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European Archaeology Evidence and All That Jazz

The document discusses archaeological evidence of Danish Vikings, including their religion, clothing, and battle tactics. It notes that Vikings had both Nordic and Christian iconography and were not strictly pagan. It describes the types of clothing Vikings wore and the natural dyes available for coloring clothing and textiles during the Viking Age.

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David Carter
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0% found this document useful (0 votes)
55 views23 pages

European Archaeology Evidence and All That Jazz

The document discusses archaeological evidence of Danish Vikings, including their religion, clothing, and battle tactics. It notes that Vikings had both Nordic and Christian iconography and were not strictly pagan. It describes the types of clothing Vikings wore and the natural dyes available for coloring clothing and textiles during the Viking Age.

Uploaded by

David Carter
Copyright
© © All Rights Reserved
We take content rights seriously. If you suspect this is your content, claim it here.
Available Formats
Download as DOCX, PDF, TXT or read online on Scribd
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Archaeological Evidence for European Danes

NOTE: This whole document is basically made from quotes so assume a giant set of quotation marks at the start
of this and at the end. I do not OWN any of the images etc.

Religion

We know nothing it is that simple. The best things we can look at are the Icelandic Sagas, but they are still not
amazing, and other first-hand account of the period are either written by people looking in or propaganda.
Though what we can guess from grave finds is that Vikings had both Nordic and Christian iconography, the
whole creation of angry pagans is a myth basically. The Vikings didn’t care what religion you were, as long you
would trade with them. The reason for all the attacks on religious sites is that they were wealthy and
unprotected; Gods had no role in it. If you look especially in trading ports and the East (especially in the East)
we can assume the Christian God was just another god that was prayed to alongside Wotan and Freya. The
Danes that were not baptised even made ‘Viking Crosses’ so that the Christian towns would trade with them.

A Random piece I found

The Vikings had no professional standing army, and tactics and discipline seem to have been fairly rudimentary.
They did not fight in regular formations, although the bonds of loyalty between men and their lords would have
given their armies some cohesion. Weapons training began in youth in hunting, sports and raiding. Aspiring
warriors sought armed service in the retinues of the famous, for which they hoped to be rewarded with weapons
and fame of their own. A leader therefore needed to wage war frequently in order to keep his following and
maintain power against rivals.

In preparation for battle the younger warriors would draw up in line, with their shields overlapping in a 'shield-
wall' for better protection; their chiefs were well defended by a close bodyguard. The older veterans formed up
in support behind them. Battle then began by throwing a spear over the enemy line to dedicate them to Odin, it
is said, and this was followed by a shower of spears, arrows and other missiles.

If this was not enough to decide the outcome, each side then attempted to break through and rout the opposition,
capturing or killing their leaders if possible. The experienced commander knew that the best way to achieve this
was by forming a wedge of 20 to 30 warriors, with its point towards the enemy line in what was known as the
svinfylking, or 'boar formation' also knows as the Swine King, and then charge, hoping to break through by
sheer weight of numbers.

Clothing and grooming

Observers in the early Middle Ages comment on the great care Norsemen took over their general appearance.
The number of combs found on Viking sites show a deep concern for grooming. The wellcoiffured head on the
Sigtuna elk-antler carving, with its impressive handlebar moustache, show this to be more than just an interest in
de-lousing. Personal hygiene 'kits', some highly decorative, have been found in both male and female graves.
These include tweezers for plucking superfluous hair and tiny spoons for removing ear-wax. Only a person of
status could afford to spend time on such activities. Consequently a well turned out appearance would be the
hallmark of the warrior of middle or high rank. Dressing for war was not so much a matter of uniform or
camouflage but an expression of wealth and pride. The warrior would appear in his finest and most conspicuous
clothing. Participants in feuds are recognised at distance by characteristic items of apparel. The intention often
appears to be the advertisement rather than concealment of their presence. Shoes and boots were constructed of
leather or hide usually obtained from cattle but sometimes from seals or reindeer. The ancient name for a hide
shoe was Hriflingr. Someone of wealth might be expected to wear more elegant footwear of dressed skin like
those found in Hungate and Coppergate in York. Boots and shoes were made in a variety of styles. They could
be cut from a single piece of leather or made up from two sections stitched along a vamp—a seam running along
the upper towards the toe of the shoe. Soles were usually made from separate pieces of leather. Footwear could
be in other than natural colours. A sock was discovered at Coppergate knitted of woollen yarn, but apparently
not shaped to allow for the heel and toes.
Clothing was generally made from hand woven linen and wool. The lighter garments, such as undertunics and
some trousers were made from linen while wool was used for heavier clothing such as over tunics or kertles,
aprons and cloaks.

Normally when selecting colours try and stick to ‘single dyes’ such as the one shown below. These are colours
that can be achieved with a single dye and won’t need colours to be combined to create.

