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Case Studies in Contemporary Crit
SERIES EDITOR: Ross C Murf
Tone Aue, nna Case Studies in Contemporary Criticism
ncaa ay Alisa M. Duckworth, Univer of loc SERIES EDITOR: Ross C Marlin, Southern Methodist University
Chasotte Bont, Jone Ere
‘otra Wy Beth Newman, Southesn Methods Univesity
Enily Bron, Waaierin Heights, Second Edition
ten Wr Lila Hy. Peterson, Yale Univers
Geofltey Chaucer, The Wife of Bash
tren fy Peter G Bele, Lebigh University
Kate Chopin, The Awadenng, Second Edition JOSEPH CONRAD
piven iy Nancy A. Water, Vander Uawesity
Some Saath tony Mee Heart of Darkness
eh Gon Hart fran ton i
Joseph Conrat TS Sharer Complete, Authoritative Text with
(Chaves Dickeos, Great Eepectations : Biographical, Historical, and Cultural Contexts,
mt Janice Carle, Tulane Univesity Critical History, and Essays from
EM Porter, Hrmardt End Contem iti pee
eprren ar Alistair M. Duckworth, University of Frida ne ere
Tomas Hay Teo ted Urberile
eon 3 Yoha Pal Riquelme, Boston Universi :
Nathaniel Hovthoree, Te Seve Ler, Second Eaton ‘THIRD EDITION
eto 3 Ross C Muri, Southern Methodist Univeity
Henry James, The Thon ofthe Serer, Tai Elton
vito y Peter eid, Lehigh University
James Joyce, Te Dead
eovienne Daniel R. Schwarz Comel! Univers EDITED BY
James Joyee, A Porinnit oF the Artie as Young Man, Second Ealtion Ross C Murfin
nvrao WKB. Kershner University of Fria
“Thomas Mann, Devt in Venice
Evie Naomi iter, Univers
Wiliam Shakespeare, Huwler
orvEp ny Sune L, Wofford, University of Wisconsin-Madison
May Shelley, Franfsnein, Second Edition
pssab hi obaniea M. Smith, Universe of Tena a Atington
Bram Stokes, Dracula
"btn fy Joha Paul Riquelme, Boston Universisy
Jonathan Swit Gulliver's Travele
"ora by Christopher Fos, University of Notre Dame
alih Wharton, The Home of rab
‘ona ay Shas Reastovk, University of Mimi :
Southern Methodist University
of Miso
Bedford/St. Martin's
BOSTON # NEWYORKBa THE NEW HISI
WORKS CITED
Bann, Stephen. The Closbing of Clio. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,
1984
Gucrard, Albert J. Conrad she Novelist, Cambidge: Harvard UP,
1958, New York: Atheneum, 1967,
Iagers, George G. The German Conception f Hisrory. Middletown:
Wesleyan UR, 1968
Kosellek, Reinhart. Futures Past. Trans. Keith Tribe. Cambridge:
MIF D, 1985,
Matthiessen, F. O. American Renaissance, New York: Oxford UP,
1941 :
Miller, J. Hillis. The Disappearance of God. Cambridge: Harvard UP,
1963.
——. Poats of Realty, Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1965.
Pearson, Charles H. National Life and Characeer: A Forecast.
London: Macmillan, 1893.
Postcolonial Criticism
and
Heart of Darkness
WHAT IS POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM?
Postcolonial criticism sypically involves the analysis of works by
authors from regions of the globe subject to European colonization.
Postcolonial criticism might just as easily have been referred to as “post-
imperialist criticism,” since the term imperialism refers to the extension
of rulership or authority (almost always unsought and unwanted) by a
politically and economically powerful empire or nation and its culture
‘over a weaker, less “developed” foreign country or region and its cul
tute, thereafier referred to as a “colony” or “dependency” of the im
perialist{ie}, colonizing ruler nation
Usually, the prefix post in postcolonial signifies the period follow:
ing the end of colonization and the achievement of national indepen
dence by a former colony, but sometimes itis used to refer to any point
following the establishment of colonial rule. ‘Thus, Chinua Achebe's
‘Dhings Fall Apart (1959), a novel that implicitly opposes the ongoing
colonial oppression of the Nigerian people, is offen referred to as @
postcolonial work. Although in such instances the prefix pas scems to
have secondary onnutations of wn, ies meaning is usually more strictly
chronological. For one thing, postcolonial criticism sometimes engages
texts produced by authors hailing from the colonizing culture. (Joseph
Conrad's Heart of Darknes, written by an author Achebe has called a
285286 POSTCOLONIAL. CRITICISM
“bloody racist,” is a case in point.) ‘The intent of this type of post
colonial criticism is to expose colonialist attitudes held by the author
and /or literary characters and to demonstrate the role such biases play
in the representation of subjugated persons and cultures.
Emerging from an extraordinary variety of critical and theoretical
discourses prevalent during the last half of the twentieth century, post-
colonial criticism entered the twenty-first century as the predominant
form of literary study. Because it may best be thought of as a conver
gence of discourses, postcolonial criticism may be best understood in
relation to some of its antecedents,
One of these involved the study of so-called Commonwealth litera
ture; that is, literature produced in and about areas colonized by the
British Empire that at one point become part of the Commonwealth of
Nations (to which, for instance, Canadka still belongs). Another focused
‘on what used ro be called Third World Literature, a wider field of study
since it included non-English cultures and texts (e.g, francophone stud.
ies of cultures once colonized by France). Important intellectuals asso-
ciated with the development of postcolonial criticism include Achebe,
mentioned earlier; Edward Kamau Brathwaite, a Caribbean writer from
Barbados whose work will be described later; Aimé Césaire, and Frantz,
Fanon. Céseir, a francophone postcolonial intellectual best knowa for
his book Discours sur le coloniatisme (Discourse on Colonialism, 1950),
experienced the brutality of French imperialism firsthand. He estab-
lished the “Negritude” movement, the purpose of which was to increase
political awareness and unite the pan-national interests among, black
victims of European colonization. Fanon, a French-educated black
African psychiatrist who immigrated to Algeria, wrote a series of essays,
‘on the needs of colonized peoples, with particular emphasis on political
independence from the imperialist, colonizing county.
