Vanessa Oraekwe
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On The Year Of Return 2019
Ghana’s Year of Return is being heralded as a massive development program for the
nation and a sentimental invitation of reconciliation for the ancestral descendants of those
displaced by the Transatlantic slave trade. The entire year of 2019 has been dedicated to events
, programs , re-enactments , policies and partnerships all pointed at remembrance of the four
hundred year anniversary of slave vessels leaving the coast of the West Africa. As a nation,
Ghana has made it their responsibility to attend to the fractured relationships of the African
Diaspora through continental and diasporic reparation and motivations that centre an outward
to inward facing African development model. The aspiration is that African descendants would
utilize their western education, resources, positionality and finances to help generate
development on the continent and build Panafrican solidarity. In this paper , I posit my
questioning on the idea of “Return” and the pervasive imperial structures that are maintained
in Panafrican discourses that are concerned with grief and an a compulsion to recuperate a lost
Africa as home. The Pan-African discourse in reference is insistent upon the recuperation of
Africa , Africa is then a space in its “post-colonial “status that is capable of reconciling the
trauma of transatlantic slavery and embracing its long lost “slave babies” (Hartman, 2007, p.4),
through notions of citizenship and repatriation (Amponsah , 2016,p.2). I utilize Byrd’s Transit of
Empire to help map indigenous and non indigenous relationships in correlation to the functions
of empire in the national space of Ghana. The intent is to generate a fuller conversation around
the incommensurability within African communities and diaspora and to analyze the ongoing
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conquest that impulsively seeks to eradicate indigenous knowledge. My questioning process is
mediated through historicizing Ghana’s socio-political climate, mapping diaspora and
Panafricanism , and assessing how imperialism and “Indianness” is imposed within the Year of
Return exchanges. My project seeks to grapple with loss inter-communally and centre Afro-
indigenous ways of knowing and living to encourage African communities to divest from the
hegemonic power structures that are continually mobilized to re-create dependency for African
communities transnationally.
As I discuss The year of return through tools exercised in Transit of Empire , I will briefly
introduce the generative spaces in the Bryd’s work that have been valuable in thinking through
my project. The ways in which movements and processes have relegated indigeneity as an “ a
priori” (xvii) i . Centering this understanding of settler colonialism calls into question the
trajectory and historical implications of western thought and explains how the dismantling of
western though traditions must deal with the assumed voids that are symbolic of imperial
transit. Immensurability of colonial experiences between racialized communities and
indigenous peoples signifies a need for cacophony in examining present and historical
conditions in order to avoid continuing the cycles of conquest induced by imperialism . As Bryd
states
“The cacophony of competing struggles of hegemony within and outside institutions of
power, no matter how those struggles might challenge the state… serves to misdirect
and cloud attention from the underlying structures of settler colonialism that made the
US possible as oppressor in the first place. As a result, the cacophony produced through
US colonialisms and imperialism domestically and abroad often coerces struggles for
social justice for queers, racial minorities, and immigrants into complicity with settler
colonialism. (xvii)”
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Bryd’s project speaks to settler colonialism , but for the sake of this project , I extend this
reasoning in “post-colonial” states in understanding that as empire has been mobilized in
“abroad” spaces out side of the American locale through globalization . As it relates the
incommensurability between social and cultural groups does not negate the interconnected
relationships and intersecting points that can account for elission , but rather this
incommensurability makes apparent the distinct nature of imperial strategies and is critical of
commensuration that works to flatten out crucial dynamics of colonialisms and oppressive
regimes . In the examples taken up by Byrd , there is a clear questioning of the assumed shared
categories and sites of oppression among marginalized people . Byrd highlights a type of for
granted-ness that mirrors the space of “a priori” or conceptual terra nullius dedicated to
Indigenous communities and the ways in which the hierarchal systems of the Global North
coerce the Global south into configurations of dependency (Byrd , 2011, p.20) . In this way
“post” colonial states occupy a liminality that assumes an Indianness as so constructed by
imperialism. And colonialism. In Transit of Empire we see a “making Indian” in multiple
context; one process posited toward the naturalizing of arrivants and settlers, one process of
equivocating racialized arrivants and indigenous peoples, one process enacted on the
indigenous body through ongoing conquest and one process of Indianizing those who empire
seeks to make conquest of. Each process justifies the other and contributes to flight of empire
that validates ongoing conquest globally and that requires the status quo of empire; which is to
continually “make Indian” and extend an empty and promising frontier.