Representations of tunics from the first two centuries of the Viking Age show knee-length garments with full
skirts gathered at the waist, usually by a belt. There is little change until the later part of the period. The neck of
the tunic could be square or round, and was fastened by a drawstring, garment hook, or sometimes by a single
bead used as a button. The sleeves were usually long, to the wrist or longer. From the elbow to the cuff the
sleeve was close-fitting but not tight enough to prevent wrinkles appearing when pushed back up the fore-arm.
A placket might be fitted around the neckhole or a length of tablet-woven braid. Similar decoration might be
found applied to the hem and cuffs. Embroidery was an alternative to braid. Sections of material of a contrasting
colour could be inset to add width to the skirt of the tunic. The colours used on the Bayeux Tapestry are a good
guide to those available in the Viking period. Dyeing technology is not likely to have changed radically before
the end of the ninth century. The impressive permanence of the Bayeux colours suggests the use of an effective
(and presumably expensive) mordant. There is no reason that such materials would not have been available in
Scandinavia by import, if not by indigenous production. Undyed material was probably widely used by the poor,
although Vikings of higher status would favour more colourful attire. Cloaks of rectangular or square shape
appear to have been the norm, they can be seen worn by warriors though not usually in combat. They were After
the IIth century (Royal Armouries, Tower of London) held at the shoulders by a brooch or pin. Embroidered
cloaks are also mentioned in the sagas. Hoods could be improvised by folding the cloaks or possibly added to
the garment as separate pieces of material. Relics of civilian headgear, which would have been worn when
helmets were inappropriate, include the fur-trimmed hat from Birka which was influenced by eastern fashions.
The detached hood of red-brown tabby-weave silk found in the Coppergate dig is assumed to be an item of
female dress, (although the main argument for this appears to be a photograph of the item being worn by a 20th
century lady researcher). Hats of felt are described in several sagas and Odin is said to have worn a broad-
brimmed version as part of a disguise [This is a Phil note about the Odin hat, it is worth noting that this
description is from a Saga written a long time after the Viking age so take it with a pinch of salt]. Other dress
accessories (which might also be worn in battle), include leather belts with decorated buckles and strap ends.
Belts were usually narrow, less than one inch wide. Belt fittings were mostly of copper alloy, examples carved
in bone and painted in verdigris were less common. Additional equipment could include a leather pouch; Purses
were often of the type cut as a thin disc of leather closed by a drawstring looped through holes in the rim. A
larger version of this, the nestbaggin, acted as a haversack for the campaigning Viking.

A Viking Age colour palette

On the next page is an article explaining what coloured dyes were used, if that is too long to read then just
below is the TLDR version.
Colours Available Wool:

England: Red (Widespread) Blue (Common) Black (Uncommon) White (Common) Green (Uncommon) Purple
(Uncommon) Brown (Uncommon) Yellow (Common)

Scandinavian and Eastern: Red (Common) Blue (Widespread) Black (Nope) White (Common) Green
(Uncommon) Purple (Uncommon) Brown (Common) Yellow (Common)

Ireland: Purple (Common) Then see as England

Colours Available Linen: White, Natural, Grey and Blue

The following is from a paper about Natural dyes and colours used during the Viking age.

The Information from this article I have checked with others and they all say the same thing. They have not been
copied as saying the same thing over again would be a waste of space.

Colors, Dyestuffs, and Mordants of the Viking Age: An Introduction

Copyright © 1991, 1997, 1998, 1999 Carolyn Priest-Dorman

“This article is intended as an aid to people, generally re-enactors, who are engaged in experiments with natural
dyestuffs. It is basically a list of which dyes and dyestuffs are known (or strongly believed by experts) to have
been used in the Viking Age. It is purposely not detailed with respect to geographic information. That
information can be found by consulting the sources listed at the end of the article. Also, for the purpose of this
article the term "Viking Age" covers the period 800-1066 in northern Europe (i.e., not just Scandinavia but also
the British Isles and the areas bordering the Baltic and North Seas). The international trade enjoyed by these
areas permitted the free flow of dyestuffs, mordants, and textiles across wide distances; accordingly, textile
products throughout northern Europe shared a basic set of dyestuffs in the Viking Age. Local products varied, of
course; see below for more on that subject.

Through the use of modern chemical analysis it can be demonstrated that certain plants, chemical coloring
agents, and classes of colorants were known and used on textiles from the Viking Age. For more specifics about
the types of analysis in current use, see especially the works of Taylor, Tomlinson, and Walton listed below.

Based on chemical analyses of actual wool textiles, the following plants were more or less certainly used to dye
wool textiles of the Viking Age.

 Galium boreale (northern bedstraw)


 Isatis tinctoria L. (woad)
 Juglans regia (English walnut)
 Rubia tinctorium L. (madder)
 Xanthoria parietina (common yellow wall-lichen, also called shore lichen)
 at least one lichen that yields purples, possibly from Ochrolechia tartarea

Based on chemical analyses of actual imported silk textiles, the following dyestuffs were more or less certainly
used to dye imported silk textiles available in the Viking Age.