When painting the background of contemporary postcolonial crt
cism with the very broadest brush strokes, itis impossible not to men-
tion cultural criticism, or culcural studies. Indeed, in the most general
sense, postcolonial criticism may be seen as a form of cultural criticism,
an approach to literature and its manifold social and economic rela
tionships that emerged in England in the 1950s and 1960s. Cultural
«tities notably opposed the general tendency to hear “culture” and think
“high culture” — evenings at the symphony, gallery openings, belles
Jorsess, They strived to make the term refer at least equally to popular,
folk, even “street” culture. Raymond Williams, an early British cultural
tite, famously suggested in his book The Long Revolution (1961) that
art and culture are ordinary”; he did so not to “pull art down” but
Se
;
WHAT Is POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM 287
rather to point out that there is “creativity in all our living. ... We ere:
ate our human world as we have thought of art as being created” (37).
The idea that culture, including literature, is produced not only by the
dominant or “official” culture but also by ordinary folk enabled and
encouraged an interest in authors speaking from the vantage point —
and ofien in the native language of —a colonized people.
Early cultural critics such as Williams followed the practices of
Marxist criticism in viewing culture in relation to ideologies, which,
Williams defined as the “residual,” “dominant,” or “emerging” ways of
viewing the world held in common by asocial groups or by individu
als holding power. Williams’s view that even repressive ideologies can
evolve was linked to his belief in the resilience of subjugated individu
als, in their ability to experience the conditions in which they find them.
selves and creatively respond to those conditions. These relatively hope
ful views paralleled those of Michel Foucault, a mid-twentieth-century
French theorist who greatly influenced the new historicism (see “What
Is the New Historicism?,” pp. 245-57), cultural criticism, and, ult
mately, postcolonial criticism.
Like Williams, Foucault had been influenced enough by Marxist
thought to study cultures in terms of power relationships, But Foucault
refused to see power as something exercised by a dominant class or
group over a subservient one. Instead, he viewed it as a whole web or
complex of forces involving everything from “discourses” — accepted
‘ways of thinking, writing, and speaking —and social practices. Accord-
ing to Foucault, not even tyrannical aristocrats wield power, for they are
themselves formed by a network of discourses and practices that consti
tute power. Viewed by Foncault, power is that which produces what
happens. It is positive and productive, not repressive and prohibitive.
Furthermore sto historical event, according to Foucault, has a single
cause; rather, it is intricately connected with a vast web of economic,
social, and political fctors. Like Williams's view that cultare is not, by
definition, centered in “high” culture and refiective of dominant ide-
ologies, Foncaul’s radically decentered view of both power relations
and history — the history that power relations engender and are engen
dered by — reinforced the work of early postcolonial critics and enabled
the development of postcolonial criticism by later practitioners.
For instance, Brathwaite, generally viewed as one of the first post
colonial cricies, adopeed a ud aul dynam view of dhe power relations
that develop benween imperialistic nations and colonized cultures. In
‘The Development of Creole Society in Jamaica 1770-1820 (1971), he
used the term creofication to describe what he viewed as a “two-way
eee ee eae238 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
process,” “a way of seeing the society, not in terms of white and black,
master and slave, in separate nuclear units, but as contributory parts of
a whole. ... Here in Jamaica, fixed within the dehumanizing institu-
tion of slavery, were two cultures of people, having to adapt themselves
to a new environment and to each other. The fiction created by this
conltontation was cruel, but it was also creative” (153), Homi Bhabha,
a leading contemporary cultural critic, focuses on the creative aspect of
the colonial confrontation, making a Foucauldian argument that mar-
ginalized people subject to repressive power in fact wield positive and
productive power of their own. In an essay entitled “Of Mimicry and
Man: The Ambivalence of Colonial Discourse” (1987), he uses the
term hybridity to refer to the process whereby subjugated people, hav-
ing at first assimilated aspects of oppressor culture, eventually manage
to metamorphose those elements, making them their own through a
process of transformation. Bhabha, it should be noted, also adopts a
decentered view of history made possible by Foucault, arguing that
modern Western culture is best understood from the perspective of the
postcolonial world, rather than vice versa, as Westerners (stereo)typi-
«ally assume.
‘The overlap between postcolonial criticism and the cultural criti
cism from which it emerges is perhaps most evident in the work of
Bhabha, who in his groundbreaking work The Location of Culture
speaks cryptically of “culture’s archaic undecidability” in arguing that
“there can be no ethically or epistemologically commensurate subject
of culture” (135). Since culture is thought to distinguish humanity
from the rest of nature, to define the subject of culture generally one
would have to begin with an impossibility, namely, a definition of
humanity that is not derived from any particular culture's sense of val:
tues. Thus, just as there is no one set of practices that can be said defini
tively to constitute “culture” (as opposed to “pop culture” or “high
culture”), 80 any larger definition of human culture is a dangerous
undertaking doomed by a relativism that is inevitably myopic and
potentially murderous, as when the values and practices operative within
one social group (e.g., the native Afficans represented in Conrad’s
Heart of Darknest) are viewed and represented by members of another
group (e.g, Mr. Kurtz, the European manager of “the Company's”
Inner Station) as sub- or even nonhuman. (“Exterminate all the brutes!”