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Critical to my analysis of the Ghanianan Year of Return is the default nothingness,
assumed void , and suggested barrenness in relation to Panafrican imaginings of loss and
present modes of development enacted by the state and motivated by non-Ghanaian actors.
Because of the imaginings of home that the Ghanaian national space has amassed under
colonial and panafricanist ideologies that dictate African as resourceful and full of tradition ,
the void is not of a complete emptiness but rather it isassumed as an indigenous incapacity
todevelop orderout ofa chaotic past and modernizing present . This position of African aid is
activated not only as a mechanism of empire but in movements that intend to counter
systemic oppression and the colonial project, as the Year Of Return . My analysis calls into
query the exchanges and relationships that inform the power dynamics among Diasporic
arrivants , Indigenous African peoples ,the Ghanaian state and neo colonial powers.
The provisions made in Transit of Empire aggravate silos of thought , accentuating how
cacophony as a methodology is insistent in reckoning with the incommensurability of histories
among indigenous groups and non indigenous racialized peoples. What is also emphasized is
the ways in which post-colonial and post structural traditions have replicated the using of
Indianness as transit-point in theorizing . My intention in this essay is to not repeat the pattern
of using Indigenous Turtle Island experiences to develop my argument by recreating voids that
have relegated indigeneity to the space of a priori. Instead , I intend to make use of the
theoretical strategies Bryd illustrates through the venue of indigenous thought to speak of
Indigenous Ghanainan interactions with exogenous actors . There are indeed sites of overlap
between colonial conquest has projected upon settler societies and “post”-colonial societies ,
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however , I recognize the specificities of settler -colonialism that differentiate Ghana and
settler –colonies. What is pertinent in utilizing indigenous thought and methodology is the shift
of thinking and reasoning to counter the hegemonic discourse that vies to attain world power
extends and/or parallels western empire under the category of Pan Africanism .
Panfricanist thought has historically has been articulated by African-descended peoples
fromoutside the continent . W.E.B DuBois , a prominent figure of Panfricanist thought with
significant connections to Ghana is credited with stating
“[t]he idea of one Africa uniting the thought and ideals of the dark continent belongs to
the twentieth century, and stems naturally from the West Indies and the United States.
Here various groups of Africans, quite separate in origin, became so united in
experience, and so exposed to the impact of a new culture, that they began to think
about Africa as one idea and one land”(Padmore, 1976, p. 14).
From this messaging , it is quite evident that Panafricanist thought in its classic theorizations
has been an exercise of thought developed by non-Indigenous African descended peoples. In
this circumstance of Panafricanist tradition , Africa is left to the imagination and construction of
exogenous imaginations , even if informed by theoretical practice and Black Diasporic
experience. The engine of Panafricanism is a movement “mobilized outof‘their unutterably
painful relation to the white world,’ which included the loss of Africa, forced pan-Africanists to
seek Africa again. To imagine a world where their relationship to Africa could be restored in a
particular way or where the desire for Africa would/could be made real.” ( Amponsah, 2014) I
echo Minabere Ibelemain in questioning “Africans and the African Diaspora have enough in
common to make pan-Africanism a meaningful ideology or basis for policy and action” (Ibelma,
2014 , pg.52). The vein of Panafricanism mobilized by the diasporic world differs from
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Pafricanism that existed out of colonial independence movement for indigenous Africans living
on the African; for the indigenous “ pan-Africanism served as a collective platform for self-
definition and an onerous struggle against colonialism”(Momoh, 2003, pg. 3). Panafricanism in
the western world revolved around race inequity whereas Pafricanism on the continent was
situated around independence movements and anti-colonialism. These differing Panafricanist
thought realizations are subject to imperialist, hierarchal designations that subjugate the Global
South to the Global North. As Ghana exist as a “post” colonial developing project of the Global
South, the colonial inheritance of the bounded geographical space often times persist to
bottleneck indigenous resources and epistemologies for the consumption of the Global North .