 Kermes vermilio (a red Old World bug dye)


 Reseda luteola (weld)
 Rubia tinctorium L. (madder)
 indigotin from woad or indigo
 a lichen purple, possibly from Rocella tinctoris
The following additional plants were most likely used to dye textiles of the Viking Age. Either they sport
appropriate chemical proportions of the colorants listed below, or they have been found in Viking Age
archaeological contexts suggesting use as dyestuffs.

 Calluna vulgaris L. (heather)


 Diphasium complanatum (also called Lycopodium complanatum, a type of clubmoss probably used as
a mordant due to its aluminum content)
 Genista tinctoria L. (broom)
 Reseda luteola L. (weld)

The following unidentified colorants were definitely used to dye textiles of the Viking Age.

 "Yellow X" (see below)

And for the chemists among you, the following chemical colorants were definitely used to dye textiles of the
Viking Age.

 Alizarin
 Flavone (on silk)
 Indigotin
 Luteolin
 Pseudopurpurin
 Purpurin

The following mordants are fairly certain to have been used to dye textiles of the Viking Age.

 alum
 copper (from bronze dyepots)
 iron
 tannin (possibly from elm bark, Alnus glutinosa)

Colors on Wool

Wool, the chief textile fiber of the Viking Age, was available in white as well as many different natural shades
of browns and greys. Such shades could be and often were spun and woven without ever being dyed. Wool dyes
very easily, though, and many finds of wool from the Viking Age were dyed in once-bright colors. Sometimes a
dyer might use a naturally pigmented wool rather than a white one.

A report on the analysis of 220 samples of Viking Age textiles mentions 90 samples which yielded evidence of
dyes. The samples come from Dublin, Jorvík, and 19 sites in Norway and Denmark; the dyes mentioned are

red from madder or bedstraw; a purple derived from lichens; our mysterious yellow X [from an unidentified
plant]; and a colorant identified as indigotin, almost certainly derived from woad. The insect dye kermes has
also been found, and luteolin, presumably from weld, but only on imported silks. (Walton 1988b, 17)
Yellow X is still unknown. Chemical testing has eliminated 25 possible dyestuffs, including weld, broom,
buckthorn, heather, chamomile, and saffron (see Walton 1988a for a complete list of dyestuffs tested).

Blended colors are also represented. Indigotin was used in conjunction with other dyes to produce several
purples (with madder) and a green (with the unidentified yellow). Madder and lichen used in conjunction
yielded a red-violet result (Walton 1988, 18, figure 9). Some evidence of brown from walnut shells has also
been found, as well as one or two pieces that were intentionally dyed very dark brownish-black with walnut
shells and iron (Hägg 1984, 289).

The chemical evidence of textiles from several different sites seems to point to a preponderance of particular
colors appearing in particular areas: reds in the Danelaw, purples in Ireland, and blues and greens in Scandinavia
proper (Walton 1988, 18). This seeming preference could of course be explained by any number of variables--
availability of dyestuffs, the differing site climates, or the sheer vagaries of archaeological discovery. However,
although it is carefully hedged, there is a hypothesis in the scientific world that this might possibly reflect
regional color preferences rather than archaeochemical factors. It is pleasant to think that this sort of "Viking
heraldry" might have been practiced.

Colors on Linens

Linen does not take most historic dyes readily, even when a mordant is used. Accordingly, linen was often
bleached or left its natural color (grey if dew-retted, straw if water-retted). Substantive dyes such as woad,
however, are fairly successful; accordingly, blue linen may have been more common than we know. There are a
few examples of woad- and madder-dyed linens from Birka.

Colors on Silks

Imported silks may have gotten their colors from plants or other materials not available in northwestern Europe,
such as indigo or Tyrian ("royal") purple. No further consideration is given to this issue in this article.”

Sources

Duff, D.G., and R.S. Sinclair. 1988. "The Use of Aluminium in Clubmoss as a Dye Mordant." Dyes in History
and Archaeology 7, pp. 25-31.

Report on controlled chemical experiments with three clubmosses and synthetic alizarin.

Geijer, Agnes. 1938. Die Textilfunde aus den Gräbern. Birka: Untersuchungen und Studien III. Uppsala: Kungl.
Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets Akadamien, 1938.

Not much on the dyestuffs, and it's usually buried in the text.

Hägg, Inga. 1984. Die Textilfunde aus dem Hafen von Haithabu. Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Haithabu,
Bericht 20. Neumünster: Karl Wachholz Verlag.

These textiles were recycled remnants of clothing. Not much information, but a brief chemical report by Helmut
Schweppe.

