 26, parags. (42—43). Also Appunti, p. 247.
124. Cantineau, Etudes, III, pp. 193, 234.
125. EADS, p. 47.
126. Reinhardt, Ein arabischer Dialekt, p. 8.
127. Landberg, Glossaire Datiīois, vol. I, pp. 69, 82.
128. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, p. 656.
129. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, p. 30, parag. (50).
130. Landberg, Études... (Hadramout), vol. I, p. 124.
131. Landberg, Glossaire Datīnois, vol. II, p. 717.
132. Études, I I I , p. 185.
133. L'Arabo Parlato p. 26, parags. (42), (43).
134. CDB, p. 98.
135. EADS, p. 42.
136. Etudes, I I I , p. 198.
171 Part 6

137. Appunti, p. 242.

138. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, pp. 6 7 8 - 6 8 0 .
139. Ibid., pp. 673-674.
140. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, pp. 2 6 - 2 7 , parags. (44) (45).
141. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 165—168.
142. Études, III, p. 186.
143. CDB, p. 114.
144. EADS. p. 43.
145. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, pp. 657, 681.
146. Landberg, Etudes... (Hadramoût), vol. I, pp. 166-167 (fn.2).
147. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, pp. 6 5 9 - 6 6 1 . Also Reinhardt, op. cit., p. 75.
148. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, p. 13.
149. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. II, p. 162.
150. Cantineau, Études, I I I , p. 218.
151. Lexical Expansion due to Technical Change, p. 37.
152. Reinhardt, op. cit., p. 8.
153. Cantineau, op. cit., I l l , p. 169.
154. Rossi, op. cit., p. 16, parag. (22).
155. Op. cit., vol. I I , p. 143.
156. Etudes, I I I , pp. 1 8 9 , 2 0 3 - 2 0 4 .
157. EADS, p. 63.
158. A Study of the Spoken Dialect of Harb Tribes, p. 132.
159. Op. cit., p. 10.
160. Op. cit., vol. II, p. 141.
161. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 23.
162. CDB, pp. 9 1 - 9 2 .
163. Études, I I I , p. 206.
164. EADS, pp. 6 4 - 6 5 , 117.
165. Johnstone, EADS, p. 66. Cf. c Anazi forms of the same.
166. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 20, parag. (27) (note 2)
167. Ghānem, Aden Arabic.
168. Op. cit., p p . 4 1 , 68, 79, 84, 89, 104, 119.
169. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, p. 664.
170. Landberg, Études... (Datīah), vol. II, p. 1391.
171. Blanc, CDB, p. 59.
172. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato p. 19.
173. Jayakar, ODA, Part I, p. 664.
174. Landberg, Études. . . (Datinah), vol. II, p. 1391.
175. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. II, p. 106.
176. Rossi, L'Arabo Parlato, p. 19.
177. Diem, op. cit., pp. 26, 3 1 - 3 2 , 4 1 , 68, 7 1 , 79, 84, 89, 94.
178. B.H. Smeaton, Lexical Expansion, p. 48.
179. Blanc, CDB, p. 60.
180. Diem, op. cit., p. 25, fn. 5, 6, 7.
181. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. II, p. 106.
182. Land berg, Glossaire Datïīois, vol. I l l , p. 2672.
183. EADS, p. 157.
184. Rhodokanakis, op. cit., vol. I I , pp. 107-108.
185. Fischer, Die demonstrativen Bildungen der neuarabischen Dialekte, p. 83.
186. Ibid., p. 87.
172 Part 6

187. Ibid., p. 84.

188. Op. cit., p. 11.
189. Études, III, p. 223, parag. (c)
190. Ibid.
191. Von den Beduinen des inneren Arabiens, 1938.
192. EADS, pp. 6 - 7 .
193. G is an abbreviation of Guttural.
194. The c Umāni items cited above, including loan-words, appear in Jayakar's ODA
Parts 1 and II.
195. The above Ipan-words are also discussed in Part V of this book.
196. Landberg, Études. . . (Hadramoût), vol. I, p. 575.
197. Ibid., p. 701.
198. Ibid., p. 541.
199. Ibid., p. 608.
200. Ibid., p. 538.
201. Ibid., p. 278.
202. Ibid., p. 544.
203. Ibid., p. 611.
204. Ibid., p. 394.
205. Ibid., p. 136.
206. Ibid., p. 668.
207. Ibid., p. 712.
208. Ibid., p. 596.
209. Ibid., p. 575.
210. Ibid., p. 530.
211. Ibid., p. 23.
212. Ibid.
213. Ibid., p. 673.
214. Ibid., p. 613.
215. Ibid., p. 532.
216. Ibid., p. 696.
217. Ibid., p. 545.
218. Ibid., p. 428.
219. Ibid., p. 535.
220. Ibid., p. 701.
221. Landberg, Glossaire Datīnois, vol. I l l , p. 1989.
222. Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 2356.
223. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2119.
224. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 1903.
225. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 1818.
226. Ibid., vol. 1, p. 840.
227. Ibid., vol. I, p. 157.
228. Ibid., vol. I, p. 166.
229. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2013.
230. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2563.
231. Ibid., vol. I, p. 247.
232. Ibid., vol. I, p. 276.
233. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2562.
234. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2709.
235. Ibid., vol. Ill, p. 2643.
173 Part 6

236. Ibid., vol. I, p. 303.

237. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2089.
238. Ibid., vol. I, p. 189.
239. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 1980.
240. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2408.
241. Ibid., vol. IIl, p. 1819.
242. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2571.
243. Ibid., vol. I, p. 315.
244. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2642.
245. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2156.
246. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 2378.
247. Ibid., vol. I l l , p. 1831.
248. Ibid., vol. I, p. 166.
249. L'Arabo Parlato, p. 9.
250. Ibid., p. 19.
251. Ibid., p. 8.
252. Ibid., p. 3.
253. Ibid., p. 7.
254. Ibid., p. 13.
255. Ibid., p. 2 1 .
256. Ibid.
257. Ibid., p. 22.
258. Ibid., p. 4 1 .
259. Ibid., p. 2 1 .
260. Ibid., p. 33.
261. Ibid., p. 14.
262. Ibid.
263. Ibid.
264. Ibid., p. 13.
265. Ibid., p. 7.
266. Ibid., p. 11.
267. Ibid., p. 7.
268. Ibid., p. 6.
269. Ibid., p. 8.
270. Ibid., p. 30.
271. Ibid., p. 6.
272. In c Umāni, Yamāni and Zafāri, affrication does not seem to be a regular feature.
273. Also in Hasāwi.
274. Affrication of q to j is not a regular feature of B, although a small number of
speakers both from urban and rural areas of B, tend to realize q as j.
275. Also found in Hasāwi Arabic. See above, p. 151.
276. 2 f.s. -n is absent from the Hasāwi form of the same.
277. Also found in Hasāwi.
278. Also found in Hasāwi.
279. Also found in Hasāwi.
280. See above, Part I I , p. 47.
281. See above, Part I I , p. 42.
282. See above, Part I I I , Note 1, p. 106.
283. See a bove, Part V I , p. 146.
284. See above, Part I I , p. 55.
174 Appendices

Appendices and texts

DISTRIBUTION BY NATIONALITIES

Nationality Census 1941 (1360) Census 1950 (1369)

Bahrain subjects 74,040 91,179

Persians 7,547 6,934

Indians

Anglo-Indians 3,043

Goanese

Saudi Arabs 2,526 "

Omanis and Muscatis 2,466

Qataris 438
1,424
Kuwaitis 149

Yemenis 105

Iraqis 224

Palestinians 28 8,494

Syrians and Lebanese 52

Egyptians 30

Others 268

Europeans:
6,959
British 1,840

Americans 290

Others 78

89,970 109,650

Bahrain subjects 74,040 91,179

Foreigners 15,930 18,471

INCREASE BY NATIONALITIES

Nationality Increase in 9 years

Bahrain Subjects 17,139

Foreigners 2,541
175 Appendices

DISTRIBUTION BY RELIGION

Religion Census 1941 % of Census 1950 % of

(1360) population (1369) population

Muslims 88,298 98 105,401 96

Non-Muslims 1,672 2 4,249 4

DISTRIBUTION OF NON-MUSLIMS

Religion Census 1941 (1360) Census 1950 (1369)

Christians 2,932

Jews 293

Hindus not recorded 975

Others 49

Total 1,672 4,249

DISTRIBUTION BY TOWNS AND VILLAGES

Towns or Census 1941 %of Census 1950 %of

villages population population

Manāmah, 49,274 56 65,225 611/2

Muharraq and
Hedd

Other Towns 39,164 44 40,579 38 1 / 2

and
Villages

Total 88,438 105,804

176 Appendices

CENSUS OF DWELLING HOUSES

Towns or Villages Census 1941 (1360) Census 1950 (1369)

Manāmah 4,649 5,703

Muharraq 3,317 3,720

Hedd 719 619

Other Towns and Villages 5,697 6,232

Total 14,382 16,274

 TOTAL POPULATION OF MAJOR CIVIL DIVISIONS
BY URBAN/RURAL RESIDENTS, SEX AND NATIONALITY, 1971
TOTAL POPULATION BAHRAINIS NON-BAHRAINIS
GEOGRAPHIC DIVISION
AND URBAN/RURAL RESIDENCE BOTH MALE FEMALE BOTH MALE FEMALE BOTH MALE FEMALE
SEXES SEXES SEXES
Total 216,078 116,314 99,764 178,193 89,772 88,421 37,885 26,542 11,343
Urban 168,819 92,276 76,543 132,015 66,692 65,323 36,804 25,584 11,220
Rural 47,259 24,038 23,221 46,178 23,080 23,098 1,081 958 123
Manāma division 89,399 50,525 38,874 59,496 30,008 29,488 29,903 20,517 9,386
Manāma town 88,785 50,215 38,570 58,884 29,700 29,184 29,901 20,515 9,386
Rural 614 310 304 612 308 304 2 2
Muharraq Island 49,540 26,279 23,261 45,774 23,257 22,517 3,766 3,022 744
Muharraq town 37,732 20,240 17,492 34,112 17,318 16,794 3,620 2,922 698
Hidd town 5,269 2,737 2,532 5,172 2,672 2,500 97 65 32
Rural 6,539 3,302 3,237 6,490 3,267 3,223 49 35 14
Jiddhafs division 19,521 10,051 9,470 19,065 9,742 9,323 456 309 147
Jiddhafs town 11,152 5,844 5,308 10,743 5,574 5,169 409 270 139
Rural 8,369 4,207 4,162 8,322 4,168 4,154 47 39 8
Northern division (Rural) 10,614 5,347 5,267 10,454 5,205 5,249 160 142 18
Western division (Rural) 8,689 4,381 4,308 8,355 4,097 4,258 334 284 50
Central division 14,228 7,231 6,997 13,946 7,003 6,943 282 228 54
Isa town 7,501 3,831 3,670 7,285 3,666 3,619 216 165 51
(Rural) 6,727 3,400 3,327 6,661 3,337 3,324 66 63
Sitrah division 11,323 5,628 5,895 11,263 5,583 5,630 60 45 15
Appendices

Sitrah town 6,665 3,287 3,378 6,624 3,259 3,365 41 28 13

Rural 4,658 2,341 2,317 4,639 2,324 2,315 19 17 2
Rafāc division 12,633 6,741 5,892 9,766 4,803 4,963 2,867 1,938 929
Rafā c town 10,731 5,593 5,138 9,171 4,486 4,685 1,560 1,107 453
c
Awāli town 984 529 455 24 17 7 960 512 448
177
Rural 918 619 299 571 300 271 347 319 28
Other Islands 131 131 74 74 57 57
178 Texts

SPECIMENS FROM BAHĀRNAH TEXTS 1

Informant 1

A ?il-?ism il-kariim hajji?