Kurtz writes in his postscript t0 a report written for the International
Society for the Suppression of Savage Customs [p. 66].)
WHAT IS POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM? 289
In theory, postcolonial criticism could analyze works about or ars
ing from any colonized culture and could be written in the language of
the imperialistic colonizers or in the colonized language. In fact, how.
‘ever, most postcolonial criticism is written in English and tends to con.
cer itself with the following geographic areas: Africa and the Carib:
bean, as have been mentioned, but also the “East” (i.e., the Middle
East and Asia) and the Indian subcontinent — areas in which, during
the past century, liberation movements arose that ultimately led to
national independence, To be sure, some attention has been paid to
Australia, Canada, and New Zealand — often referred to ax English
“settler colonies” — and sometimes even the thirteen “settier® colonies
that became the United States are viewed from the postcolonial per:
spective. (However, inthis instance, the focus is far more likely to be on
‘Affican American works and works by nonblack authors about Affican
slaves brought to America and/or their free descendants than on, say,
“Thomas Jefferson as leader of a postcolonial rebellion!) Additionally, an
‘occasional postcolonial reading of Irish literature has taken into account
Ireland’s status a8 a colony in all but name — but one that, unlike other
colonies, was near the center of the empire with respect to matrers such
as location, race, and (for the most part) language
With regard to the Middle East and Asia, the most powerful prac-
titioner of postcolonial criticism is, indeed, one of its acknowledged
founders: Edward Said. Said, like his cultural-crtical precursor Wile
liams, understood implicitly the role played by ideology in blinding the
colonizer to the realities and conditions of the colonized. More specifi
cally inuenced by Foucault, Said laid the foundations of postcolonial
criticism in Orientalism (1978), a book in which he analyzed European
discourses concerning the exotic, arguing that stereotypes systemati-
cally projected on peoples of the Bast contributed to the establishment
‘of European domination and exploitation of Eastern (Asian) and Middle
Eastern cultures through colonization. Although Orientalism focuses
‘on colonialist discourses, both Said and those scholars influenced by
him have used its insights to interpret the aftermath of colonialism.
Gayatri Spivak, an Indian scholar, has examined the ways in which
issues of class and, especially, gender pertain to the postcolonial situa-
tion, relationships that develop within it, and cepresentations of it. In
her groundbreaking essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” (1988), Spivak
uses “subalterns” —a British term used to refer to the lowest-ranking
officers in the military — to refer to the colonized and, more specifi
«ally, to the most vulnerable of the groups comprising that population290 POSTCOLONIAL, CRITICISM
=
‘WHAT IS POSTCOLONIAL CRUTTCISNE 290
(e.g. women, racial minorities, immigrants, and underclass persons
dominated by relatively powerful groups within the colonized culture).
With regard to the position of women, subaltern scholars have pointed.
out their double oppression, both by traditional patriarchal attitudes,
and practices within their own culture and, beyond that, by attitudes,
and practices inherent in colonizing cultures that were in many cases
more masculinist, sexist. Indeed, Michael Payne has said that subaltern
criti in India, Ngugi wa Thiong’o of Kenya, and Rey Chow of China
“have read imperialism as not only actively suppressing the more femi
nist and egalitarian of indigenous institutions and cultural practices, but
also as driving the indigenous patriarchy to increasingly reactionary
excesses against women and subaltems in an effort to maintain its
strength pis-a-pis the colonizers” (425),
Issues Spivak raises concerning whether and how agency — the abil
ity of postcolonial, subaltetn subjects to choose and to speak indepen-
dently — can survive the impact of long-term hierarchal situations are
central to the understanding of individuals and groups in postcolonial
contexts. But they also highlight the difficulties fuced by postcolonial
scholars whose goal i to give the voiceless a voice. Some of these schol-
ars have resorted to such things as court testimony and prison memoirs,
while others have studied popular cultural forms (e.g., oral lrerature
and street theater) through which those who have been silenced may
still be heard co speak. The Subaltern Studies Group has been particu
larly successful at producing revisionary historical accounts of l
experienced by once-silent or silenced colonial subjects. Ranajit Guha’s
“The Prose of Counter-Insurgency” (1983), for example, provides a
sitical alternative to accepted historical narratives by contrasting, off-
ial documents with personal ones, contemporary accounts with retro-
spective ones, and European views with indigenous perspectives
Feminist postcolonial critics have understandably focused on recov-
‘ring the cultures of postcolonial women. In doing so, they have ques-
tioned whether the universal category “woman” constructed by certain
Frenchand American predecessors is appropriate to postcolonial women
‘or the diverse groups of women comprising that general category. They
have stressed that, while all women are female, they are something clse
as wel (such as African, Muslim Pakistani, lesbian, working class, and so
forth). This “something else” is precisely what makes them — including.