Hald, Margrethe. 1980. Ancient Danish Textiles from Bogs and Burials, trans. Jean Olsen. Copenhagen:
National Museum of Denmark.

Brief note about some positive identifications of indigotin in the raw materials chapter, but most of this work
has long since been superseded.

Hall, A.R. 1983. "Evidence of Dyeplants from Viking Age York and Medieval Beverley." Dyes on Historical
and Archaeological Textiles 2, p. 25.

A concise early summary, anticipating some of his later work.

Hall, A.R.; P.R. Tomlinson, R.A. Hall, G.W. Taylor, and P. Walton. 1984. "Dyeplants from Viking York."
Antiquity LVIII, no. 222 (March 1984), pp. 58-60.

Discusses the contexts of several of the finds of dyestuffs.

Hall, Allan R., and Philippa Tomlinson. 1989. "Archaeological Records of Dye Plants--An Update--With a Note
on Fullers' Teasels." Dyes in History and Archaeology 8 [page numbers missing in my copy].

Adds another Anglo-Scandinavian site at York (Queen's Hotel) to the list of places that have revealed dyestuffs.
Hanks of harvested broom were found there.
Heckett, Elizabeth. 1987. "Some Hiberno-Norse Headcoverings from Fishamble Street and St. John's Lane,
Dublin." Textile History 18, no. 2, pp. 159-174.

Archaeological examination of the little coifs worn in Dublin in the tenth and eleventh centuries. Dye analysis
turned up colors on the silk ones but no colors on the wool ones.

Hundt, Hans-Jürgen. 1981.Die Textil- und Schnurreste aus der Frühgeschichtlichen wurt Elisenhof. Studien zur
Küstenarchäologie Schleswig-Holsteins, Serie A. Elisenhof: Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrabung der
Frühgeschichtlichen Marschenseidlung beim Elisenhof in Eiderstedt 1957/58 und 1961/64, Band 4. Frankfurt
am Main/Bern: Peter D. Lang, 1981.

Textiles from a proto-Viking Age town (6th to 8th centuries) in Schleswig, North Germany. Chemical report on
the dyestuffs by Helmut Schweppe.

Ingstad, Anne Stine. 1982. "The Functional Textiles from the Oseberg Ship." Textilsymposium Neumünster:
Archäologische Textilfunde, 6.5. - 8.5.1981., ed. Lise Bender Jørgensen and Klaus Tidow, pp. 85-96.
Neumünster: Textilmuseum Neumünster.

The garments, sails, and bedclothes from Oseberg, sketchily catalogued and discussed. Very rare information,
very useful.

Pritchard, Frances. 1983. "Evidence of Dyeing Practices from a Group of Late Saxon Textiles from London."
Dyes on Historical and Archaeological Textiles 2, pp. 22-24.

Notable for proposing an identity for lichen purple--Ochrolechia tartarea.

-----. 1984. "Late Saxon Textiles from the City of London." Medieval Archaeology 28 (1984), pp. 46-76.

Some interesting conclusions about when in the textile process the dyeing occurred. Backs away from a
definitive identity for lichen purple.

Pritchard, Frances. 1992. "Aspects of the Wool Textiles from Viking Age Dublin." Archaeological Textiles in
Northern Europe: Report from the 4th NESAT Symposium 1.-5.May 1990 in Copenhagen, ed. Lise Bender
Jørgensen and Elisabeth Munksgaard, pp. 93-104. Tidens Tand 5. Copenhagen: Udgivet af Konservatorskolen
Kulturhistorisk Linie/Det Kongelige Dansk Kunstakademi.

Summarizes types of extant wool textiles from tenth- to twelfth-century Dublin. Lists dyestuffs identified.

Taylor, G.W. 1983. "Detection and Identification of Dyes on Anglo-Scandinavian Textiles." Studies in
Conservation 28, pp. 153-160.

Technical. Discussion is confined to finds of blue and red dyes due to limitations of the technology. Plenty of
discussion about red dyes.

-----. 1990. "On the nature of dyeings with madder and related dyestuffs." Dyes in History and Archaeology 9,
pp. 23-26.

Focuses on the problem of identifying sources of the colorant pseudopurpurin. Recounts an interesting
experiment: several red dyestuffs are used at different temperatures and their thin-layer chromatography results
compared. Also summarizes the results of an earlier madder experiment by Su Grierson.

Tomlinson, Philippa. 1985. "Use of Vegetative Remains in the Identification of Dyeplants from Waterlogged
9th-10th century AD Deposits at York." Journal of Archaeological Science 12, pp. 269-283.

Heavily botanical approach, focusing on the identification process for each set of plant specimens.
Tomlinson, Philippa, and Allan Hall. 1984. "Progress in Palaeobotanical Studies of Dye Plants 1983/4." Dyes
on Historical and Archaeological Textiles 3, pp. 28-29.

Suggests that remains of heather (Calluna vulgaris) found at Anglo-Scandinavian York served as a dyestuff.