Western interest in this scenario frames the condition of possibility for Panafricanist discourse
that has been developed in settled societies by displaced peoples in longing for a true lost
home. As Panfricanism deals with colonialism and neo-colonialism (Kah , 2016, pg.146) , there
are gappages in approach that fails to account for the ways in which settler colonialism
interacts with Disaporic peoples , and how then the unthought of indigeneity is implicated in
the imagining of Africa as home.
In approaching the concept of the Year of Return , it is within reason to briefly trace the
construction of the geographical space and it’s transition from British colony to the Republic of
Ghana. Ghana was the first African nation to declare its independence from the British Empire
on March 6th 1957. The nations first President Kwame Nkrumah , a Panafricanist schooled
abroad in the United States . Nkrumahs educational career in the United States afforded him an
awareness of the plight of African American peoples that expanded his view of colonial
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oppression to the African globally (Biney 2007, pg.53). The radical influences of socialism and
black liberation during the civil rights movement in the United States fueled Nkrumahs
dedication to the liberation of African peoples transnationally and the national liberation of his
peoples from the grips of colonial rule. Nkrumahs preparation for return home is
demonstrated in the following letter where he penned
“Every preparation that I am making here is for the interest of Africa. I have always
dreamed of a United States of West Africa under African hegemony to be brought about
through the aid of the United States Government and the Governments of Europe with
interest in West Africa. This may sound utopian and impossible, nevertheless it has been
my dream” (Nkrumah,119)
As Nkrumah set forth to reify his dream, he began his political career upon return. Nkrumahs
panafrican politics marked his campaign and presidency as he encouraged “an African
Personality that should disentangle Africa from dependency to European and American cultural
entanglements”. His approach of governance was grounded on the Black world, that is, on the
unity of all Black people around the world (Kah, 2007, pg29). Nkrumah’s memorialized words
and policies have solidified Ghana as a Mecca of Panafricanism and Black people
internationally, his objective was achieving a United States of Africa in eradicating colonialism.
Renowned Black figures from the continent and diaspora ventured into Ghana during
Nkurumahs preesidency building organizations, and alliances with desires to enmesh with
Ghanaian society and participate in the African Liberation . The elite expatriate ensemble that
surrounded Nkrumah is apparent of the reparational attitude the Ghanaian state had invested
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in, in its characterizing of a Nation for all Black peoples. However, Nkrumah’s construction of
Ghana was fleeting as his presidency was faced with resentment from indigenous Ghanaians
who resented Nkrumahs organizing of the state. (Biney, 2007) Nkrumahs envisioning and
intentional consolidation of the Ghananian national consciousness served the purpose of
marketing the nation as a transnational beacon for African union . Of course this history us
nuanced , as aforementioned , indigenous Ghanaians waged political war with Nkrumah in
confrontation of the supposed decadence of his political stint that eventually led the other
throw of his office .However, what is significant is the legacy and myths of home purported
upon the Ghanaian national consciousness and how this characterization is historically linked to
the early imaginings of the nation. There is a dual configuration of this consciousness that has
to account for the exogenous (specifically African American influence) and the conception and
translation of that influence as it melded with endogenous pressures of independence and
nation building. I contend that the Pan Africanism assumed by the Ghanaian state in
contemporary times has commodified for a sort of Black liberation and Panafricanist politic that
is heavily concerned with economic development and therefore gets entrapped in
consequences of empire.
