Statement of the Problem

The general objective of this study is to determine the role of mass media in relation to crime prevention in

Barangay Narra, City of San Jose del Monte, Bulacan.

Specifically, the study seeks to answer the answer the following questions:

1. What is the demographic profile of the respondents in terms of:

1.1 Age

1.2 Sex

1.3 Educational level

1.4 Civil status

2. How is the role of mass media be measure in terms of:

2.1 Accuracy

2.2 Effectiveness

2.3 Reliability

2.4 Legitimacy

3. How is crime prevention be measure in terms of:

3.1 Strategies

3.2 Implementation

3.3 Campaign

3.4 Programs

4. Is there a significant relationship between the role of mass media and crime prevention?

5. What are the recommendations from this study help in preventing crime in relation to the role of mass

media?

INTRODUCTION
Global citation

1. The role of mass media in corruption prevention policies and disparities in the judges’ decisions by

Kif Aminanto 2021

Partnership between mass media and law enforcers may help develop cooperation among law enforcement

institutions. Since competition in the prevention of crime among them still exists, the role of mass media is

recovering the image and people’s trust in enforcement institutions. The efforts of strengthening mass media’s

role in crime prevention policy is not limited to social control over law enforcement, but also how mass media

can run the preventive function. However, in control function, the interests of human rights involved in a

criminal case, for example, should also be of concern. Hence, mass media should put public interest for their

curiosity about information as well as the interest of human rights for proportional news reporting first in order

to prevent them from judging an event or assassination of the characters involved. This way, they instead can

work on their preventive function, legal learning, legal awareness, legal obedience, and giving deterrent effect

to the offenders.

2. Crime News Consumption and Fear of Violence: The Role of Traditional Media, social media and

Alternative Information Source by: Matti Näsi 2021

Crime has been one of the main topics in news media for decades . In the United States, a study revealed that more

than 70% of the 100 news channels examined in the study opened with a crime-related news story. Similar trends

are evident in number of other Western societies, for example, in the United Kingdom, the increased crime reporting

trend has been noted since the end of World War II (Reiner et al., 2003). In Sweden, a similar trend has been

established since the 1960s and in Finland, researchers observed an increasing trend in crime coverage in both the

tabloid headlines and the main evening television news since late 1970s. Crime, and particularly violent crime,

therefore, serves as one of the key “selling” items for different media outlets in their competition for readers and

viewers.

3. Theorizing criminality and policing in the digital age by Julia Wiest 2021
 4. United nations congress on crime prevention and criminal justice commits to end impunity for

crimes against journalists by UNESCO 2021

journalists, as public watchdogs of our societies, face serious threats when covering stories related to corruption,

organized and transnational crime, human rights violations, trafficking, and political wrongdoings. The international

community must stand together to protect journalists, and to end impunity for the crimes and attacks that aim to

silence them

5. A case study of analyse the role of media as pressure group in solving criminal cases by Nandini Bansod

2018

Media is a very significant part of our society and it is mainly used to make a path and relationship between

behavior of institutions of justice system and public perception of them. Despite it media have some influence

shipping attitude towards crime and the justice system. Social media such as Face book, snap chat, Twitter are

transformed way to gain information and apprehend the experience crime and victimization. This paper seeks to

study media's role in framing and dominating public opinion along with knowledge of investigative journalism and

its prominent role in helping the peoples to form their opinion about various issues which are in news. Using one

case study the paper looks at the way media help to mount popular opinion of the masses and thus, bring about a

justified closure to controversial issues.