Walton, Penelope. 1988a. "Dyes and Wools in Iron Age Textiles from Norway and Denmark." Journal of
Danish Archaeology 7, pp. 144-158.

A report of a 1985 project: laboratory analysis of over 50 textile samples for fleece type and dyestuff content.
Includes several samples from the Viking Age, many of them from lesser-known sites. Text includes many
graphs and a complete catalogue of findings in table format.

Walton, Penelope. 1988b. "Dyes of the Viking Age: A Summary of Recent Work." Dyes in History and
Archaeology 7, pp. 14-19.

Although kind of technical, the best few-page summary out there. Contains information on spectrochemical
analysis as well as botanical information for various Viking Age dyes.

Walton, Penelope. 1989. Textiles, Cordage and Fiber from 16-22 Coppergate. The Archaeology of York, Vol.
17: The Small Finds, Fascicule 5. Dorchester: The Council for British Archaeology and The Dorset Press.

Careful, detailed archaeological analysis of the textiles found from the late ninth- through early eleventh-century
period of the Anglo-Scandinavian site of Jorvik. Helpful discussion on the colors, especially with respect to
lichen purple.

Walton, Penelope. 1991. "Dyes and wools in textiles from Mammen (Bjerringhøj), Denmark." Mammen: Grav,
kunst og samfund i vikingetid, ed. Mette Iversen, Ulf Näsman, and Jens Vellev, pp. 139-43. Viborg, Denmark:
Viborg Stiftsmuseums raekke bind 1. Jysk Arkaeologisk Selskabs Skrifter 28.

A technical report on results of several tested textile samples from Mammen; includes fleece types, fiber sizes,
and some good in-depth information on red plant dyes”
“Women would typically have worn a linen undergarment covered by a long woolen dress or skirt that came
down to the feet. Shell-shaped broaches often held the straps of the chest in place around the chest. Researchers
have discovered that some dresses features fitted sleeves that appear to have been added as fashions changed. In
some cases skirts were pleated while threads of silk, silver and gold were used to embroider and decorate
dresses. The women would also have worn a cloak, closed around the front of the chest, with a hat or headscarf.
Women's jewellery changes through the Viking ages with the design of chains and different types of buckles
altering with time.

Men would have worn a linen tunic worn under another tunic made of wool. They would have worn trousers or
knee length pantaloons along with a rectangular cloak or cape fixed at the shoulder. In some cases men are also
found to have worn pointed hats or caps. Analysis of dyes in textiles worn by Vikings in Denmark, Norway,
London, York and Dublin have shown that while people in Dublin preferred purple fabrics, the majority worn in
England were red. In Scandinavia the Vikings preferred blue.”

Dr Ulla Mannering, a senior archaeology researcher at the Centre for Textile Research at the National Museum
in Copenhagen
The Skjoldenhamn tunic and trousers, found in a Norway.

The Coppergate Turn shoe found in York. Circa 9th-10th century.

Coppergate sock, 10th century created via nalbinding technique.


Viking-age shoes probably didn't last long - perhaps a few months to half a year before they wore out and were
replaced. As a result, worn-out shoes are common finds in Viking-era trash pits.

In some regions, leather survives well, and complete examples of a number of different shoe styles have been
found. The illustration to the above shows various shoe styles found at the Viking-age trading town of Hedeby.

Most shoes were ankle height, although a few examples of


higher boots have been found. A pair of calf-high reproduction
boots are shown to the right, which use the same kind of
toggle closure as the shoe shown above.

The saga literature also mentions high shoes. In chapter 9 of


Hávarðar saga Ísfirðing, Valbrand's sons took off their high
shoes while they raked hay.

However, the use of this kind of boot among the Norse people
has been contested. The surviving examples typically are from
market towns, where Norse traders met people from around
the world. These examples may have been brought to these
towns by traders from other regions.
A complete replica of a wealthy women’s garb

http://urd.priv.no/viking/smokkr.html#evidence this holds a lot of archaeological evidence for women’s


clothing from our period.

The main garment for a woman was a woollen gown of calf or ankle length. Normally, it would be brown or
black (Phil Note: this is in reference to Anglo Saxon Women; the Danes probably would have used a wider
colour pallet). Occasionally it would be a deep red but only when two gowns were worn, with the inner gown
having longer and tighter sleeves, and the outer gown having shorter and looser sleeves. Under this might be
worn a linen or woollen underdress. A mantle might be worn over the outer dress, along with a cloak. Usually
this cloak was of bright colours, red, blue, or yellow, but sometimes it was of a dingier red or blue and could
also be an off-white or black. The women's footwear was often scanty. Unlike the men, they often had bare feet.
When they wore shoes, they were usually either a stretchy woollen sock or a grey shoe that was worn with linen
or wool socks. Like men, free women would also carry a seax as a sign of their freedom. (More Phil Notes: For
safety reasons I would recommend wearing the same shoes as everyone else with a thick sole.)