their problems and goals different from other women, Some femi
nist postcolonial critics have focused on a particularly unique female
postcolonial experience, namely, that of women marginalized not in
their own colonized culture but, rather, in the imperialistic, colonizing,
‘culture to which they have immigrated or been forcibly taken. The so:
«called classics of white Enropean novels may even tell, indirectly, of the
‘experiences of these women, In “Three Women’s Texts and a Critique
‘of Imperialism” (1985), Spivak mines Charlotte Bronté’s novel Jane
Eyre or its numerous references to the West Indies, the slave trade, and
Bertha Mason (often referred to as “the madwoman in the attic”), the
insane Jamaican wife of the novel’s hero, Mr. Rochester. Elsie Michie
subsequently focused not on images of the colonized in Jane Eyre but,
father, on “the way the colonizers are represented in Bronté’s novel
‘because, as Edward Said and subsequent postcolonial critics have noted,
images of the colonized are inextricably bound up with and determined
by the attitudes of the colonizers” (584),
For the most part, however, the postcolonial women discussed by
feminist postcolonial cities are not characters in novels written by white
women. Amrit Wilson has written about the challenges faced by post:
colonial Asian women living in London, pointing out, for instance, that
they tend to be expected by their families and communities to preserve
ian cultural traditions; thus, the expression of personal identity
through clothing involves a mach more serious infraction of culeural
rules than it does for Western women. Gloria Anzaldiia spoke person
ally and eloquently about the experience of women on the margins of
Eurocentric North American culture. “I am a border woman,” she
wrote in Borderlands: La Frontera = The New Mertisa (1987), “I grew
up between two cultures, the Mexican (with a heavy Indian influence
and the Anglo. ... Living on the borders and in margins, keeping intact
one's shifting and multiple identity and integrity is like trying to swim
in a new element, an “alien” element” (i).
Powerfull though it is as a force in contemporary literary studies,
postcolonial criticism has is crties, Even the name postcolonial bas been
deemed imprecise, due to the various, inconsistent ways in which the
prefix postis used and the way postcolonial may be used to refer to poli
cal situations, writers writing from or abont those contexts, and schol
ars and critics writing about those writers. Others find postcolonial mis.
leading if not useless as an umbrella term because, in fact, the attitudes
and practices of some colonizing countries differed so utterly from those
of nations with dissimilar political values and economic purposes, Still
others take the upprnite view, arguing dsat postcolonial critics over
stress differences and undervalue attempts (for instance by the Negri
tude movement) to forge a shared collective {in this case Alcan) his
tory of repression and revolt
cee292 POSTCOLONIAL eRITICISM
The use of postcolonial as an adjective to describe any and all so
called diaspora studies has been questioned — whether these studies con.
cern slaves living in the American South, thriving but insular “black’
communities in London, or Chinese American families like the one
depicted in Amy Tan’s novel The Joy Luck Club (1989). Critics have also,
objected to use of the term with reference to settler colonies in which
the majority of the population came quickly to consist of colonists and
use ofthe term in connection with minority groups living within a colo-
nizing culture (e.g,, the Irish) whose race and language they share.
Some critics of the postcolonial approach have argued that the focus
on relations between imperialists and those they have colonized leaves
entirely too much out of the picture, whether the picture in question
is of postcolonial society or some litetary representation or a postcolo-
nial situation, Within this group are those who would prefer to see
race, class, or gender difference privileged over the opposition colonizer/
colonized. Then there are various groups of detractors who find a mis-
leadingly bright thread in various aspects of what has been called post-
colonial studies. Some of these believe that, in so often telling the story
of oppressed peoples who eventually gained independence from subju-
gating empires, postcolonial criticism misleadingly implies thar oppres-
sion ends when political independence is gained.
In reality, however, most of the above-mentioned critics of post:
colonial criticism are, in fact, in almost everyone else’s view, postcolo-
nial critics themselves, a fact that demonstrates the dynamic liveliness
ofthe approach, the way in which, although we have the general rubric
postcolonial criticism, it can mean as many different things (for the time
being) as the prefix post
In the example of postcolonial criticism that follows, Patrick Brant
linger begins by alluding to the now-famous claim — made in 1975 by
Afican novelist Chinna Achebe — that Conrad was a racist and that
Heart of Darknessis a racist work, He then summarizes the diametr:
cally opposed view of Cedric Watts, one of the many critics who have
rejected Achebe’s assertion. Implicitly asking how the same text could
strike different readers so differently, Brantlinger comes up with a.com
pelling answer: “Heart of Darkness... offers a powerful critique of at
least certain mnanifestations of imperialism and racism, at the same time
that it presents that critique in ways that can only be characterized as
both imperialist and racist” (p. 3
Brantlinger draws a parallel between the mixed signals given out
by Heart of Darkness and its author's lukewarm opposition to colonial
WHAT 1S POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM? 293
oppression in real life. Conrad was sympathetic with the goals of the
Congo Reform Association, founded by his feiend Roger Casement
(see pp. 113-16 in this volume), but generally “backed away from
involvement,” contributing less to the association’s work than did writ:
cers such as Mark Twain and Sir Arthur Conan Doyle (pp. 112, 14).