The commodification of Panafricanism by the Ghanainan state is illustrated in the
Ministry of Tourism and Diaspora’s initiative launched in 2007 entitled The Joseph project and
The more recent Year of Return 2019 . The Joseph project was launched as an apology by the
Ghanaian state to descendents of those whose ancestors were enslaved via the trans-Atlantic
slave trade alongside recognition of 200 years since slave abolition. The project attempted to
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reconcile and provide reparations to the African diaspora in order to recuperate the loss
experienced through chattle slavery. The project is named after the biblical figure of Joseph .
As the bible narration follows , Joseph was manipulated into slavery by his brothers as they
held jealousy towards him (Amponsah, 2014) .As it relates , the appeal of the Ghanaian state is
to hold themselves accountable to their ancestors who of which they “helped enslave” and
their descendants by rightfully extending invitation of return. Along with the return invitation is
the incentivizing of investment opportunities that will help stimulate Ghanaian economy for the
sake of the shared “homeland”. Apologies like that framed through the Joseph Project "create
pastness by connecting existing collectivities to past ones that either perpetuated wrongs or
were victimized (Truillot , 2004, pg.171)".
The Year of Return commemorates 400 years since slave ships left the West African
coast , but aims at the same reconciliation taken up by the Joseph project. It is projected that
the pilgrimages taken because of the Year of Return and like projects directed by the Ghanaian
state will add 5 billion to Ghanas economy by the year 2027. The Government is keen on “the
investment potential and human capital of the highly educated [arrivants]…who decide to move
permanently to Ghana”. (Asiedu, 2018).
Foundations provided from Transit of Empire
The invitation of return assumes a void and the possibility of self actualization for those
desperate in the African America diapsora for ancestral reunion . What is present in the call for
return is an Indianness supposed upon Ghanaian indigenous peoples and landscape that is
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implied when the assumed higher skilled, better resourced African westerners are beckoned
upon to provide economic and development upturn for the nation . The equivocating of
ancestral lineage of African descended peoples , Ghanaian or otherwise , to that of Indigenous
African peoples is over purported to stage a performance of indigenizing and loss redemption .
Ghana is imagined as a place frozen in time in which future and past African ghost can collide
and reconcile the woes of betrayal acted out by Africans who sold their brothers into slavery.
In this action, African indigeneity is in transit. As the modern African arrivees collide with the
past, they are able to make modern and further develop the Ghanaian state as their grief
transform into profit . The entry points into the Ghanaian national and imagined space is
contingent on racialization. This racialization is in alignment with Panafricanist discourse that
places exceptionalism upon the category of Blackness and are generative the maintenance of
imperial conquest that continue to entrap African people. This is to say that , Panafricanist
discourse that centralizing race as a mobilizing force does not account for intersections of
indigenity , conversations of settler colonialism how that affects how empire is transited within
the Black world . What is present in this reasoning is the absent presence of indigenous
futures outside of the commodification of African loss and colonial constructions of
progress.The incommensurability of African identities among African communities are left
unreckoned with and the Ghanaian narration of Return fails to address internal processes of
colonial legacy beyond economic underdevelopment. As development is essential to these
diasporic transaction , indigenous Ghanaians are liable to not hold power in exchanges , as
stated by
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“Since the redistribution of resources is at the centre of trans- national development
rituals, they emphasise the respectability, gener- osity and solidarity as the most salient
features of the "diaspora". But this also means that systematic silences are created
about the predica- ments of less privileged Ghanaians.... This selectivity is constitutive to
the imaginary of diaspora and its reference to development. Thereby claims of
belonging and citizenship rights are raised from which those migrants in the centre of
the discourse profit more than those who re- main invisible at its margin” (Nieswand,
2009, pg. 28)
What is also vital is the considering cacophony in understating the disparities amoung both
communities . As Byrd states
“Cacophony, therefore, focuses not only vertically on the interactions between the
colonizer and colonized, but horizontally between different minority oppressions within
settler and arrivant landscapes on the baseline between racialization and conquest”
(Byrd, 2011, pg.31) .
In this situating of the Year of Return , the vantage point of how the Year of Return is being
constructed veers from a particular perspective point of the reconciling transatlantic slavery .