B sayyid ahmad is-sayyid haašim.
A mihnatk weešhi, hajji?
B ?ane ?al-hiin caamil fi l-keebal wayarles ?aštigil îayyaam zamaan kunt aštigil fi
z-ziraa ca.
A mumkin ti ctjini fikra can iz-ziraa ca?
B ?iz-ziraa ca yaa waladi tibġa ya cni mbaašar. . . ?ileen hassalat ileehe m-baašar ?iz-
ziraa ca tinjah.
A naas wajid yištigiuun fi z-ziraa ca h ni fi i-idraaz?
B ?al-hiin ?aġlabhum fi l-bahar.. . sayyaadaat samač.. .
?u cimmaal fi I-a cmaal.
A hal iz-ziraaca ?al-hiin ?arbah loo ?ayyaam zamaan?
B ?awwal ?arbah . . . ?awwal if - caamil raxiis . . . ya cni mafal cinduk bagiiše ?aw
zraa ca thit luk fiihe caamil) fneen imaššuun l-išgii, ?u ynadmuun il-mahal. . . ?al-
hiin mahhad yištigil...galill ?ii...maa thassil.
A ?ayyaam zamaan yoom kint fi z-ziraa ca weeš kint tizra c?
B mifil jazar, qarnaabiit, mifil malfuuf, mifil luuba, baamye...?akil wulla geer akil...
?ištagalt cind il-hukuuma talatta cšar sane.
A zeen hadeleen l-adawaat qasdi mumkin ti ctiini fikra canhum?
B hay l-adawaat ...haade mgass, mgass maal šeel ya cni, . . . maal tagdiib...?u
c
haade maal binni l-?ard...ya ni han-namuune č i d i . . . maa nista cmil mhašš can
laa ynagguf iš-šiif. . . ?u maal sayyaara biddif caleehe ramil šwayy . . . h a a d e lo
bitiglac fiihe wruud walla zhuur...guul bass čidi w-itšiifhe... bittiine maalhe. . .
w-itxaffiihe fi makaan ġeer.
A ?in-naxle čeef tinzarac?
B ?in-naxle tizrac ...leen mitil cindik naxle bitizra cha fi-l-beet ...taaxid leek
šwayy samaad gad zabiil waahid ?u šwayy ramil ?u txilta jamiic, w-itsawwi hufra
fuut fi fuut, w-il-fasiile tjiibhe baarze w-ithittcaleehe šwayyat ramil min taht, cugub
tnazzil il-fasiile, w-iddiff °aleehe ramil w-itsawwi leehe hood čidi w-itlifhe min foog
c
an iš-šams, ?u ti ctiihe maayyoom ?u tark...wida t-turba mafal nafs i-idraaz čidi
mišxaal, laa citha maay kill y oom ma-yxaalif.
A wil-gatt šloon?
B it °addil il-mahal, ?ileen caddalt il-mahal ?u naddafte, hatteet samaad, sageete door,
dooreen, nabbdšt il-?ard ...?ileen tnabbašat il-?ard, ?il-badir cinduk . . . ?il-habb
tibdirah ?u falatt ayyaam bass
A iguluun fi milh waajid fi l-?ard...čeef titxallas minne?
B ?ard il-bahreen kilhe sbaax, bas haadi l-?ard yisguunhe yfctuunhe maay yoom,
yoomeen, falaafe, ifičč minhe l-mllh haade, ?u yimši z-zarc fiihe, ?u leen čaafaw
il-?ard matalan xaayne °ala z-zarc, yacni daciif izzarc fiihe, nabbašaw il-?ard, ?u
hattaw caleehe samaad sinaaci,, sammaraw caleehe tasmiir ...Ixiltuune wiyya
l-maay, yimši b-ruuha.
179 Texts

TRANSLATON (Informant 1)

A Your noble name, hajji?

B Sayyid Ahmad as-Sayyid Hāshim.
A What is your job, hajji?
B I am now a labourer at Cable and Wireless (Ltd.). In the past I used to work in
gardening.
A Could you tell us something about gardening?
B Gardening, my son, requires regular attendance . . . when it receives regular at­
tendance, it pays.
A Are there many people involved in gardening here in Dirāz?
B Nowadays most of them are at sea. . . fishermen . . . and (some) are labourers in
different jobs.
A Is gardening more lucrative nowadays than it used to be in the past?
B In the past it was more lucrative. . . in the past the labourer was cheaper... if you
had a garden or cultivated land . . . with one, two or three workers the job could be
done. They will prepare the place (i.e., land, soil) for you . . . nowadays few take to
i t . . . very f e w . . . you won't find any.
A In the past when you were a gardener, what were you growing?
B Like carrots, cauliflower, cabbage, beans, okra, food or something else . . . lucerne
. . . I worked with the government for thirteen years.
A Well these tools, could you tell us something about them?
B These tools . . . this is a p r u n e r . . . it is used for removing . . . i.e., trimming . . . this
one is used for levelling the soil . . . like this . . . we don't use a sickle in case it
might uproot seedlings, or if you want to cover up the track of a c a r . . . This one is
for transplanting flowers . . . you just do it like this and remove it with its soil. . .
and put it in a different spot.
A How is a date-palm grown?
B The date palm is grown . . . for example when you have a date palm tree to plant at
your house. . . you take some manure, a basketful of manure and a little sand, mix
them together, dig a hole one foot by one foot . . . and you get the palm-shoot
ready and put some sand underneath and then you put in the palm-shoot and cover
it with sand and make a bed for it like this . . . and you cover the top part of it to
protect it from the sun and water it every other day; if the soil is like what we have
here in Dirāz . . . like a sieve, you will have to water it daily . . . it won't do it any
harm.
A How about lucerne?
B You prepare the place and when you've prepared it and cleaned it, put on manure,
and water it once or twice, then rake the soil. . . when you've raked the soil you
have the seeds ready, the seeds are sown . . . it takes only three days.
A It is said that the amount of salt in the soil is high . . . how do you get rid of it?
B The land in Bahrain is all marsh s a l t . . . this land is to be watered, to be given water
for one, two or three days until the salt is removed, then the plant g r o w s . . . if the
soil is incapable of cultivation, i.e., it produces a weak plant, the land is raked and
covered with chemical fertilizer . . . which is added to the water and penetrates the
soil by itself.
180 Texts

Informant 2

A ?il-?ism il-kariim?
B ?ahmad cali ?ahmad l-akraf.
A weeš tišigil?
B îastiġil bahhaar.
A čeef tsiiduun is-samač ihni fi l-idraaz?
B bil-garguur...?aw il-hadra.
A čeef?
B ?il-garguurnhiššleh hašiiš min il-šisme,min is-satwa, ?u bacdeen nxalli fih il-hašiiše,
?u ndišš caad il-maaye. . . ?indišš ni cmur il-garaagiir, ?u yoom taani indišš
winjammic.

A ween itwadduun is-samač? yacni ween itbiicunne?

B fii cidne ši ysammuune yazaaziif hagg is-samač. haade l-yazzaaf iruuh la-raaci
l-mihmal, ?il-bahaahiir Uli mitlaati, ya cni maa cindeh mihmai, ?adfac xums, ya cni
kil xams rub caat ?adfa c leh rub ca wahde.. . ya cni qabiil ta cabe maal il-mihmal
. . . ?u haade l-yazzaaf biyaaxid is-samač min cind raa ci l-mihmal ?u min cind il-
bahaahiiir . . . willi maa y-bitcacala l-yazzaaf biwaddiih issuug . . . yacni biyitcab
c
ala tawdaate s-suug li?anna suugne maa t-sacc i la beec is-šamac Faktarhum
bahaahiir.

A kil mihmal čam isiid?

B ya cni l-wazin . . . isiid leh min tna cšari ?arbaata cšar mann, haade ?idaa fii samac,
ya cni.
A ?il-mann čam rub ca?
B ?aftikur... čam? . . . ?arbaata cšar rub ca, ?u ?ahyaanan ma-ysiiduun ši.
A ?u waaldik weeš kaan yištigil?
B kaan bahhaar.. . kaan isawwi garaagiir... hagg il-bahaahiir.
A šloon isawwuun il-garaagiir?
B ijibuun tayyaat siim . . . ?u yig cid ifassil is-siim cala gadar illi yubgaah ya cni...
matalan ?ay hajim yubgi. . . ?u ba cdeen yi cmal mifl is-saffaaf leen isiffxuus.. .
?il-husraan . . . bigattic issiim cala gad maa yibġi. . . ba cdeen isawwi leeh fčuuč.

A ?al-hiin il-bahar, fi ha I-haaleweešisammuune?

B fabor... fabor.
A w-leen il-maaye jat foog?
B sagi.
A šinhi l-axtaar illi twaajihha fi l-bahar?
B ?al-hiin maa fii? ?axtaar mifil ?awwal... ?awwal yaraayiir waajid, fii samač haraam
. . . ?alhiin min talacat il-makaayin maal lanjaat maa ysiir š i i . . . lanna tsawwi rajje
fi l-bahar ?u samačat il-haraam tibti cid.
A leeš itsammiihe haraam?
B xatiira.
181 Texts

Translation (Informant 2)

A Your noble name?