1. Media freedom is the lifeblood of Philippine democracy by eastasiaforum 2021

But each silver lining has a cloud. Based on current polling, there’s every chance that one of Duterte’s allies will
take over the presidency from him at the elections scheduled for May 2022. His daughter Sara remains the most
popular candidate, followed closely by Bongbong Marcos, son of the former dictator Ferdinand. The most viable
anti-Duterte liberals are all polling in the single digits.The stakes in the election are still real, even if a turn back
towards more liberal pre-Duterte politics doesn’t appear likely. The polls will be both a test and a determinant of
whether Duterte’s core cabal of supporters are able to entrench their power under the leadership of a favoured
successor. Despite Philippine democracy’s myriad problems, elections are meaningful events in which voters have
the agency and the power to arbitrate intra-elite contests for political power. For that reason, slowing the
deterioration of the system depends not only on whether the 2022 polls see a Duterte proxy elected, but whether the
conduct of the election is still marked by free and fair competition between the candidates. A level electoral playing
field is the fundamental criterion that distinguishes even deeply flawed democracies, like the Philippines, India and
Indonesia, from what political scientists call ‘competitive authoritarian’ regimes, like Singapore or pre-2018
Malaysia — where elections might be free and frequent, but not really fair. That’s why it’s disturbing that one of the
key pillars of political life in the Philippines — its traditionally vibrant and critical mass media — has been under
such pressure in the Duterte era, as Danilo Arao writes in our lead article this week. As part of his attempts to
intimidate and punish opposition, Duterte and his allies in the Philippine Congress, regulators, police and the
military have fostered a ‘climate of media repression’ that ‘sends a chilling message to journalists and media
workers in the country that they should toe the administration line’, says Arao. The country’s leading TV network,
ABS-CBN, disappeared from the airwaves in July 2020 after the Duterte-controlled congress refused to renew its
broadcasting licence — an echo of the Marcos regime’s attack on the same network in the 1970s. Violence against
journalists is common, with the Philippines one of the most dangerous places in the world to practice journalism.
Maria Ressa, the editor of the fearless online news site Rappler, has had her global stature confirmed by being
awarded the Nobel Peace Prize; in her home country she has been the target of relentless legal harassment and
intimidation from the administration. A hallmark of the current global political era is the mass media’s supplanting
the role of grassroots party and civic organisations in linking voters with politicians. This is particularly true of the
Philippines, where the system has never been structured by parties but instead by interlocking alliances of local
political machines. Presidents depend on the media — and especially TV — to reach past these machines to the
grassroots. Because voters barely identify with parties, the impressions of individual presidential candidates they get
via the media have a tremendous influence on their choices at the ballot box. For these reasons, the domestication of
the mass media as described by Arao has potentially serious implications for the fairness of electoral competition in
2022 if, for instance, outlets feel obliged to give favourable coverage of an administration-friendly candidate, or to
limit coverage of their opponent. Given a crowded presidential field, it makes a difference in the context of a media-
saturated political culture. These dynamics are also in play to varying extents across Asia’s other big democracies.
Indonesian President Joko Widodo has maintained popularity throughout the pandemic in part because he
aggressively co-opted the tycoons who control Indonesia’s broadcast media; coverage of his government has
become noticeably friendlier as a result. In India, there are deep worries that the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party is
restricting the media’s ability to report critically on government policies. Social media has subsequently become a
haven for groups — some liberal, some not — who increasingly distrust the mainstream press. Governments are
aware and cracking down on social media with a variety of tactics, typically under the cover of
anti-‘misinformation’ or ‘fake news’ campaigns. In India and Indonesia this has meant using the legal system as a
tool to target selected critics; in the Philippines, the government has simply made online spaces toxic by flooding
social media with abuse and misinformation directed at opponents. It’s difficult to identify what could arrest or
reverse these trends against media freedom and online speech, given the deeply rooted domestic political forces and
interests driving them. One thing liberal democratic governments can do is to recognise how and when their own
efforts to more tightly regulate social media and crack down on foreign ‘interference’ — even if for good reasons —
gives cover to illiberal governments to do these exact same things for bad reasons. In some places, ‘misinformation’
means just that, but in the increasingly chilly media and free speech environments in the Philippines and across the
region, it often means what the government doesn’t want voters to hear.