Furthermore, Brantlinger points out, “the worst feature of imperialism
for Conrad may not have been its violence toward the ‘miserable’ and
“helpless,” but the lying propaganda used to cover its bloody tracks”
(p. 307). What bothered Conrad more than the thought of starving,
Congolese chain gangs was the realization that their exploitation was
being characterized in Europe as a noble act of philanthropy:
One of the most interesting aspects of Brantlinger’s essay is his
claim that in writing Heart of Darkness Conrad drew as much on books
and newspaper articles written after his return to Europe as upon his
‘own experiences in the Congo in 1890. While in Africa, for instance,
Conrad “probably saw little ot no evidence of cannibalism, despite the
stress upon it in his story” (p. 307); he would have learned about the
savage practices of cutting off heads or limbs (see “Mutilated Ai
cans,” pp. 116-18) from “exposé literature” chronicling the horrors of
the 1891 war between Arab slave traders and King Léopold’s forces,
both of which employed Congolese slave-soldiers. What doesn’t come
through, either in the accounts Conrad read or the novella he subse
quently wrote, is that many of the atrocities described were not so mu
the traditional practices of the Congolese natives as they were the
exploitative, intimidating tactics of their Belgian and Arab oppressors,
‘That “Conrad portrays the moral bankruptcy” of colonizing ven-
tures by “showing European motives and actions to be no better than
Aiican fetishism and savagery” is a telling indication of the novel’s at
ce anti-imperialist and racist tone, according to Brantiinger. He
writes that Conrad “paints Kurtz and Aftica with the same tarbrush
His version of evil —the form taken by Kurtz’s Satanic behavior — is
‘going native.” In short, evil & Affican in Conrad’ storys if itis also
Enropean, that’s because some number of white men in the heart of
darkness behave like Afficans” (p. 311)
Another important aspect of Brantlinger’s postcolonial approach is
4 usage of Marxist thought regarding the relationship between repres
sive ideologies and oppressed cultures that recalls the work of Williams
and Foucault, Brandinger draws on Fredric Jameson's Marxist argu-
ment that another famous novel by Contad, Lord Jinn, is characterized
by a split between a hollow, modernist “will to style” (which according
to Jameson is the source of Conrad’s “impressionism”) and “the mass
reac aaa294 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
culture tendencies of romance conventions” (p. 313). Brantlinger decon:
structs Jameson’s opposition, arguing that “on some level, the Simpres
sionism’ of Conrad’s novels and their romance features are identical”
(p. 314). Certainly, “romance conventions” and “heroic adventure
themes” do as much to advance colonialist propaganda as the mociern-
ist (and /or impressionist) will to style does to blur the depiction —
thereby obscuring the reader's awareness ~ of atrocities.
Brantlinger shows his debt to earlier practitioners of cultural ert
cism by using Marxist thought while fssing it with the thinking of non-
‘Marxist postcolonial cities such as Said, Tacitly agrecing with Williams
that “culture is ordinary,” Brantlinger insists on seeing a Great Work
of Art like Heart of Darkness not only in terms of literary modernism
but also as a work informed by newspapers, exposé literature, and mass
culture romances. Finally, though, Brantlinger’s essay exemplifies that
contemporary strain of cultural criticism best described as postcolonial
criticism insofar as it places the text in the context of postcolonial poli
tics, secing it not only in terms of the political reality it supposedly
represents but also in terms of the politically motivated representations
of that political realty.
POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM:
A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Postcolonial Criticism and Theory: General Texts
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Grifiths, and Helen Tiffin, eds. The Empire
Writes Back: Theory and Practice in Postcoloniad Literatures. New
York: Routledge, 1989. Print
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin, eds. The Post~
Colonial Studies Reader. 24 ed, London: Routledge, 2006. Print.
Ashcroft, Bill, Gareth Griffiths, and Helen Tiffin. Past-Colonial
Studies: The Key Concepts. London: Routledge, 2000. Print.
Barker, Francis, Peter Hulme, and Margaret Iversen, eds. Colonial
Discourse/Postcoloniad Theory. Manchester: Manchester UP, 1994.
Print
Bochmer, Elleke. Colonial and Postcolonial Literature. Oxford:
Oxford UP, 1995, Print.
Castle, Gregory, ed. Postcolonial Discounes: An Anthology. Oxford:
Blackwell, 2001, Print
|
A SELECTED simLuOGRApHIY
Chambers, Iain, and Lidia Gurti, eds. The Post-Colonil Question:
‘Commion Skies, Divided Horizons. London: Routledge, 1996.
Print
Chrisman, Laura, Postcolonial Contraventions: Cultural Readings of
Race, Imperialism, and Transationnlism, Manchester: Man-
chester UP, 2003, Print
Desai, Gaurav, and Supriya Nair, eds. Pesteolonialisms: An Anthology
of Cultural Theory and Criticism. Piscataway: Rutgers UP, 2008
Print
Featherstone, Simon. Pastcolonia! Cultures. Edinburgh: Edinburgh
UP, 2005. Print
Gandhi, Leela, Postcolonial Theory: A Critical Introduction, New York:
Columbia UP, 1998. Print
Gilbert, Helen, and Joanne Tompkins. Post-Colonial Drama: Theory,
Practice, Politics. London: Routledge, 1996. Print.
Goldberg, David Theo, and Ato Quayson, eds. Relocating Posteolo-
nialiom. Oxford: Blackwell, 2002. Print
Harrison, Nicholas. Postcolonial Criticism: History, Theory, and the
Work of Fiction. Cambridge: Polity, 2003. Print.
King, C. Richard, ed. Postcolonial America, Urbana: U of Illinois P,
2000. Print
Loomba, Ania. Coloniatism/Peacolonialirm. 2d ed. London: Rout-
ledge, 2005, Print.
Loper, Aled J. Posts and Pasts: A Theory of Pestcolonialiom. Albany:
State U of New York P, 2001. Print.
MeLeod, John. Beginning Pastcolonialin. Manchester: Manchester
UP, 2000. Princ
Mongia, Padmini, ed. Contemporary Postcolonial Dieory: A Reader.
London: Arnold, 1996. Print
Moote-Gilbert, Bart. Postcalonial Theory: Contexts, Practices, Politics,
London: Verso, 197, Print
Moote-Gilbert, Bart, Gareth Stanton, and Willy Maley, eds, Postola-
nial Criticism, London: Longman, 1997. Print
Panter, David, Postcolonial Imaginings: Fictions of a New World Order,
Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2000. Print.