After the introduction of Christianity, all women (except for very young girls and occasionally slaves) would
wear some kind of head-covering, usually a draped couvrechef called a headrail, the ancestor of the later
wimple. Often this headcovering would be black or pale brown. It was almost always made of wool. Brooches
were worn, though not only for decorative purposes but functional ones as well. They could fasten the garment
or an outer garment to an inner one. (Married women of the Danes also wore head coverings)
Various sketches of leather worked finds. Pouches and sheaths.

A quick note on silk by Phil

Silk seems to have been not common but far from never seen in Scandinavia. I would personally say from what
books I have read that anyone from England or the East coast of Scandinavia should try an avoid silk but when
you are higher in the ranks it can become more of a small addition. It seems because of the grave finds in Birka
(49 graves in total 37 from the 10th century and 12 from the 9th century) and Oseborg (dated to 834 with 15 finds
of silk) that these silks were imported from China from different time periods as shown by the weave of the
silks. These silks are of a variety of quality with some of the weaves being a tad off to some seriously well
patterned silks but it is assumed these patterned silks are from a much later period and from possibly the
Mediterranean Byzantium silk trade but it is hard to tell the difference between the Chinese silks seen and these
ones. So avoid patterned silks and any high grade weave silks.
Viking warrior 8th-9th century (This is a great example of what a base kit looks like ignore the sword)
Women’s Clothing in Scandinavia

Headscarf

The main screen is made of linen, and can have an edging coloured braid.

There are findings of some form of DIADEM, or embroidery work on something that must have been sitting on
the head from outside the state of the tomb.

Head coverings were typically worn by women,


perhaps as simple as a knotted kerchief over the head
which was suggested by finds at the Oseberg ship
burial. Rígsþula (verse 2) says that even women of
the lowest class wore a headdress.

A number of different kinds of head-coverings for


women are mentioned in the sagas, some of which
are elaborate headdresses, which may have been
worn like jewelry on special occasions. Laxdæla saga
(chapter 45) tells of a headdress given by Kjartan to
his bride Hrefna as a wedding gift. It had eight
ounces of gold woven into the fabric.

It has been suggested that the type of headdress worn


served to distinguish married from unmarried women

Rynkveckad Sark – Pleated Under Tunic

Some finds have shown that a number of high status


Viking age women wore pleated under tunics, this
would have been a process that took a few days to do
so only wealthy women would have been able to
afford one.

Hängselkjolen - Apron Dress

This section was originally a huge article that I will


condense, the following are my notes.

The Viking apron dress is currently an area of


speculation when it comes to Viking era garb. From the finds that have been found they were normally made
from Linen or wool depending on the area and even social status of the grave. Sadly with all things like this we
normally find the higher status graves than those of the everyday individual so things need to be taken with a
pinch of salt.

They could have either been a single piece that was sewn together at the sides and put over the head or were tied
at the sides and just put on and tied up. Both are acceptable way of wearing an apron dress. From what we can
assume they ended just above the ankle. In graves it was common to see two Oval broaches attached to the
dress, as seen above, and glass beads worn between the two. This was more common those higher in society so
people of a lower rank don’t need to worry about this much bling early on but when you go up in ranks feel free
to add some of these to your outfit.

Span dents / Brooches and gear

Spännbucklorna / Apron is one of the Viking-era perhaps most characteristic garments, they occur frequently in
the Viking graves and is entirely cast in bronze. Even spännbucklorna fall victim to fashion whims, and they are
becoming more elaborate, the longer into the future we will. It also looks very clear differences between
högstatus-persons span dents and the less well-off, although one can be sure it is relatively few poor persons
head-one had this type of buckle. It may even be that span the trophy signals that it has ranked in the farm wife,
wife to a odalbonde.

Necklaces

Around the neck bar women often beads when they were buried,
cremation has in many cases closed down after the ballet, and is
therefore unspoiled today. In most cases these necklaces seem to
have both Christian and Pagan imagery. Research is ongoing today
on this very topic and there is evidence that many were "both"
Christian and pagan, that the past approach to religious affiliation
may be less dogmatic than our time and this was accepted.

Kappa / Women’s Kaftan Jacket

The Viking woman bears, unlike their European contemporaries a


coat that is open in front. It closes with a simple clasp, such as a
treflikigt buckle.

Treflikigt buckle / Trifold Buckle

To keep up coat until used in Mälardalen a so-called treflikigt buckle, as here, or other variations as large round
or peers made. Gotländska Vikings excels
course again with its dosformiga buckles,
suggesting that cultural identity has been
another than on the mainland.

These skeletal remains (below) of a


Viking-age woman clearly show her tri-
lobed brooch in place where it fastened the
neck opening of her burial clothes.