B Ahmad c Ali Ahmad il-Akraf.
A What sort of a job do you do?
B I am a fisherman.
A How do you catch fish here in Dirāz?
B With wire traps or weirs.
A How?
B As regards a wire trap, we cut seaweed for it from the sea and put it inside the
trap; then we enter into the sea and lay the traps, and the following day we go and
collect(them).

A Where do you take the fish? I mean, where do you sell it?
B We have what are called yazāzīf (i.e., bulk purchasers of fish). The yazzāf1 ap­
proaches the owner of the boat. Fishermen like me, (somebody) who doesn't own a
boat . . . pays a fith of the catch to him. That's to say I give him one rubcah (four
pounds) against every five rubcah of fish, for using his boat. The yazzāf takes the
fish from the owner of the boat and also from the fishermen . . . He who does not
sell to the yazzāf takes it to the market. He will have to put himself to trouble . . .
he will have to carry it on his head from here, from the sea to his house . . . then
from his house to the market. In fact carrying it to the market is a tiring job . . .
because our market can't take all our fish (since) most of the people are fishermen.
A How much fish does each boat catch?
B You mean in weight... each boat catches from twelve to fourteen maunds (a maund
= 56 pounds), that is when the sea abounds with fish.
A How many rub cahs are there in a maund?
B I think . . . how many? . . . fourteen rub cahs . . . sometimes they don't catch any
fish.
A What did your father do (for a living)?
B He was a fisherman . . . he used to make wire traps for fishermen.
A How do they make wire traps?
B They get pleats of wire mesh, and he cuts the wire according to the required length
. . . for example, whatever size is required . . . then he works like a mat plaiter when
he plaits straw mats . . . he cuts the wire according to what is required, then he
makes funnels in it.

A What do you call the sea at this state, now?

B Ebb tide . . . low tide.
A And when water is high?
B High tide.
A What kind of hazards do you face at sea?
B Nowadays, there are not the hazards there used to be in the past. In the past there
were many sharks, and dangerous (lit. illicit) fish . . . now since the introduction of
motor launches . . . nothing happens... because these produce a noise in the water
which keeps the dangerous fish away.
A Why do you call it harām (i.e., illicit)?
B It is dangerous.

1. The jazzāf or yazzāf buys fish in bulk from fishermen; he also retails it. Some jazāzīf
own boats and therefore receive one fifth of the catch from the fishermen using
their boats.
182 Texts

Informant 3

A ?il-?ism il-kariim?
B ?ismi cabdalla cabd il- caziiz ihseen madan.
A weeš tištigil?
B fallaah.
A mumkin ti ctiinne fikra can iz-ziraa ca?
B maa nizra c ihne.. . bass inxiil... ?u nixrufrtab.
A šloon tixrufuun l-irtab?
B nirkab il-karr, w-un callig is-subbaag foog raasne, ?u nixruf b-yaadiinne . . . ?ii. ..
w-unnabbit, w-unhaddir, w-unrawwis.
A ba cad šinhi l-ašyaa ?illi tizra cuunhe?
B nizra c zeytuun) nizra c rummaan) nizra c čeyko, rweyd, tamaata, truuh, battiix,
bagil, beeiajaanf baamye.
A fween tbii cuune?
B inhitta fi s-sayyaara...inwaddiih il-manaame.
A mitzawwig hajji?
B ?ii.
A čam zooje cinduk?
c
B indi wahde.
A čam walad?
c
B indi sabca.
A ?alla yxalliihum . . . weeš asmaaîahum?
B radi, cabd ii-jabbaar, cabd il-?amHr, ?u habiib, ?u ciise) ?u cabbaas, ?u kawkab, ?u
nuuriyye.
A ti ctiinne sinhum . . . k i l waahid cam sane?
B waahid wald ifna cšar sane, waahid wald tis cet l-ibnayye bitt tis ce, ?u waahid wald
sitt, ?u waahid xams, ?u waahid wald falaaf, ?u waahid wald cišriin yoom.
A ?al-hiin bitruuh il-bahar weeš bitsawwi?
B ?abaaruuh l-ihmaar cindi, ?u batrah il-hadra, ?u baas/id samač, ?u baaji ?u baabii ce
c
ala l-jazzaaf, ba cdeen basalfi, ?u bass xalaas.
A inzeen .. . haade l-gaari yidxil lal-bahar ya cni?
B ?ii. . . lal-bahar.. .?u taali ?arbuta hnaak ... w adxil il-gadiiI ya cni l-hadra.
?u taali weeš tsawwi?
A ?al-hiint tikram, îabarkab l-hmaar, ?u baruuh -il-hadra ?u baarbute fi murbate, ?u
ba cdeen basiir b-il-murhale cala dahri, ?u baruuh ibhe l-gadiil, ba cdeen basiid is-
samač, ?u batla c min il-gadiiI ?u baruuh il-gaari ?u bafurr l-ihmaar mijnib ?u baayi
f-izraa ca ?u barbute, ?u bajnib il-beet ?u bass.
A ?u mate yinbaa c haade s-samač?
B yinbaa c ?arbac ... ?awaddiih is-suug.
A šloon twaddiih issuug?
B ?awzane bil-miizaan, ?u ?ašakle.
A tšakle šloon?
B ?dšakle b-xuus.. . maal in-naxal.
A čam wazin kil šakle?
B nes rub ca . . . ratleen.
c
A ala čam tbii ca?
B ?ane ?abii ca tamanta cšar lal- cišriin.
183 Texts

Translation (Informant 3)

A Your noble name?

B My name is cAbdalla c Abd al- c Aziz Husayn Madan.
A What sort of work do you do?
B I am a farmer.
A Could you give us some idea about gardening?
B We don't grow . . . only date palm t r e e s . . . and we pick ripening dates.
A How do you pick dates?
B We put on a karr (a circle of rope) and hang the basket on our head, and we pick
the dates with our h a n d s . . . y e s . . . we cut off the leaves, we let down the bunches,
and remove the prickles.
A What else do you grow?
B We grow guava, pomegranate, chiku (Indian fruit), radishes, tomatoes, cucumbers,
melon, clover, egg plant, and okra.
A Where do you sell it?
B We transport it by car to Manāmah.
A Are you married,hajji?
B Yes.
A How many wives have you?
B One.
A How many children?
B I have seven.
A May God preserve them . . . what are their names?
B Radi, c Abd al-Jabbār, c Abd al-Amir, Habib, c Īsa, c Abbās, Kawkab, Nūriyyah.
A Give us their age . . . how old is each of them?
B One is twelve years old, one is nine, the girl is nine years of age, one is six years old,
and one five, and one three, and one is only twenty days old.
A You are heading towards the sea now . . . what are you going to do?
B I am going with the donkey and I'll stop at the weir, and I'll catch fish. Then I'll
come back to sell it to the Jazzāf (bulk purchaser), then I'll pray and that's it.
A Well, can this cart go into the sea?
B Y e s . . . into the sea . . . then I 'II tie it there and enter the gadil (i.e., the weir).
A What will you do next?
B Now, may you be honoured, I shall get on the donkey . . . and go to the weir; I'll
tie it with its rope, then I'll walk around with the sack on my back to the weir.
Then I'II catch the fish, and leave the weir and walk to the cart. I'II turn the donkey
south and make my way to the garden, and I'll tie it. Then I'll go south to the
house and that's it.
A When will the fish be sold?
B It will be sold at f o u r . . . I'll deliver it to the market.
A How are you going to take it to the market?
B I''I weigh it with a scale . . . then I'II make it into bundles.
A How are you going to make it into bundles?
B With date palm straws.
A How much does each bundle weigh?
B Half a rub cah, two pounds.
A How much do you sell it for?
B I sell it for eighteen to twenty (i.e., one dinar and eight hundred fits or two dinars).
184 Texts

Informant 4

A ?il-?ism il-kariim?
c
B ali cabdalla nijim.
A min mate hajji nte fi haš-šaglehaadi ?
B yumkin foog il-xamsiin sane . . . min yoom ?ane jaahil.
A weeš tisna c?
B haade ?asawwi rde . . . l-awwal yoom ?ane saahi, ?asawwi rde yoomi, ?al-hiin yoom
ane šwayy maane saahi, ?asawwi. . . maa-sawwi i-irde, nuss irde bass . . . ?amma
l-awwal asawwi rde kaamil. . . naas ba cad yisna cuun wizra . . . ba cadhum cala
l-wasa . . . yisna cuun aswad lal-mamlaka, ?uw ihni...ya c
ni l-bahreen ba cd iš-šay
c c
yilbasuune l-hariim . . . ha I- aam . . . ?il-hukuuma atatni ġazil. . . ?alla ytawwil
c
umurhum jamiic, maa kassaraw.
A ?išrah leenne šwayy can l-ašyaa ?illi tsawwuunhe.
B haade I-ġazil. . . ijiibe mhammad habiib, ijiibeh min čeenaaw, ?u haade z~zari jaapa­
ani, naaxde min is-suug... mhammad habiib huu I-imwarrid maalne.
A geer ir-ridye bacad weeš itsawwi?
B ?asna c ba cad wizra . . . ?u min ?asil sana cne bšuut... haay šaglatne ba cad, aaxrat
aabaanne čidi, w-ehne caleehem mašeene.
A čam yaaxid I-irde. . . čam yoom?
B l-irde haabb ir-riih isawwi waahid fi l-yoom. ?u hast naas isawwuun waahid u nus,
c
idne nafareen bass isawwuun cala rde w-nus, haadaak cabd il- c adiim, ?u haadaak
hajji hseen ba cad al-hiin cajjaz . . . maa ysawwi IIa rde.
A l-irde čam tuule?
B sittat waaraat, ya cni fna cšar idraa c ... ?u curda iji draa ceen, ya cni fuuteen u nus
killhum min fijjateen yaaxduune ?u yxutfuune hnaak . . . libse kille fi
l-mamlaka, ?aġlabe kille lal-gatiif.
A ġeer il-mamlaka, mahhad iji yištari min cjnduk min ihni?
B ingareez u geer inġareez . . . haade maa yi ctimid caleehum, haade mamšaah kille fi
l-is cuudiyye.