Quayson, Ato. Pastcolonialism: Theory, Practice or Process? Malden:
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eee ee ee ce eC Se Eee296 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
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field of postcolonial studies, and chapter 6, “Heart of Darkness
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Considers a range of postcolonial responses to the novella,
PATRICK BRANTLINGER, 303
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Affican Fictions (II): ‘Heart of Darkness.” 167-92
A POSTCOLONIAL CRITICAL PERSPECTIVE
PATRICK BRANTLINGER
Heart of Darkness:
Anti-Imperialism, Racism, or Impressionism?
Ina 1975 lecture at the University of Massachusetts, Nigerian ov.
elist Chinua Achebe attacked Heart of Darkness as “racist.” Conrad
“projects the image of Affica as ‘the other world,’ the antithesis of
Europe and therefore of civilization, a place where man’s vaunted intel
ligence and refinement are finally mocked by triumphant bestiality”
(Achebe 783). Supposedly the great demystifier, Conrad is instead a
“purveyor of comforting myths” (Achebe 784) and even “a bloody
racist” (788). Achebe adds: “That this simple truth is glossed over in
criticisms of his work is due to the fact that white racism against Aftica
is such a normal way of thinking that its manifestations go completely
undetected” (788). Achebe would therefore like to strike Conrad's
novella from the curriculum, where it has been one of the most fre
‘quently taught works of modern fiction in English classes from Chicago
to Bombay to Johannesburg
Achebe's diatribe has provoked a number of vigorous defenses of
Heart of Darkness, which predictably stress Conrad’s critical stance
toward imperialism and also the wide acceptance of racist language and
categories in the late Victorian period, Cedric Watts, for example,
argues that “really Conrad and Achebe are on the same side” (204).
‘Achebe simply gets carried away by his unclerstandable aversion to racial
stereotyping, “Far from being a ‘purveyor of comforting myths,'”
Watts declares, “Conrad most deliberately and incisively debunks such
myths" (197). Acknowledging that Conrad employed the stereorypic
language common in his day, Watts contends that he nevertheless rose
above racism:
encase304 POSTCOLONIAL CHTICISM
‘Achebe notes with indignation that Conrad (in the “Author's
Note” to Victory) speaks of an enconnter with a “buck nigger” in
Haiti which gave bim an impression of mindless violence. Achebe
might as well have noted the reference in The Nigger of the ®Nar-
risus”, .. toa “tormented and flattened face —a face pathetic
and brutal: the tragic, the mysterious, the repulsive mask of a
nigger’s soul.” He might have noted, also, that Conrad's letters
are sprinkled with casbal anti-Semitic references. It is the same in
the letters of his friend [R. B. Cunninghame] Graham, Both Con-
rad and Graham were influenced by the climate of prejudice of
their times. ... What is interesting is thac the best work of bot
men seems to transcend such prejudice. (208)
Their work “transcends prejudice,” Watts believes, partly because
they both attack imperialism. Watts is one of the many critics who inter-
pret Heart of Darknessas an exposé of imperialist rapacity and violence,
Kurtz's career in devittry obviously undermines imperialist ideol-
ogy, and the greed of the “faithless pilgrims” — the white subKurtzes,
0 to speak — is perhaps worse. “The conquest of the earth,” Marlow
declares, “which mostly means the taking it away from those who have
a different complexion or slightly flatter noses than ourselves, is not a
pretty thing when you look into it too much” (p, 21). There is nothing
equivocal about that remark; Conrad entertained no illusions about
imperialist violence, But Marlow distinguishes between British imped
alism and that of the other European powers: the red parts of the map
are goad to see, he says, “because one knows that some real work is
done in there” (p. 24). Heart of Darkness is specifically about what
Conrad saw in King Léopold’s Affican empire in 1890s the extent to
‘which his critique can be generalized to imperialism beyond the Congo
is unclear.
‘The politics of Conrad’s story are complicated by its ambiguous
style. I will use “impressionism” as highly inadequate term to refer to
its language and narrative structure, in part because Fredric Jameson
uses tin his diagnosis of the “schizophrenic” nature of Lord Jin (219).
Conrad’s “impressionism” is for some critics his most praiseworthy
‘quality, while for others it appears instead to be a means of obfuscation,
allowing bim to mask his “nihilism,” or to maintain contradictory val
ues, or both. Interpretations of Heart of Darkness that read it as only
raclst (and therefore imperialist), or conversely as only anti-imperialist
(and therefore antiracist), inevitably founder on its “impressionism,”
"To point only to the most obvious difficulty, the narrative frame filters
everything that is said not just through Marlow, but also through the
PRUIUCK BRANTLINGER 305
anonymous primary narrator. At what point is it safe to assume that
Conrad /Marlow express a single point of view? And even supposing
that Marlow speaks directly for Conrad, does Conrad/Marlow agree
‘with the values expressed by the primary narrator? Whatever the answers,
Heart of Darkness, Ubelieve, offers a powerful critique of at least certain
‘manifestations of imperialism and racism, at the same time that it pre
sents that critique in ways that can only be characterized as both impe
Falist and racist. “Impressionism” is the fagile skein of discourse that
expresses — or disguises — this “schizophrenic” contradiction as an
apparently harmonious whole.