However the prominent voice is animated in dual revolutions all converging towards the
vanishing point of indigeneity. African American arrivants and the Ghanaian states iterations of
Panafricanism commands the process of movement .
Return ?
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In the case of Ghana , the state has taken the responsibility of situating transatlantic
slavery as a history worth reconciling through African-American repatriation and tourism .The
state in turn benefits from the economic increase and resources afforded by their arrivant class
who are able to indigenize themselves through genomic processes (ancestry test) and ritual
processs ( retracing their ancestors journey thorough the door of no return ii . The tone to
which histories compete is latent within the exchanges between Indigenous Ghanaians and
aririvee’s . As Sadiya Hartman makes reference to in her book Losing Your Mother , there are
uneven sentiments for arrivant African Americans and Indigenous Ghanaians who fail to
establish familial ties under their shared/ un shared histories ( Hartman, 2007). Local Ghanaian
national understanding of slavery have only been recently revisited and made curricular
because of the lucrative heritage tourism that has been steadily increasing and marketed by the
nation. Because of colonialism, subjugation of knowledge and shame, Ghana like many west
African societies have been distanced from the transatlantic slave trade from the vantage point
of the African . This psychic dissonance has enabled a conscious distancing; the African-
American diaspora are descendants of African ancestry who memorialize a distant past but do
not neatly fit into the familiar Ghanaian indigenous identity beyond their historical connection.
The African American imaginations of home have been negotiated between the realm of
liminality and double consciousness assumed in the category of African – American . As Ghana
has taken on the responsibility of repatriation , Ghana fits as a qualifier of the imagined African
home for those in longing of qualifying their African-ness in specific ways . Because the
Ghanaian state has declared Ghana as a state in need of support from those descended from
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the continent (who are dedicated to Black Liberation) , Ghana and its long lost citizens can
articulate reconciliation through The Year of Return . However, the tune to which Ghanaian
consciousness and African American consciousness sounds are of competing noise and the
reception of return is a venue of romance ,loss and even exploitation when one examines the
exchanges beyond the veneer of a Pan Africanism that revolves around a supposed unified
Black identity.
In the accentuation of Return , one is led to question what is the Return to? The return
mobilized by the state and one dimensional Panafricanist idealizations of home seem to crux
this return upon racial solidarity and economic development . Race poses as the structure in
which the traumas of slavery can be reconciliated and dismantled , at least temporally and in
immediate social and geographical interaction , by integrating into an predominately Black ,
African led state.This basis for reconciliation is motivated by confronting racial oppression that
was onset by the Trans-Atlantic slave trade and the construction of Blackness in the western
world . Being that race categories are socially mediated depending on geography and social
space , the Black Africaness imagined and experienced by non-Ghananians is not the same Black
Africanness imagined or embodied by Black African Ghananians . The commensuration of these
distinct identities unified under the category of Blackness is not sufficient in accounting for
disparities in the respective communities. The desire to be native complicates the possibility of
exchange as African American diaspora make claims for indigeneity and indigenous African
communities meet this desire in varied ways because of the how indigeneity is organized in
multi-ethnic Ghanaian society. As Ghana positions the return upon African lineage, the project
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seeks to confront the loss and question of who is allowed to lay claims to African identity as
opposed to transforming the power structures that produced the Ghanaian state and relegated
Ghanian-ness as an identity to be re-claimed. In the popularizing of the Year of Return
campaign , what is central is immense loss and what is sought after is gain; capital and
otherwise. In this way , African -American identity assumes emptiness that is capable of being
fulfilled through the transitory space of Ghana. Once fulfilled , the abundance can aptly flow
through the emerging of the American-African and Americanised African space. Return is
juxtaposed with development and progress and is a moment of Sankofaiii that only
acknowledges the spaces of offense that are able to justify capital return. The histories of inter-
indigenous conflict, colonial invented tradition , amalgamations , internal loss and movements
are less contended with.These histories stand to de-mystify the authenticity of Ghanaian
material and ancient culture . In this composition, Ghana the homeland has been fixed in
suspension in diasporic transmutations of “home” and painful repressed histories / presences
of colonization that have been buried in the open in “post-colonial “ Ghana.