A haade weeš itsammiih hajji?

B haade dfaaf, ?u haade sme hirš, ?u haadi Iiita, ?u haadi l-madaawis.
A zeen, il-waalid il-kariim kaan fi nafs il-mihne?
B ?abuuyi. . . ?ii. . . l-awwal yisna c bšuut, wi-šraa c . . . raahat aalat I-ibšuut, raahat
aalat l-išraa c.
A ?iš-šir c gaamaw ijibuun min barra?
B ?iiy ... mi l-mihne tkaffod, aalathe raahat xalaas, ?inxaratat.
185 Texts

Translation (Informant 4)

A Your noble name?

c
B Ali cAbdalla Nijim.
A Since when did you take up this job, hajji?
B Perhaps over fifty y e a r s . . . since I was a lad.
A What are you making?
B This . . . I am making a (lady's) cloak . . . in the past when I was in good health I
used to weave a cloak a day. Now that I am not in good health I might or might not
weave a cloak . . . half a cloak only . . . in the past I used to weave a whole cloak.
Some also weave loin-cloths... Some (weavers) make them only on receiving orders
. . . they make black ones for Saudi Arabia, also for here . . . in Bahrain quite a
few are worn by ladies. This year, the government gave me yarn . . . may God give
all of them longer life, they've never failed us.
A Can you explain a little about what sort of things you make?
B This yarn is imported by Muhammad Habib, he brings it (i.e, imports it) from
China, and this golden thread is Japanese. We buy it from the market. Muhammad
Habib is our supplier.
A Other than cloaks what else do you make?
B I make loin-cloths. When I first started I wove men's cloaks... after all, this is our
craft. Our ancestors were in the same line and we followed them.
A How many days does a cloak take?
B The dextrous weaver takes a day to make a cloak. There are others who weave one
and a half (i.e. a day). We have only a couple of people here who can make one and
a half . . . there's that c Abd al- c Adim and that Hajji Husain who is older now and
can't make more than one.
A What is the length of a cloak?
B Six yards, i.e., twelve c u b i t s . . . width-wise it is two cubits, i.e., two foot and a half
. . . they are all (made in) two pieces. They take them and put them together there .
. . . it is all worn in Saudi Arabia . . . most of it goes to Qatif.
A Other than Saudi Arabia, does anybody buy from you from here?
B Englishmen and other than Englishmen, but one does not rely on them. Its main
outlet is in Arabia.
A What do you call this, hajji?
B These are breast beams, and this is the weft, and this is the reed beater and these are
the treadles.
A Well, your honoured father, was he in the same craft?
B My father. . . y e s . . . In olden days he used to weave men's cloaks, and s a i l s . . . the
tools for making cloaks and sails have disappeared.
A Have they started importing sails from abroad?
B Yes . . . when a craft diminishes, its tools also disappear. They cease to exist.
186 Texts

A ?il-?ism il-kariim?
c
B ali bin hasan.
A ?inte min ween?
B min bani jamra.
A mumkin ti ctiini fikra can šigluk?
B ?ii . . . siġli . . . ?ane kunt l-awwal fi hay l-ihyaače bacd. . . ?asawwi wuzra, ?u
saa caat igtar . . . saarat da ciife I-mihne, ?u dabbart ba cad duulaab il-hukuuma,
w-uštaġalt hawaaleji sane, ?u taali raddeet ba cad ?u fannašt ?u riht il-mamlaka.
A weeš ištagalt fi l-mamlaka?
B mu caawin najjaar . . . ?u taali jiit il-bahreen w-utzawwajt, ?u dammeet fi š-šarika
hawaale xamse w- cišriin sane.
A weeš itsawwi fi š-šarika?
B ?aštigil fi qism il-hariiq wis-salaame, inšahhin taffaayaat ?u nsawwi, ?ida mafal hooz
mingass, inhitt ileeh ringaat, ?u nsabbog salandaraat.
A ba ad maa txallis min šiġluk fi š-šarika... yacni l-casaari weeš itsawwi?
B walla ?ida xallast iššigil, saaca ?ane najjaar. .. cindi beet ?aštigil fiih, hadaane tawwi
jaay ?al-hiin min il-beet mištigil l-awwal ba cad ?asawwi karaafi w kbaate.
A ?al-hiin mahhad yubġi karfaayaat.
B laa ?a-hiin kille maal haade... hal-karaafi ween .. . ?al-hiin haddeet ba cad I-injaar a
. .. ga cadt ?azaawil il-bunaaye... bannaay ya cni.. . bass fi l-beet, beeti... w-uda
mafal waahid yubga daraj ?asawwi, ?aw injaara mafal ?antar leh, ?u wakt faraagi saa
saa caat ?aruuh in-naadi.
A weeš itsawwuun fi n-naadi?
B walla, fii ?al caab, tenis ?u kora taayra, korat qadam.
A kam zooje cinduk?
B wahde.
A ?u l-awlaad?
B sab ca.
A weeš asmaa?hum?
B waahid cabd il-hasan, ?u waahid habiib, ?u naaji, haade z-zagiir, ?u wahde simhe
zeynab, ?u faatma, ?u aasye, ?u cindi fowziyye ?ii. . . hay ?awlaadi. falaa ffil-
midrase fi l-xamiis daak il-walad il-cood bohil, ?u hadd u raah ?al-hiin fil-baladiyye
yištigiL
A ?inzeen cajal tištigil fi n-nijaara ?u fi l-bunyaan?
B l-bunaay ?u ba cad marrant ruuhi cala l-masaah . . . wallah beeti štagalt fiih b-nafsL
A b-nafsuk sawweete?
B b-nafsi ?ane ?u waladi.
A fi čam šahar sawweete?
B kul sane aaxid ir-ruxsa w-ag cjd la-hadaak, ?u ?aštigil ca-raahati, ya cni muu ?akruf
ruuhi, ?aštigil saa cteen, talaat, ?u ?abannid.
A čam taabuq sawweete?
B taabuq waahid.
A saafart šii?
B marrateen.
A fween riht?
B riht il- ciraaq, ?u riht il-?iiraan, bass maa riht ġ e e r . . . ?u riht il-hajj bacad.
A šloon kaan il-hajj ?ayyaamkum?
B walla raaha.
A riht b-ruuhuk?
B rihne taabic muqaawil, ?ii.
187 Texts

Translation (Informant 5)

A Your noble name?

c
B Ali bin Hasan.
A Where do you come from?
B From Bani Jamrah (village).
A Could you give me some idea about your job?
B Y e s . . . in the past I was also engaged in weaving . . . I used to weave loin-cloths and
sometimes head-cloths . . . the craft began to dwindle, so I joined government
garden where I worked for about a y e a r . . . then again I resigned and went to Saudi
Arabia.
A What sort of work did you do there?
B Assistant carpenter. And after that I came (back) to Bahrain and got married, and
joined the Company (i.e., Bahrain Petroleum Co.) for about twenty five years.
A What sort of work do you do in the Company?
B I work in the department of fire and safety . . . we fill fire extinguishers. And also
we make . . . for example, if a fire hose is worn, we fix rings to it. We also paint
cylinders.
A What do you do when you finish your (daily) work at the Company... I mean, in
the evening?
B In fact, when I finish working, sometimes I become a carpenter. I have a house
where I work. I have just come from the house where I have been working. In the
past I used to make charpoys and cupboards.
A Nowadays nobody wants charpoys.
B No, nowadays everybody opts for . . . the charpoys not at all . . . I have left car­
pentry now. I've started working on building. I mean I'm a builder... but only in
the house, my house . . . and if anybody wants a staircase (built) I do it. . . or
carpentry (jobs) like a lintel, I do it for him. In my leisure time I go to the club.
A What do you do in the club?
B Well, there are games like tennis, volley ball, football.
A How many wives do you have?
B One.
A And children?
B Seven.
A What are their names?
B One is called c Abd al-Hasan and one Habib, and Nāji who is the youngest, and a girl
by the name of Zaynab, and Fātma and Āsya, and I have Fawziyya too. Yes . . .
these are my children. Three attend schools in the village of al-Khamis. That elder
boy is stupid. He left school, and at present he works with the Municipality.
A Well, so you work both in carpentry and in building?
B Building. And I also practised plastering . . . I did my house by myself.
A You built it yourself?
B Myself and my son.
A How many months did it take to do?
B Every year when I am on leave I devote my time to it. I work as I please, I mean I
don't work to exhaustion . . . I work for two or three hours and then stop.
A How many floors did you do?
B One floor.
A Did you ever travel?
B Twice.
188 Texts

A Where did you go?

B I went to Iraq . . . and also Iran, but I've been nowhere else. Also I went on pilgrim-
age.
A How was pilgrimage in your days?
B It was comfortable indeed.
A Did you go by yourself?
B I went with a contractor... yes.
189 Texts

Informant 6

A ?il-?ism il-kariim, hajjiF

B Fahmad mhammad cali h seen.
A mumkin ti ctiinne fikra, hajji, can šiglukF
c
B amali l-izraa ca . . . tihruf il-Faraadiin, wi-t caddil. . . hal-ayyaam muusim it-
tamaata, ?u muusim itruuh, xudra haade IIi. . . nizra c w-ileen zara cne n caabilhe
m caabale.
A čeef tizra cuun it-tamaata?
B ?awwal in cadd il il-?araadi, wi-njiib traktaraat tihruf il-ïaraadiin, ?u taali niġris fiihe
t-tamaata, wi-ncaable bis-samaad il-keemaawi . . . ?ilaastawa hada-hne statmarnaah .
. . . ?u min ba cde nizra c itruuh.