1
In Conrad and Imperialism (1983), Benita Parry argues that “by
revealing the disjunctions between high-sounding rhetoric and sordid
ambitions and indicating the purposes and goals of a civilisation dedi
cated to global... . hegemony, Conrad’s writings {are} more destruc
tive of imperialism’s ideological premises than [are] the polemics of his
contemporary opponents of empire” (10). Pethaps. I sat least certain
that Conrad was appalled by the “high-sounding rhetoric” that had
been used to mask the “sordid ambitions” of King Léopold II of Bel
‘gium, Conrad’s ultimate employer during his six months in the Congo
in 1890. Heart of Darkness expresses not only what Contad saw and
partially recorded in his “Congo Diary,” bat also the revelations of
atrocities that began appearing in the British press as early as 1888 and
that reached a climax twenty years later, when in 1908 the mounting
scandal forced the Belgian government to take control of Léopold’s
private domain. During that period the population of the Congo was
reduced by perhaps one half, 8 many as 6,000,000 persons may have
been uprooted, tortured, and murdered through the forced labor sys
tem used to extract ivory and what reformers called “red rubber.”!
Conrad was sympathetic to the Congo Reform Association, established
in 1903 partly by his friend Roger Casement whom he had met in
Africa, and Casement got him 10 write a propaganda letter in which
Conrad says: “It isan extraordinary thing that the conscience of Europe
which seventy years ago .... put down the slave trade on humanitarian
grounds tolerates the Congo state today” (Morel, Rule 351-82). There
"For history of Brish humanitarian protest agains: Léopol’s pois, see S. 1
Cockey, Britain sl she Congo Quetion, 1885-1913 (London: Langstaa, 1963).et
306
POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
follows some patronizing language contrasting, the brutalities visited
upon the Congolese with the legal protections given to horses in
Europe, but Conrad’s intention is clear enough.
There is little to add to Hunt Hawkins’s account of Conrad's rela-
tions with the Congo Reform Association. Its leader, Edmund Morel,
who quoted Conrad's Jetter to Casement in King Leopold's Rule in
Africa (1904), called Heart of Darkness the “most powerful thing ever
‘written on the subject” (Hawkins 293), But as Hawkins notes, apart
from writing the letter to Casement, Conrad backed away from involve
ment with the Association, Other prominent novelists who'd never
been to the Congo contributed as much or more t0 its work, Mark
Twain volunteered “King Léopold’s Soliloquy,” and Sie Arthur Conan
Doyle wrote a book for the Association called The Crime of the Congo.
Hawkins notes that Conrad “had little faith in agitation for political
reform because words were meaningless, human nature unimprovable,
and the universe dying” — hardly views that would encourage engage
‘ment in a cause like that of the Association (292-93)
All the same, in at least one other work of fction Conrad registered
his abhorrence of King Léopold’s rape of the Congo. This is the minor
but highly revealing fantasy that Conrad coauthored with Ford Madox
Hueffer, The Inberisors: An Extravagant Story(1901). Conrad’s role ia
its writing may have been slight, but was still substantial enough to make
plain that he shared the views expressed in it. Briefly, the protagonist
meets a beautiful young woman who claims to come ftom the “fourth
dimension” and to be one of those who “shall inherit the earth.”
“The Dimensionists were to come in swarms, to materialise, to
devour like locusts... . They were to come like snow in the night:
in the morning one would Jook out and find the world white
‘As to methods, we should be treated as we ourselves treat the
inferior races. (Conrad and Hueffer 16)
Far from being meek, the “inheritors” are obviously modern-day impe-
Tialists, satirically depicted as invaders from a “spiritualist” alternative
‘world, Bur apart from the young woman and one other character, the
invasion does not occur during the course of the novel, although the
satire upon imperialism is maintained through the portrayal of the Duc
de Mersch and his “System for the Regeneration ofthe Arctic Regions”
(46). Like King Léopold, “the foreign financier — they called Hi dhe
Due de Mersch — was by way of being a philanthropist on megaloma-
niac lines,” He proves ultimately to be no philanthropist at all, but just
the sort of “gigantic and atrocious fraud” that Conrad believed Léopold
ae PATRICK BRANTLINGER 307
to be. All one needs to do to read The Inberitors as an attack on
Léopold’s African regime is to substitute “Congo” for “Greenland.”
‘The hero, journalist Archur Granger, helps to expose “the real horrors
of the systéme Groénlandais — flogged, butchered, miserable natives,
the famines, the vices, diseases, and the crimes” (280). The authors are
not even particular about the color of the Eskimo victims: one character
says that the Duc “has the blacks murdered” (246-74).
Hueffer and Conrad write some scorching things in The Inheritors
about “cruelty to the miserable, helpless, and defenceless” (282). But
the facts of exploitation in the Congo are perhaps less distressing to
them than the lying idealism which disguises i
More revolting to see without a mask was that falsehood which
had been hiding under the words which forages had spurred men
to noble deeds, to self-sacrifice, o heroism. What was appalling
wat. that al the uadional dels of honour, glory, conscience
had been committed to the upholding of a gigantic and atrocious
fraud. The falsehood had spread steaithily, had eaten inco the very
heart of creeds and convictions that we lean upon our passage
between the past and the faeure, The old order of things had to
live or perish with ale. (282)
Twill come back to the possibility that the worst feature of imperialism
for Conrad may not have been its violence toward the “miserable” and
“helpless,” but the lying propaganda used to cover its bloody tracks
‘As Hawkins and others have pointed out, Conrad did not base his
critique of imperialist exploitation in Heart of Darknes solely on what
he bad seen in the Congo. What he witnessed was miserable cnough,
al he was also made personally miserable and resentful by disease and
the conviction that his Belgian employers were exploiting hin. But, as
hhe assured Casement, while in the Congo he had not even heard of
“che alleged custom of cutting, off hands among the natives” (Morcl
Rule 117), The conclusion that Casement drew from this and other
evidence was that most of the cruelties practiced in the Congo were not
traditional, but were the recent effects of exploitation. The cutting off
of hands was a punishment for noncooperation in Léopold's forced
labor system, and probably became frequent only after 1890. And just
as Conrad had seen litle or no evidence of torture, so, Molly Mahood
‘wujectures, he probably saw litte or no evidence ot cannibalism,
despite the stress upon it in his story (Mahood 12).