Mechanisms of Empire push the Global south to participate in globalization and
compete in the international market . As empire has been transited in historical and
contemporary forms , the ways in which Indian-ness is adopted on “developing” landscapes is
attributive of imperial conquest even in contemporary scenarios where “post-colonial” states
are sovereign . The Ghanaian state marketing heritage tourism and repatriation as an
admittedly economic endeavour can not be separated from the impulse of empire and isolated
into a sentimental narration of kinship loss and return.. Pandering to specific Diasporic
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communities in the extension of the return invitation is indicative of the system of knowledge
and resource that it desired and valued most by the Ghanaian state. Ghanaian realities are
pressured with “modernizing” projects and pathways that implicate the individual ,
encouraging massive brain drain in the nation , and that implicate the national arena through
partnerships with multi-national corporations and development programs . Endemic to the
modernizing regime is colonial ideologies of civilizing missions that deem Africa as uncivilized ,
“backward” , populated with bodies unequipped to manage its rich resources and therefore in
need of aid. Ghana’s approach to Return , does not intend to critically challenge these
normative renderings of African societies , it instead mobilizes the discourse around African
capacity as dependent through a caricature of national grievance and capital accumulation from
the Black western population who’s association to the western world is able to be transformed
into African wealth. I recognize this display as caricature , as caricature presumes mimicry and
impersonation ; the Ghanaian state is assuming an understating and experience of Transatlantic
grief that is not centred upon the perspective of those who did not endure the middle passage;
not centred on those Ghanaians themselves who sold their brothers into slavery . The length to
which indigenous psychology is examined is limited to declarations of regret and promises to
not allow such atrocities to occur again .The centring of the African-American trauma is
insisted upon whereas the trauma of the indigenous is not engaged with . It is critical to
recognize the gravitas of American Empire and what affect that has on the commodification of
African-American experience in the diaspora and globally. The visibility of African-American
trauma and its marketability is commodified by the Ghanaian state because of African-
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American subjectivity as wells as African American imaginings of home within Panafricanist
ideologies that deem Ghana as the safe home for the Black world. Emphasis on apology from
the African traders and touring slave dungeons does little to rattle the systems that produced
the violence imposed on the category of Black African-ness and the neocolonialism existent in
“post”-colonial Ghana. Instead, American empire is the aspiration behind the call to manifest
destiny upon the land in reunification of a specific past in order to produce a specific
forwarding.
The Year of Return is an interesting collision of historical grief and contemporary issues
of citizenship and reconciliation. As my project develops, I intend to explore the unravelling of
the Year of Return in order to form clearer possible interventions concerning Diaspora,
indigeneity and decolonization. There is a conversation around the African elite that will
possibly add depth to the discourse around nation building and alignment with capitalist
systems of exploitation in a globalizing world as it affects Africans states; the focal point in this
paper did not allow me to fully contend with this subject matter. In this point of my analysis my
focus has been centered on the ways in which tenets of settler colonization have been
transposed through the transit of empire and specifically how that has affected Panafricanism’s
utility in organizing. As an alternative, in the future I’m considering engaging with Black
Internationalism as a methodological approach , its articulation it supposes itself as a tool in
approaching African solidarity and mobilizing against colonial forces but is critical of
exceptionalizing Blackness and allows space for incommensurability within Black communities.
As my project progress’s , it is my intention to explore developments in Black African Diasporas
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and engage in thought processes and theoretical tools that are capable of rendering Black
existences beyond the limitations of empire and colonialist essentialisms .
i
A priori as described by Byrd as a prior to theorizations of origin, history freedom , constraint and justice . As a space it
denotes an unthought , always assumed prior to .
ii
The Door of no return is a opening at the Cape Coast slave castle that enslaved Africans passed through in boarding slave
ships for transatlantic slave trade.
iii
Sankofa is Akan symbol for return that literally translates to “go back and get it”
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