C hajji, ?ayyaam zamaan . . . ihni diiratkum ya cni gabil talaatiin sane . . . loo hal-
ayyaam?
B muddat a-hiin haay falafiin sane, ?arbi ciin sane tġayyar waajid, l-awwal ihne fi
I-ġoos, ?id-diira tgišš, maa ttimm ?illa l-hariim bass b-ruuhha... ?al-hiin il-hayaa
ġeer, duun l-awwal.
C ya cni ?al-hiin ?ahsan min l-awwal?
B ?ii . . . ?ahsan min l-awwal, ?aryah . . . ?amma l-awwal laa ta cbaaniin fi l-ibhuur,
?id-diira ngaarub biš-šahreen ?u nus maa njiihe, kille fi I-ġoos . . . ?awwal betrool
maa fïih, ?il- caamil b- casir rubbiyyaat ?u xams rubbiyyaat l-awwal. . . ?al-hiin
b-sittiin rubbiyye , . . hay cindi šagaagiil yištigluun cala xamsiin rubbiyye ?u
ma cruufcala raasi, wala Fanwas îahaačihem.
C min ahaali d-diira?
B min ahaali d-diira. . . maa-nwas îahaačihem, ?atbaa cad bciid. . . fwaalathumcišriin
c
rubbiyye. . . l-awwal gaduu hum fardat tamr. ?al-hiin la . . . ?al-hiin b-xamsiin
rubbiyye r-rooha wala-nwas ?ahaačiih huu cammi, Fane muu camme, huu cammi lli
?ane ?astaajur w-a ctiih il-beezaat.. . huu caam il ma cruufcala raasi. . . hii b-šiime,
w-Jiü b-giime ...?in-nufuus tġayyarat, wal-xeer hast.
190 Texts

Translation (Informant 6)

A Your noble name, hajji?

B Ahmad Muhammad c Ali Husain.
A Can you give us some idea about your work?
B My work is gardening . . . the ploughing of the lands (i.e., soil), raking . . . and now
is the season for tomatoes, and the season for cucumbers. . . vegetables that is what
we grow . . . and when we have planted we look after them with great care.
A How do you grow tomatoes?
B First we prepare the lands then we bring tractors to plough the lands and afterwards
we plant tomatoes, then we treat it with chemical ferilizers, when it has grown . . .
then we have made it usable, and after that, we grow cucumbers.

C How did this village use to be thirty years ago compared with today?
B Over a period of thirty or forty years great changes have occurred. In the past we
were engaged in pearl diving, the village was vacated, except for women. Nowadays
life is different, different from what it was in the past.
C So it is better now from what it used to be?
B Yes, it is better than olden times, it is more comfortable. In the past work at sea
was tedious. For about two and a half months we were away from the village, all
spent in pearl diving . . . there was no oil in the past, the worker used to take ten
rupees or five rupees in those days . . . nowadays it is sixty rupees. I have some
workers who work for fifty rupees and besides they are doing me a favour, and I
dare not say a single word to any of them.
C Are they from the same village?
B Yes, people from the village. I don't dare even talk to them . . . I keep myself at a
distance. Their snacks and soft drinks cost me twenty rupees. A few dates used to
satisfy workers in the past. It is not the same now. Nowadays it is fifty rupees a go
(i.e., daily) and I don't dare say anything to him. He is my boss, I am not his boss.
Although I hire his services and pay him for it, he is my boss. He thinks he is doing
me a favour . . . you beg for his favour and you also pay for it. Attitudes have
changed . . . but people are better off.
191 Texts

Informant 12

A ?il-?ism il-kariim?
c
B abd ir-rahiim cabd il- caziiz il- caali.
A saar luk čam sane fi hal-mihne?
B ?aštigil fiihe min yoom sinni sab c sniin ?ila I- ?aan fneene w-?arbi ciin sane.
A weeš tisna cuun?
B nisna c min kill š i i . . . l-aškaal l-awwaliyye... kilIhe nicmalhe hatte l-gadiide.
A mitil?
B mitil ?azhaar, taffaayaat, manaarat dalle maal gahwa, gdaawa, ruus.
A hal fi ?ahad yištigil wiyyaak ... isaa cidk ya cni?
B hazzat haadir bass ib-ruuhi... ?u cindi caamil iji s-subh las-saa ca tnacaširuuh.
A fahamt ?inna ?axuuk kaan yištigil wiyyaak ?u tarak .. . lees?
B lanna maa sarrafa l-camal... barramacaaš?ahsan.
A ?awlaaduk isaa cduunuk?
B ?i... laazim.
A š-isawwuun?
B isalhuun it-tiin. . . isawwuun bacad hassaalaat. . . ?u ruus, ?u daak illi ?akbar
?astaad saar.
A Fax cabd ir-rahiim.. . ?il-masnac haade maa yihtaaj ila tajdiid?
B qat can . . . ihne waajid zawwadne I- camal. . . ?u maa Jawwadne I- camaf ilia cala
hsaab ya cni mwaa cdiinne, biyi ctuunne . . . ?u byibnuun Ieenne masna c . . . id-
daayra .. . ha dahne nitraggab ... ?inšaallacan gariib yibnuun lene masnac.
A ?inzeen ?ax cabd ir-rahiim . .. haay iz-zarga wil-xadra mumkin tišrah leenne canhe?
B haadi ?alwaan maal gliiz . . . jaaybiine min il-?eeraan li-anna ?ane riht šahar cala
hsaab id-daayra . . . šahar waahid ?axadt fikra can l-igliiz min cindhum ?u jibt
wiyyaayi šwayy . . . wil-?aan mintidir asawwi furun cala hsaab l-igliiz . . . Ii?anna
furun maalne itubb minne wasax cala l-igliiz yitwassax . . . ?ileen sawweene furun
jadiid b-taabuug il-haraari isllr ?ahsan min illi cindine.
A ?u l-igliiz haade mumkin yit camal ihnii?
B ?i. . . bass cala hsaab il-furunyistawi... taaniyan il-furun maal l-igliiz laazim šalfaat
... ?ileehšalfaat...kul git ca thitha b-ruuhha.
A ?ittiin haade min ween itjiibe?
B injiibe min mahal cind ġarbi r-rafaa c il-ġarbi... mahal isammuune I-maaš... laazim
inruuh leh bis-sayyaara. .. l-awwal kinne njiibe cala hamiir. .. ?al-hiin fi sayyaaraat
... inruuh leh ingussa cala bagiyyatne w-injiibeh.
A itgussuune ?u hujaafya cni?
B ? i... ittiin xašin. .. injiibeh w-insaffiih tasfiyeh ikuun intallic minneh il-hašiiš...
w-irraml hak nigdar ni cmale ?adawaat faxxaariyye. w-il- caamil yoomiyye walbe
isaffi gufraan itneene . . . talaate .. . bas lanna tasfaate waajid su cub.
192 Texts

Translation (Informant 12)

A Your noble name?

c
B Abdul-Rahim c Abd al- cAzTz, al- c Āli.
A For how many years have you been doing this job now?
B I have been working at this craft since I was seven years of age . . . until now when I
am forty two years old.
A What do you make?
B We make every kind . . . traditional forms . . . we make everything, even the new
stuff.
A Like . . . ?
B Like vases (lit. flowers), ash-trays, minarets, coffee pots, hubble-bubbles, (and their)
tops.
A Is there anybody who shares work with you, you know, helps you?
B For the time being I am by myself... I have a labourer who comes in the morning,
works until 12 (noon) and then goes.
A I am told your brother used to work with you and then he l e f t . . . why?
B Because he didn't find this work lucrative . . . outside he gets a better salary.
A Do your sons help you?
B Y e s . . . they have to.
A What do they do?
B They prepare the clay . . . they also make money-boxes . . . (and hubble-bubble)
tops. The elder is master now.
A Brother, c Abd al-Rahim . . . this factory . . . does it not need refurbishing?
B Of course, we have expanded work here . . . I have adhered to this craft because
they have promised us they'll give us . . . and they'll build us a factory,the Depart­
ment. We are looking forward to it. If God wills, they are going to build us one
soon.
A Well, brother c Abd al-Rahim . . . these blue and green (things) could you tell us
about them?
B These are colours for glazing . . . we brought them from Iran . . . I went there for a
month at the expense of the Department... one month . . . I formed some opinion
about glazing there, and brought some with me . . . now I am looking forward to
make a kiln for glazing . . . because our kiln drops dirt which affects the glazing . . .
when we have built a new kiln . . . using thermal bricks it is going to be better than
the one we have now.
A Can glazing be carried out here?
B Yes, but only when the kiln is made . . . also, the kiln for glazing requires racks. It
has racks so that each piece can be placed separately.
A Where do you get this clay from?
B We get it from a place to the west of Western Rafā c . . . a place called al-Māsh. We
have to go there by car . . . in the past we used to bring it on donkeys, now in cars
. . . we go there and cut it as we wish and carry it to here.
A You cut it while it is dry . . . you mean?
B Yes, the clay is hard . . . we bring it and refine it. We remove the grass and the sand
so that it can be made into pottery items . . . the worker can, at his best, purify two
to three baskets . . . only . . . because the process of refining it is very difficult.
193 Texts

A folktale from a Dirāzi female informant (26)

marra rayyaal cala m-maa gilt ya cni haakum, ?il-haakum allah. taht beete cišše ?ila ya cni
jaara faqiir saahib cišše. saahib il-c iššec indeh hadliqa sġayra cala gadara ... miflaat immaa
tguul haade I-beet hna w-il-hadiiqa hnaaka barra b ciid šwayy. . heek il-leele harr waayid
. . . Ulla hu yguul is-sultaan: xalluunne nguum is-saa c nruuh hadiiqat il-faqiir, nitnazzah
šwayy . . . tala caw yitnazzahoon . . . ?ida fneen waagfiin, waahid f-iide girtaase w-galam
. .. Ulla hu yguul: yaa-xuuk iktibl gaal: weeš aktib? gaal: iktib inna mart is-sultaan tihmal
w-ityiib walad, ?u mart il-faqiir tihmal w-ityiib bltt, ?u yitzaawajoon . . . bitt il-faqiir
yaaxithe wald il-gani, inzeen damm cafa damiimate w-sakat... haada nte ya s-sultaan ...
ye l-beet... ?alla qasam, hu marate himlat u yaabat isbayy, wil-faqiir hlm/at u yaabat bitt
. . . cala gool il-haatif yee . . . min y oom gaalaw heeki wuldat mart yiiraanne w-yaabat
ibnayye . . . weeš sawwa... raah ila ?abuuha... ?illa hu yguul ileeh:... jaabaw luk bitt.
gaal: ?ii jaabaw ilyyi bitt... gaal: bii cne y-yaaha! gaal: čeef ?abii cuk iyyaaha! ?ane rdiit
?umha yumkin maa tirda . . . gaal: laa guul leehe, ?aba ctiikum hal-kitir ifluus ?u ba cti-
ikum . . . ?u ba ctiikum .. . raah ileehe gaal leehe: bitt iflaan .. . gaayif yubbaaha, yištari-
ihe . .. inbiiche yyaaha? îintiin weeš nadarš... gaalat: yuu! tawha lla majyuuba, ba cadhi
saġiira, ibii cuunhe-é? gaal: Paguul liš i ctiih iyyaaha . . . iqitluunne . . . yaw catoohum
iyyaaha... fatoohum iyyaaha... weeš sawwa... ta caal xithe b-xalaagiinhe ?u wadhe fi
ġaaba, maalat, tikram, l-ičlaabt tahat čide gabr . . . ?u šigg batin l-ibnayye ?u ruuh can il-
gaaba . . . haak il-yoom tala cat umha wiyya ?abuuha biruuhuun hadiiqathum bitisma c
nasam fi l-gaaba . . . Villa hii tguul ileh: Haan? gaal: weeš? ?illa hiss nasam fi l-ġaaba.. .
gaal: yumkin, tikram, čalbe waalde . .. ?u haadi wlaadhe.. . gaalat: laa.. . maa ?atgaigal
?awwal ta caal wiyyaayi... waladaxalaw ?i/lablthum marmlyye fi l-čaaba... ?u nasamhe
fiihe . . . ?u mašguug batinhe . . . ?axadooha... raahaw la-beethum ga cadaw i caalyuun
fiihe . . . buri l-jirh ... ?i/la hu yguul bitt iflaan ... gaalat: yaalla.. . gaal: xalliinne nitlac
min hal-balad . . . maa leenne haaje fiihe.. . yoom haade ?awwaliyyaathum.. . laa xiirat
alla fi t-tawaali... xalliinne nsaafur. .. saafaraw ween biruuhuun. . . raahaw il-basra.
194 Texts