Belt buckles or other fastenings are rarely


found in women's graves, as they are in
men's graves, suggesting that women's belts
were woven fabric, rather than leather.
Alternatively, it is possible that women did
not routinely wear belts, as men did, and
instead, they carried all of their everyday
items suspended from their brooches.

Armour

For defence, circular shields up to one metre across were carried. They were made of wooden boards and had a
central hole for an iron hand-grip, which was riveted to the back of the boards. A domed iron boss was fitted
over the hole to protect the hand. Viking shields were probably leather covered, with a rim binding also of
leather, or metal in some cases. The Viking sagas - mostly composed in Iceland in the 13th century - show that
they could have been painted with simple patterns, as in the case of those found in the Gokstad ship, or even
possibly with mythological scenes and heroes.
(Padded garments like gambesons or ‘fighting tunics’ which are just thick or padded tunics are acceptable and
sometime preferred by some members of our group. When it comes to multi period events padding will serve you
better than chain, in reality they will stop more blows than mail ever will in reenachment fighting. For looks a
padded tunic is preferred but for cost effectiveness a gambeson designed for our period is a strong selection.
There are references of Vikings wearing ‘quilted tunics’ in a number of texts and period art across Europe but
none have been found due to the poor lifespan of textiles.)

The early mailshirts seem to have reached to just below the waist and have short sleeves (there is no evidence
for sleeveless mailshirts like those known from the Iron Age). These short mailshirts seem to have been referred
to as a byrnie and are sometimes shown with a vandyked lower edge.

The mailshirt became longer towards the eleventh century until it reached the knees or just below with sleeves
to the elbow. These long mailshirts, often with an integral hood, were split to the groin at the front and back to
enable riding and could well have taken a year to make. The term hauberk, often used to describe these long
mail-coats, is actually derived from the Old English word 'healsbeorg' which was in fact a mail hood (what is
now called a coif); it was not until later that hood and shirt together were known by this name.

The sagas also mention 'byrnies' - long tunics of mail armour reaching below the waist - but surviving examples
are rare. The mail consisted of interlocking rings with overlapping ends, formed by coiling an iron wire around a
rod and then snipping it along the length of the rod. It took many hours to produce a mail shirt, making it very
expensive, so they were probably worn mainly by the leaders. It was essential to wear thick padding underneath
to absorb the force of sword blows or arrow strikes. Reindeer hide is said to have been used as armour, too, and
was reputedly more effective even than mail.

Some samples of mail from the Viking age are made up entirely
from riveted rings, like the reproduction mail shown above. In a
few examples of Viking-age mail, the solid rings appear to have
been welded shut. Most samples, however, have alternating
riveted and solid rings, such as the 10th century mail from
Gjermundbu. (In short riveted mail is fine as is butted, a mail shirt
can go from the elbow to the thigh and don’t have a front split. We
recommend for safety splitting the back of your mail to make it
safer and easier to take on and off.)

Once again, a single fragmented but possibly complete mail shirt


has been excavated in Scandinavia, from the same site as the helmet – Gjermundbu in Haugsbygd. Scandinavian
Viking age burial customs seems to not favour burial with helmet or mail armour, in contrast to earlier extensive
armour burials in Sweden Valsgärde. Probably worn over thick clothing, a mail shirt protected the wearer from
being cut, but offered little protection from blunt trauma and stabbing attacks from a sharp point such as that of
a spear. The difficulty of obtaining mail armour resided in the fact that it required thousands of interlinked iron
rings, each one of which had to be individually riveted together by hand. As a result, mail was very expensive in
early medieval Europe, and would likely have been worn by men of status and wealth

The mail worn by Vikings was almost certainly the "four-on-one" type, where four solid (punched or riveted)
rings are connected by a single riveted ring. Mail of this type is known as a byrnie from Old Norse brynja.
Expensive mail armour was also seen as cumbersome and uncomfortable in battle. Traditionally, Vikings have
been thought to have opted for leather body armour—or none at all—as it was both more flexible and cheaper.
Given that Vikings on a raid tried to avoid pitched battles, it's possible that mail was primarily worn only by the
professional warriors going into battle, such as the Great Heathen Army of the mid-9th century in England or at
Harald Hardrada's invasion of Northumbria at the Battle of Stamford Bridge in 1066

Plate armour was not employed, but scale or lamellar armour may occasionally have been obtained from the
East, as pieces have been found at the site of Birka, in Sweden. More than 30 lamellae (individual plates for
lamellar armour) were found in Birka, Sweden, in 1877, 1934 and 1998-2000. They were dated to the same
approximate period as the Gjermundbu mailshirt (900-950) and may be evidence that some Vikings wore this
armour, which is a series of small iron plates laced together or sewed to a stout fabric or leather cats shirt. There
is considerable debate however as to whether the lamellae in question were in the possession of a Scandinavian
resident or a foreign mercenary.