Translation (Informant 26)

Once upon a time there lived a man, he was a ruler—there is no ruler but God! Near his
house there was a hut which belonged to his poor neighbour. The owner of the hut had a
small garden . . . according to his limited means, so then the house was here and the
garden was there, outside . . . a little bit further away. It was very hot that night. The
Sultan (i.e., the ruler) said, "Let us go to the poor man's garden for a short walk."They
went out for a walk. Suddenly there were two persons standing, one with a piece of paper
and a pen. One said, "Write, brother" The other answered, "What should I write?" He
said, "Write down that the Sultan's wife will conceive and will give birth to a boy, and the
wife of the poor man will conceive and will give birth to a girl, and they will get married.
The poor man's daughter will get married to the rich man's son." The Sultan kept what
he had heard to himself, and he went home. God decreed, and the Sultan's wife conceived
and gave birth to a boy and the poor man's wife gave birth to a girl. It happened as the
voices predicted. As soon as he knew of the poor man's wife giving birth to a girl . . . what
he did was that he went to her father and said to him, " A girl was born to y o u . " He replied,
"Yes, a girl was born to me." He said (i.e., the Sultan), "Sell her to us." The man said,
"Why should I sell her to you? If I agreed to do so, her mother wouldn't." He said, " N o ,
you should persuade her. I shall give you this much money . . . and I shall give you . . .
and give y o u . " So the man went to his wife and said " O h ! daughter of so-and-so1 he says
(i.e., the Sultan) he wants to buy her. Shall we sell her to him? What is your opinion?"
She exclaimed, " Y u u ! She is a new-born babe! She is young; We couldn't sell her!" " I am
telling you to give her to h i m , " he said, "or they will kill us." They came (i.e., the Sultan's
men) and she was given to them. She was given to them . . . what he did (i.e., the Sultan)
was that he took her in her wrappers to the forest, may you be honoured, where dogs live
near a grave . . . he disembowelled the girl and ran away from the forest. That
day, the mother and the father of the girl were going to their garden. She (the mother)
heard somebody breathing in the forest. So she said to him (i.e, her husband) "So-and-so!"
He answered "What?" "Do you hear anybody breathing in the forest?" "Perhaps," he
replied, "a bitch has given birth and these are her puppies." She replied, "No . . . I am not
going to budge from here . . . unless you accompany me." When they entered they found
their daughter lying in the forest . . . still breathing . . . with her stomach cut open. They
took her home and nursed her wounds. The wound healed. He said, "Daughter of so-and-
so" She (the wife) answered, "Yes." He said, "What is your opinion?" Regarding what?"
she answered. "Let us leave this country," he said, "we don't need it any longer. If this is
the beginning, the end is surely worse! Let us go abroad." They travelled . . . where did
they go? They went to Basrah.

NOTE:

1. "Daughter of . . . " and "mother of . . . " are two terms of reference normally em-
ployed by husbands when calling the attention of their wives.
195 Texts

THE INFORMANTS AND THEIR VILLAGES1

Informant No. 1

Name Sayyid Ahmad as-Sayyid Hāshim

Age : over fifty

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : ex-gardener

Village : Dirāz

Informant No. 2

Name : Ahmad c Ali Ahmad al-Akraf

Age : thirty one

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : fisherman

Village Dirāz

Informant No. 3

Name Hajji cAbdalla bin c Abd al- c Aziz bin Husain Madan

Age : forty five

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : gardener and fisherman

Village : Dirāz

Informant No. 4

Name Hajji c Ali c Abdalla Nijim

Age : over fifty five

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : weaver

Village Bani Jamrah

Informant No. 5
c
Name : Ali bin Hasan bin Salmān

Age : forty two

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation employee of the Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAP
Village : Bani Jamrah
196 Texts

Informant No. 6

Name : Ahmad Muhammad c Ali Husain Falāh

Age sixty

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : gardener
Village : Damistān

Informant No. 7

Name : Hajji Ahmad Husain Abū Rwais

Age : seventy five

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : retired fisherman and gardener

Village : Shahrakkān

Informant No. 8

Name : Yūsif Salmān Yūsif

Age : fifty

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : in charge of a water pump in a garden

Village : Karrānah

Informant No. 9

Name : cAbdalla bin Hasan

Age : fifty one

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : labourer and part-time weaver

Village : Bani Jamrah

Informant No. 10

Name : Khamis Muhammad Swēlim

Age : seventy

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : fisherman

Village : Budayyi c
197 Texts

Informant No. 11

Name : Yūsif c Abdur-Rahmān al-Kawwāri

Age : thirty four

Educational status : semi-I iterate

Occupation : member of a tug crew at Mina? Salmān

Village : Budayyi c

Informant No. 12

Name : c Abd ar-Rahïm c Abd al- c Aziz al- c Āli

Age : forty two

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : potter

Village : c Āli

Informant No. 13
c
Name Abd al-Husain

Age : twenty six

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : ex-potter

Village : c Āli

Informant No. 14

Name : Mulla c Atiyyah

Age : sixty

Educational status : literate

Occupation : Shi c i religious preacher

Village : Bani Jamrah

Informant No. 15

Name : Husain bin c Ali

Age : sixty

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : weaver

Village : Bani Jamrah

198 Texts

Informant No. 16

Name : Sa c id Shaikh c Abdalla c Arab

Age : fifty five

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : retired

Village : Bani Jamrah

Informant No. 17

Name : Sayyid Sa c- id al-As c ad

Age : thirty seven

Educational status : semi-literate

Occupation : Owner of a traditional laboratory for the extraction

: of folk-medicine

Village : c A i n Dār (Jid Hafs)

Informant No. 18

Name : Radi Ahmad Hamrnād

Age : thirty three

Educational status : literate

Occupation : BAPCO employee

Village : Jid Hafs

Informant No. 19

Name : Hajji Sālih bin c-lsa bin Ahmad

Age : forty five

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : ex gardener, presently (BAPCO) painter

Village : Jid Hafs

Informant No. 20

Name : Ja c far c Abdalla

Age : forty

Educational Status : illiterate

Occupation : fisherman

Village : Sfālah (Sitrah Island)

199 Texts

Informant No. 21

Name : Hajji Husain bin c Abdalla bin Jim c ah

Age : over seventy

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : gardener

Village : Sitrah

Informant No. 22

Name : Mansūr Radi c Abd c Ali

Age : sixteen

Educational status : literate

Occupation : student

Village : Markubān (Sitrah)

Informant No. 23

Name : Hajji Ahmad bin c Ali bin Ahmad

Age : seventy

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : jazzāf (bulk-buyer of fish)

Village : Dirāz

Informant No. 24

Name : Hajji c Ali bin Sālih

Age : fifty five

Educational status : illiterate

Occupation : gardener

Village : Dirāz

In addition to the above male informants, there were five female informants who
were of more advanced age and four out of five were illiterate, the only exception being
an informant from Manāmah.

Note:
1. Note that personal names given on this and the following pages conform to local
pronunciation, regardless of how they are spelt in written Arabic.
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General index
Absā? (al-) 12,15,17, 21, 25, 29 BaniJamrah2, 24,129
Āl-BincAli 7, 23, 25 Budayyic(al-) 2, 5,9, 23, 24
Äl-BucAynayn 24, 25 Carmathians 19, 20, 29, 33, 34
Āl-Bu Falāsah 7, 25 Committee of National Union 32
Âl-Jalâhimah 7,23,25 Dawāsir (al-) 9, 23, 24, 25, 31
Âl-Khalifah 1,7,23,31,32,39 Dirāz 1,2,34,43
Āl-Mac-āwidah 7, 25 Dutch Reformed Church 4
Âl-Manânicah 7, 24, 25
Āl-Muqlah 7 Hajar 15,16,17
Āl-Muslim 7 Hanbali 7
Āl-Sādah, 7, 25 Hidāyah (al-) School 4
Āl-Qusaibi 7 Huwalah 7, 8, 25, 30, 38
Āl-Zayyāni 7 Imāla 41, 55, 57-9,152-3,164,166
Arabian Mission 4 lyād 16,19,21
Aramco 12 Jacfariyyah (al-) School 4
?Awäl/?Uwäl 2, 15, 16, 20, 22, 23, 24, Jid Hafs 1
29,30,34,167 Jufair (al-) 1,23, 24
Azd(al-)16,19,20,24, 167 Juwātha 21,22
c
Abd al-Qais 2, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, Kashkashah 146,166
22,23,24,29,167 Khatt(al-)15,16,18,21
c
Abd al-Qais (BanicĀmir of) 21, 23, 24 Koine (forms) 3, 5, 10, 40, 47,128,131,
c
Abd al-Qais (Jadhimah b. c Awf of) 16, 167
17,20,21 Kuwait 2,11,12,30,31
c
Abd al-Qais (Bani Mismār of) 20, 24 Māliki 7
c
Abd al-Qais (Bani Muhārib of) 21, 23, Manāmah 1, 2, 4,6, 9,10, 23, 25, 27, 40
24 Macn (Bani) 20
c
Abd al-Qais (Lukayz ibn Afsa of) 16,19 Muharraq 1,4,22,24,25,27
c
Abd al-Qais (Shann ibn Afsa of) 16,18 Nabih Sālih 1,22
Pearls (cultured) 9
c
Ajcajah 22 Qatif (al-) 1,5,17,20,23,30
c
Alawiyyah (al-) School 4 Rabicah (Bani) 16
c
Āi2,8,24,28,31
c
ancanah 36,42,143,166 Sacred Heart School 4
c
Anazah1,2,9,20,30 Samâhlj 22, 24,134
c
Arād 22,24 Shāfici 7
c
ish-she 28 Shamāl 27
c Shici/Shicah 1,4,6,8,25,26,31,32
Umān 10, 15, 16, 20, 22, 24, 28, 30,
167 Shicism 7, 33, 34
c
Uqair (al-) 21 Sihlah (Sihle) (al-) 23,24,116,131,141
c
Urayyid (Ibrahim al-) 12 Sitrah 1,2,25,27,37, 166
c
Utūb (al-) 15, 23, 24, 25, 26, 30, 31 Stressed -e? 41, 55, 108, 114, 151, 163,
166
Bahāmah 1, 2, 3, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12,15,23, Sunni 1,7,8,25,26,31,32
24, 25, 26, 31, 32, 39, 40,166, 167
Tājir (Hajji MuhammadcAli al-) 22, 24,
Bahrain Petroleum Company (BAPCO) 2, 35, 36
4,10,11,27,28,133,134 taltalah 106,156,166
Bakr ibn Wā?il 16,17,29,35 Tamim (Bani) 16,17, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29

205
206 General Index

Tihāmah 16,17,18,167 Zallāq 4,9, 24

Urdu School 4 Zubārah 2,30,31,32,39

Velar !40,50-1,149
Wahba, Hāfiz 4,24
Index of lexical Items
?abaaruuh 80 baarha 9 0 , 1 0 4 , 1 6 0
?adnaat 131 baarih 27
?adoobiš 3 baasug 63
?ajaawiid 93,129 bagaagiil 5 6 , 8 5 , 9 1
?alhiin 5 1 , 6 3 , 1 0 3 , 1 1 0 , 1 1 4 , 1 2 2 bagil 8 5 , 8 9 , 1 4 7
?anaajir 140 baga 105
?ane(1m.s.) 55, 9 9 , 1 5 1 , 1 6 2 bagle 129
?ani (1 f.s.) 59, 99 bahaahiir 88
?anwaat 135 bahhaar/a 8 8 , 9 0
?araadiin 92 bančar/fančar 135
?astaad 129 bandar 137,161
?asraab138 bannad 83
?asmax 40, 53,150 baraaha 90
?ihmarr 83 baraax 140
?ihtarr83 barastaj 28
?intiin/e 56, 59, 70, 98-9, 51-2,164,166 bartam 162
?intuun/e 56, 70, 98-9,151-2,164,166 batin 85,131
?inxarat 133 bati in 85
bazz 162
c
adan 131 bazzaaz 90,161
c
afse 131 beelajaani 86
c
ajaan 90 beezaat 6 6 , 1 3 6 , 1 5 3
biibaan 93,166
c
akaarwa 64, 94 biidaan 117,161
c
akkaar 8 5 , 9 0 , 1 3 9 bilbile 5
c
alašaan 110 binč 131
c
ammar 83 bištaxte 137
c
anuud 85 bitt 112
c
irbiid 90 bleelaj 141
c
asriyye 91 bnayye 86, 87
c
ataay 79,88 booš 138
c
eeb 65 bsur 89
c
eeš 1 1 7 , 1 1 9 , 1 3 0 , 1 3 1 , 1 3 4 bugše132,138
c
idg 89 buuk 138
c
indčem 45,146 buusta 5
c
išrig 141 buuz 135,162
c
buxnug 47,131
luuč 44,145

c
čafan 130
ood/e 62, 1 1 3 , 1 1 6 , 1 1 8 , 1 2 8 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 3 , čarx 137
160 čawa 145
c
ubri 85 čeef čaan 106,112,127,167
c
uum 4 2 , 1 3 8 , 1 4 3 čeele 44,87
c
čidaak 101
baa 139 čidi/e 5 9 , 1 0 1 , 1 1 3
baačir 44,113 čill 46, 146
baaluul 129
čitti 137

207
208 Index of lexical items

cuuc 44,145 gahamaat 140

galaaliif 9 1 , 1 5 7 , 1 6 6
daar 115,162 galca 48, 57
dacam 42 gallaaf 91,131
dacme 5 galaay 90
dalu 131,161 garaagiir 139
daraawze 86 gasaasiib 91,157
dariiše 137 gašat 131
dawaaliib 94 gatt 49,138
dayyiin 139 gataafa 86
de(e) laač 46 gawalaan 78, 88
de(e) laak 55 gdur 132
deen 63 geed 49
dibs 131 geetaan 47
diira 5,129 glaafe 90
diiwaaniyye 133 gaasa 88
dfaaf 140 ġabba 59
doošag 137 ġabba/t 131,16l
dreewliyye 136 ġalyuun 162
duulaab 132 ġarše 48,132
gasaal 88
dakar 44 ġawaawiis 88
dane 131 ġawaazi 138,161
druuf 139 ġazil 140
faatha 90 ġees 139
faatir 131 ġitra 89
fahwa 89 ġru(u) baat 115,129
falam 53 gubba 139
fallac 68 ġubše 109,131
falag 131 gurb 5,131
famiin 54
fannaš 83, 135 haab riih 116,131,160
faraš 129 ha(a)daak 101,121,127,144
fariid 53, 90 haade 101,121,127,151
fašt 137 haadi 101,121,127
fatiile 138 ha(a) diik 101,121,127
fatas 131 haak/a 101,122,158-9,166
fawahaan 88 hadawlaak 101
fčuuč 44,145 hadawle 101
fijje 140 hade(e)leen 5 5 , 1 0 1 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 7 , 1 5 1
filga 89 hamza 40, 41-2, 75-6,143-4,163
foogaani 85 hanaadwa 86,97
foošar 65, 83 hast 135
furda 161,162 hawwas 83
fuss 131 hay 101
fuum 52,150 heek/a 101,122,158-9,166
gaduuc 90 hinč 46,136
gaffad 129 hooše 131
gafiif 139 hooz/-aat 11,136
gahwači 86 haadi 96, 98
209 Index of lexical items

haafi 131 jzaafe 64

haamud 61,63
hawi 132 kačče 4 5 , 4 6
habbe 130 kamče 132
hadaj 141 kankari 136
haddaar 85 karab 133,161,162
haiaab 90 kariib 140
halaayil 8, 86,129 karr 131,139,162
hamaal 88 karraani 161,162
hamaamiil 85,160 karwa 131
hamase 160 kašma 132
hammaaliyye 87 kašte 137
hammaara 87,97 kawwad 131
hasaawiyye 86, 87 killiš 108
hasiir 133 koos 27,46
hazze 131
hdaade 90 lagan 138,161,162
hduur 139 lanjaat 136
hilbe 141, 162 Iatma/h 58,131
hirš 140 leečem 45, 46, 56,146
hisbaan 85 leewaan 137
hooba 131 ličče 131
hoota 57,152 liihaan 93,166
hsur 139 liita 140
humraan 94,161 looz 64
hurma 89, 94 looga 133
huwwaal 94
hyaače 65 ma(a)hi 108,111,118-9,158,165
ma(a)hu 108,111,118-9,158,165
iji55,110 maay il-hindibaan 141
irsi 137 maay il-hilwa 141
maay iš-šaatirra 140
jaahil 9 0 , 1 3 0 , 1 6 0 , 1 6 2 maay iz-zamuute 140
jaalbuut 136 maay l-igruuf 140
jadahaat 129 maazah 68
jafiir/gafiir 40, 50, 94,149 macsuuma 133
jafur 132 madaawis 94,140
jamaara 64, 68, 86 magaalit 139
jariid 5 0 , 1 3 9 , 1 4 9 , 1 6 0 mahaah 131
jayabaan 88 mahaamil 94
jaziri 63 mahaariir 133
jazzaaf/yazzaaf 50, 90, 139 mahhaar 139
jduu c 139 mahmuul 8 4 , 1 3 0
jid c 89 malaali 4
jiib 140 maluul 85
j ins 128 mamsa(a)/e 7 9 , 8 5 , 1 3 3
jookam 136 margaduuš 140
jraab 139,161,162 mataawca 4
jufraan 94 maxaaruf 60
juuniyye 133,134,161,162 mawaaciin 9 4 , 1 3 1 , 1 6 2
210 Index of lexical items

mcaabal 64 nawwax 160

mcallim 4, 5 naxaal 90,131
mcalme 4 naxaalwa 6 4 , 9 4
mbaašar 56, 6 1 , 64, 66, 88, 91,138, 166 naxaayil 43
mbartum 84 naxlaawi 139
mbaġġal 57 naxle 67
mbooyud 56, 65 neešaan 137
meewa 137 nfa.ttit 60
mhassin 133 nhammil 60
mbašš 138 nicle 92
mhoomur 86,117 nicme 5 8 , 8 9 , 1 5 2
middooliġ 84 niswaan 112,117
middoorma 65 nse(e)fiyye 133
milfa c 90 nteefe 87
millaale 90 nxattur 60
minwar 136
mistaansiin 119 Particles:
mitcammim 84 ?eeš 113
mitbarriz 84 ?ida(a)123
mitbarje 131,133 ?ileen 55,126-7,124
mit beexil 63, 84 ?illi 102,111,125-6
mit keesil 59, 63 ?in 124
mit labbis 84 ?inčaan 105,124
c
mit xoobil 84 aad 104
c
mizraab 162 ajal 104
c
mkaafah 6 1 , 8 8 , 9 1 , 1 2 9 , 1 6 6 ind 101
c
mnazz 66,131 ugub 101
msaalam 75
msoowid/msoowde 65,117 cam 112,113,127,145
mšajjar 86
mtoowil 86 hagg 95, 100, 106, 108, 112, 147, 162,
mucdad 59 167
mxamma 131 haggweeš 106, 114
mzayyin 133 -iyya 100,122-3,166
mzimne 133
naas 115 kill 103-4,118,120-1
načab 44 Iaa77,114-5, 118
načaf 129, 145 lakid 48, 108, 109, 161,162, 167
nadab 131 lamma 126-7
nadar 5 4 , 1 2 5 , 1 2 9 , 1 3 2 , 1 5 1 leeš 114
nafs 100 lo(o) 109,123-4
nafye 53,150 maa (interjective) 105
nagaay 90 maa (interrogative) 106
naġde 137 maa (negative) 77,100,114-5,118
nahhaam 140 maaku 118
naknuuk 129 maal/at 100
namuune 136 minhi 113
nasaaje 64, 90 minhu 113
nasaal 131
nasiib 68,129 raaci 95
 211 Index of lexical items