There exists a little evidence that lamellar armour was used in Scandinavia. Such armour is generally thought to
be of Eastern origin. A few plates were found at Birka, now an isolated farm but once one of the major trading
towns of central Sweden. The eastern connections of this merchant settlement may explain the presence of this
unusual find. (It is considered now that this was from an Eastern Slav mercenary, a Khazar or Bulgar, and was
not worn by any native Scandinavian or Viking from Birka.)

Helmets were likewise probably worn only by the leading men, although the horned helmet is a modern myth!
Helmets required considerable skill to produce: an
example of the tenth century from a man's grave at
Gjermundbu, Norway, has a spectacles-like visor, an iron
dome consisting of four sections with a spike on the
crown, and possibly a mail neck-guard. Caps of hide may
have been commonly worn, but have not survived. (As a
note we expect ALL OUR FIGHTERS to wear helmets
and gloves MINIMUM when fighting, it’s just safe as no
one wants a dented noggin or broken fingers.)

10th century helmet from Gjermundbu, Haugsbygda in Ringerike and a Replica of the same helm.
Weapons

Laws of the late Viking period show that all free men were expected to own weapons, and magnates were
expected to provide them for their men. The main offensive weapons were the spear, sword and battle-axe,
although bows and arrows and other missiles were also used. Weapons were carried not just for battle, but also
as symbols of their owners' status and wealth. They were therefore often finely decorated with inlays, twisted
wire and other adornments in silver, copper and bronze.Weapons were not just for battle, but also symbols of
their owners' status and wealth.

The spear was the commonest weapon with an iron blade on a wooden shaft, often of ash and 2 to 3m in length.
It was used for both thrusting and throwing. The blades varied in shape from broad leaf shapes to long spikes.

Swords were very costly to make, and a sign of high status. The blades were usually double-edged and up to
90cm, or a little over, in length, but early single-edged sabres are also known. They were worn in leather-bound
wooden scabbards. Early blades were pattern-welded, a technique in which strips of wrought iron and mild steel
were twisted and forged together, with the addition of a hardened edge. Later blades of homogeneous steel,
imported probably from the Rhineland, bore inlaid makers' marks and inscriptions, such as INGELRII or
ULFBERHT. Viking craftsmen often added their own elaborately decorated hilts, and many swords were given
names, such as Leg-biter and Gold-hilt.

Long-handled battle-axes might be used instead of swords, particularly in open combat. The famed, double-
handed broad axe is a late development, typical of the late 10th and 11th centuries. But as the owner could not
hold a shield at the same time, he would take cover behind the front line of warriors, rushing out at the right
moment to hew down the enemy.

9th Century sword “Swords of the Viking Age by Ian Pierce” The overall length is 35 inches, Blade length 29.75
inches, Blade width at widest point 2.5 inches.

Finds from the London Museum of typical Viking age axe heads and Spears. (Notice the wide smile and beard
of the axe heads, great for hooking a shield or a limb)
Reproduction of Viking age spears

Sketches of various scrams/seaxes (knives) and some recreations.

Scabbards found in Birka


References

The Viking Achievement by PG Foote and DM Wilson, (Sidgwick & Jackson, 1980)

Viking Hersir, 793-1066 AD by M Harrison (Osprey, 1993)

The Viking Art of War by P Griffith (Greenhill Books, 1995)

Viking Weapons and Warfare by JK Siddom (Tempus, 2000)

Janet Lang, Swords of the Anglo-Saxon and Viking periods in the British Museum: a radiographic study', in
Weapons and Warfare in Anglo-Saxon England edited by SC Hawkes (Oxford, 1989)

Gjessing, Gutorm. "Skjoldehamndrakten, en Senmiddelaldersk Nordnorsk Mannsdrakt." Viking, Tidsskrift for


Norrøn Arkeologi. 2 (1938) pp.27-81

Holck, Per. "Myrfunnet fra Skjoldehamn -- Mannlig Same Eller Norrøn Kvinne?" Viking, Tidsskrift for
Norrøn Arkeologi. 51 (1988) pp.109-115

Quennell, Marjorie; Quennell, C. H. B. (1927). Everyday Life in Anglo-Saxon, Viking, and Norman Times.
New York: The Knickerbocker Press.

Owen-Crocker, Gale R. (2004) [1986]. Dress in Anglo-Saxon England (rev. ed.). Woodbridge: Boydell Press.

M. Olausson, "Krigarens resa och hemkomst", Olausson, M. (ed.), Birkas krigare (Stockholm, 2001)

Callmer, Johan (2008). "Scandinavia and the Continent in the Viking Age". The Viking World.

Pederson, Anne (2008). "Viking Weaponry". The Viking World: ch 15.

Textiles and the Medieval Economy: Production, Trade, and Consumption of Textiles, 8th – 16th Centuries :
edited by Angela Ling Huang, Carsten Jahnke

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