taali 105 -(e) š/-eč (2 f.s.) 99

tabac 95 -hem 99,166
taww 104 -hum 99
-iin 86
wees 105, 106, 108, 112-3, 114, 120, -inne 84,156,166
129,132,137,160 -kum 99
-n (2 f.s./2c.pl.) 99,151
yaa 116,125 -oo (diminutive) 65
yoom 126 -don (plural) 80
raas 104,131 -š (2 f.s.) 41, 44, 59, 66, 99, 146-7,
radiica 131 163
rakba 140 -tinne 84, 156,166
ramaay 79, 88
rassa l82,154,166 šaaguul 85
raziil 53 šahwa 89
rde 129,140 šakaawi 94
roozane 137 šarayaan 88, 91
ruuh 100 šarye 85
saalye 139 šayalaan 78, 91
saamaan 136 šeex/z 116
sačaačiin 56 šiime 130
sadaat 140
sadur 140 sabuur 85
saffaaf 85 saduug 85
sagaay 88 sarwa l82
sajam 161 satwa 139
samaad 138 sawaabca 64, 86
samaamiič 68, 88,166 saxle 53, 66
sammaač 85 saxxa 131
sammaače 45, 88, 97,159 sfaara 90
sanaaniir 160 sidgaan 93
saniin 131 sixxaam 53,150
sannuur/a 132,161 soob 105
sataarwa 86 sooban 56
sooga/at 138,161,162
sawaagi 138 subhiyye 91
seeb 139 surwaal 135
sheel 130
siibaan 93 taali 105
siif 85,139 tacluum 74, 88, 91
sirj 133 tafur 140
sluum 8 5 , 1 3 1 , 1 6 0 , 1 6 1 tagdiib 91,133,138
snaan 139 takdiir 91,131
sooj 140 tahtaani 85
soolaf 82 taliil 133
sufra 161 tamsiit 91
suffixes: tanbiit 91,131
-aat 87 tarbaat 64, 88
-čem 99,166 tarwiis 139
-eč (2 m.s.) 99 tasbuuh 74, 88
 212 Index of lexical items

tasluum 70,75, 88, 91 xašab129

taswaat 70, 79, 90,166 xayaayiit 88
tawaali 96,104,131 xayaayta 88
tawdaat 64, 79, 88, 90,131 xeer 65,119,124,153
taxlaat 79, 88,91 xoor 135
tfinnin 75, 88 xooš 120,135
thassan 83 xoozar 65, 82
theeras 166 xuus 133
tjooram 82 yifriz 60
tkeesal 82 yigruf 60
tlibbis 75 yigsub 61
yiltum 61
tmiddin 88 yisxi 53
tnabbur 133 yitġattar 133
trinj 137 yithačče 58,152
tsoolaf 82 yitrnašše 152
tsirwil 61, 89, 91 yitraffas130
tsooban 166 yitris 60
twaffa 129 yitšable 58
tyassar 129
zaad 130,140
taagah 162 zacag 53,122,131
tabcaan/e 138 zabar 161
talc 89,139 zabiil 162
tamar 133 zabrah 131,161
tarah 140 zahme 58
tast 135 zaffe 160
tawaawiis 9,14 zalaal 90,131
tooše 130 zari 137
tuus 56 zariibe 160
twaaše 64, 90 zataat 131
zawaali 92
waadye 129 zeen 62, 94,109,119,129
waafeet 63 zfur 53
wadah 138 ziblaan 139
wajbe 89,131 zraar 90
waniin 131
wardi 86
ward ilsaan it-toor 140
wzaar 129,140

xaafuur 138
xabaabiiz 157
xabbar 82,83,154,166
xabiis/a 57,90
xalaal 51,57,149
xalaga 90, 132
xalg 115
xammaama 87, 95
xaraaba 90
 MAP I
213

IR A N

EGYPT

BAHRAIN
IS

AR A B I A

0 100 200 300 300 500 SOCOTRA

IS.

I
214

MAP II

SAXMĀHĪJ

HUWĀRĪN
(AL-HŪRAH)

('AIYN DĀR) xAL-QULAY'AH

AL-DĀR AL-SIHLAH AL-JUFAYR

-BAKĪ KĀWĀN (KĀFLĀN)

0 5
miles

JAW

The above place-names are mentioned in

medieval arab sources and have survived ever since:
The bracketed names shown next to the ancient ones
are ones in use today.
215

MAP III

SAMĀHĪJ

'AIĀD

IANĪ JAMRAH JUFAVR

Al-SIHLAH

SITRAH

0 5
miles

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION OF TRIBES IN

ANCIENT BAHRAIN (Based on the findings in Part 1)

'Abd Al-Qais
Bani 'Āmir Bin 'Abd Al-Qais
Bani Muhārib Bin 'Umar Bin Wadi'ah Bin 'Abd Al-Qais

Jamarāt AI-'Arab
216

MAP IV

RAYYA
DAIR
B B SAMĀHĪJ
A A B
MUHARRAQ IS. A A GALĀLI
ARĀDA
A

SANĀBIS
BĀR BĀR B
BUDAYYA' B DIRĀZ B B B HANĀMA
A JID HAFS AA JUFAIR
BANĪ JAMRAH
UMM SABBĀN IS.
A B ADARI
R
SĀR
JEDDAH IS B NABĪH SĀLIH IS.
B B TŪBU B
SALHĀBAD B
JASRAH
B ISA TOWN B SITRAH IS.
A A
'ĀLI
UMM BŪRI B B SANAD
'IKUR
NASĀN AL-HAMALAH BARBURA
A A NUWAIDRĀL
IS. A
DAMISTĀN RAFĀ B
A A FÄRSIYYA
B KARZAKKĀN A
A A
b A
HĀLCHIYYA
B
BANDAR SADAD 'ASKAR

0 5 B SHAHRAKKĀN RĀS HAYYĀN OR

B B
DĀR KULAIB SA 'SA 'A
miles
B
SAKHĪR
A
ZALLĀG
A A
A

A Represents 'Anazi Speech C o m m u n i t y

B Represents B a h ä r n ā h Speech C o m m u n i t y
217

MAP V

MUHARRAD
IS.

BUOAYYI

'ĪSA
TOWN SITRAH
\JASRAH
IS.

HAMALAH
RAFĀ'

0 5

miles

SAKHĪR

ZALLĀG

THE REALIZATION OF 2 f . s . ( - k ) a s ( - s ) :

MO >(-š)

(-k) >(-c)
218

MAP VI

MUHARRAD
IS.

BUOAYYI

'ĪSA
TOW« SITRAH
JASRAH
IS.

HAMALAH
(UFA'

0 5

miles

SAKHĪR

ZALLĀG

DISTRIBUTION OF THE AFFRICATION OF k,g INTO č,ğ

Areas where both (k)&(g) are affricatcd to (c) and (g)

Areas where only V is affricated to (č)
219

MAP VII

HUHARRAQ
IS.

MAN MA
BUDAYYI

JASRAH
'ĪSĀ
TOWN
HAHALAH

RAFĀ'

0 5
miles
SAKHĪR

ZALLĀC

THE REALIZATION OF q as g

q > ġ
220

MAP VIII

MUHARRAQ ,
IS.

BUDAYYI

«ISA
JASRAH TOWN SITRAH
IS.
HAMAUH
RAFĀ'

0 5
miles

SAKHĪR

ZALL G

DISTRIBUTION O F DENTAL t > L A B I O - D E N T A L f

t =t

i>f
221

MAP IX

SIRAH
IS.

DAMISTĀN

SHAHRAKKĀN
0 5

miles

THE OCCURENCE OF THE PRONOMINAL SUFFIXES:

(-č)(-čem)(-hem)

Represent areas where 2m.s.(-c), plus 2c.pl.

(-čem) are found

Represents areas where 3 c.pl. (-hem) is found

222

MAP X

DAM

NA'ĪM
ABŪ SĒDI'
DIRĀI
BANĪJAMRA
MARKH

KURAIYA
JANABIYA
'ĀLI NUWAIORĀT

DĀR KULAIB
0 5
miles

THE TRADITIONAL INDUSTRIES

OF BAHRAIN
Represents Boot-building
Mat-plaiting
Weaving
Sail-making
Traditional cloak-weaving
Pottery
Production of lime
Vowels
Anaptyctic
Back
Central
Front
Long
Prosthetic
Semi-
Short
Palate
At the Phonetic Level

Phonetic Realization
Phonetic System
Phonetic Transcription
Phonetics
Phonological Feature
At the Phonological Level

Phonology
Plosive
Prefix(es)
Prominence

Semantics
Sound Units, Phonemes
Speech Souns
Stop
Stress
Prefix(es)
Syllabic Structure
Syntax

Uvula
Uvular

Vocal Apparatus
Vocal Cords
Voiced Sound
Voiceless Sound

Vowel Glides
Formal Characteristics
Fricatives

Gender
Glottal Stop
Glottis
Grammar
Grammatical Categories
Gutturals

Intonation

Labials
Larynx
Lexicography
Linguistics
Liquids

Morpheme
Bound
Free
Inflecting
Morphological Categories
Morphology
Mutual Intelligibility
Narrow Transcription

Nasal Cavity
Normative or Prescriptive Approach

Oral Cavity
Orthography

Palatals
Glossary of linguistic terms:
English-Arabic

Affricates
Affrication
Alveo-Dental
Alveolars
Articulation
Manner of
Point of
Broad Transcription

Concord
Consonants
Context of Situation

Dental
Dento-Alveolars
Descriptive or Synchronic Approach
Diachronic or Historical Approach
Diacritical Marks
Diphthong
Duality of Speech

Epiglottis
Etymology