Te thus seems likely that much of the “horror” either depicted or
suggested in Heart of Darkness does not represent what Conrad sav,308 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
‘but rather his reading of the literature that exposed Léopold’s bloody
system between the time of his return to England and the composition
of the novella in 1898-99. While Conrad’s “Congo Diary” and every
facet of his journey to Stanley Falls and back has been scrutinized by
Norman Sherry and others, much less attention has been paid to what
Conrad learned about the Congo after his sojourn there. ‘The exposé
literature undoubtedly confirmed suspicions which Conrad formed in
1890; the bloodiest period in the history of Léopold’s regime began
about a year later. According to Edmund Morel: “From 1890 onwards
the records of the Congo State have been literally blood-soaked, Even
at that early date, the real complexion of Congo State philanthropy was,
beginning to appear, but public opinion in Europe was then in its hood
winked stage” (Rule 103).
The two events that did most to bring Léopold’s Congo under
public scrutiny after Conrad's time there were the 1891-94 war between
Léopold’s forces and the Arab slave-traders and the murder of Charles
Stokes, English citizen and renegade missionary, by Belgian officals
in 1895. The conflict with the Arabs —-a “war of extermination,”
according to Morel —was incredibly cruel and bloody. “The first seri
‘ous collision with the Arabs occurred in October 27, 1891; the second
‘on May 6, 1892, Battle then succeeded battle; Nyangwe, the Arab
stronghold, was captured in January, 1893, and with the surrender of
Rumaliza in January, 1894, the campaign came to an end” (Rule 23).
Conrad undoubtedly read about these events in the press and perhaps
also in later accounts, notably Captain Sidney Hinde’s The Fall of the
‘Congo Arair(1897), Arthur Hodister, whom Sherry claims as the orig
inal of Kurtz, was an early victim of the fighting, having led an expedi
tion to Katanga that was crushed by the Arabs. According to Tan Watt,
“The Times reported of Hodister and his comrades that ‘their heads
were stuck on poles and their bodies eaten’ (23), This and many simi
lar episodes during the war are probable sources of Conrad’s emphasis,
upon cannibalism in Heart of Darknes
Cannibalism was practiced by both sides in the war, not just by the
Arabs and their Congolese soldiers. According to Hinde, who must
also be counted among the possible models for Kurtz, “The fact that
both sides were cannibals, or rather that both sides had cannibals in
their train, proved a great element in our success” (124-25). Muslims,
inde points out, believe uta they will gow heaven ouly ielveir boulies
are intact, as opposed 10 mutilated, chopped up, eaten. So cannibalism
‘was in part a weapon of fear and reprisal on both sides, and in part also.
nnn
PATRICK BRANTLIN
309
a traditional accompaniment of war among some Congolese societies.
Hinde speaks of combatants on both sides as “lnuman wolves” and
describes numerous “disgusting banquets” (69). A typical passage in
his account reads: “What struck me most in these expeditions was the
‘number of partially cut-up bodies I found in every direction for miles
around. Some were minus the hands and feet, and some with steaks cut
from the thighs or elsewhere; others had the entrails or the head
removed, according to the taste of the individual savage ...” (131).
Hinde’s descriptions of such atrocities seem to be those of an impartial,
external observer, but in fact he was one of six white officers in charge
of some four hundred “regulars” and “about 25,000” “cannibal” troops.
His expressions of horror seem only whatare expected of an Englishman,
but they are also those of a participant and contradict more honest
expressions of sadistic fascination with every bloodthirsty detail
While it seerns likely that Conrad read Hiinde’s lurid account, he
must have known about the war from earlier accounts such as those in
‘The Times. To cite one other example, in a series of journal extracts
published in The Century Magazine in 1896-97, B. J. Glave d
mented “cruelty in the Congo Free State.” According to Glave, “The
state has not suppressed slavery, but established a monopoly by driving
out the Arab and Wangwana competitors.” Instead of a noble war to
end the slave trade, which is how Léopold and his agents justified their
actions against the Arabs, a new system of slavery was installed in place
of the old. Glave continues: “sometimes the natives are so persecuted
that they [take revenge] by killing and eating their tormentors. Recently
the state post on the Lomami lost two men killed and eaten by the
natives. Arabs were sent to punish the natives; many women and chil
dren were taken, and twenty-one heads were brought to [Stanley Fals],
and have been used by Captain Rom asa decoration round a flower-bed
in front of his house” (706). Captain Rom, no doubt, must also be
counted among the possible models for Kurtz. In any event, the prac
tice of seizing Congolese for laborers and chopping off the hands and
heads of resisters continued and probably increased after the defeat of
the Arabs, as tumerous eyewitnesses testify in the grisly quotations that
form the bulk of Edmund Morel’s exposés. According to a quite typical
account by a Swiss observer: “Ifthe chief does not bring the stipulated
number of baskets [of raw rubber}, soldiers are sent out, and the people
are killed without merey. s proof, parts of the body are brought to the
factory. How often have I watched heads and hands being carried into
the factory” (Morel, Rubber 77).0 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
0
When Marlow declares that “the conquest of the earth... . is not a
pretty thing,” he goes on to suggest that imperialism may be “redeemed”
by the “idea” that lies behind it, But in the real world idealism is fragile,
and in Heart of Darkness, except for the illusions maintained by a fow
women‘olk back in Brussels, it has almost died out. In “going native,”
Kurtz betrays the *civilizing” ideals with which he supposedly set out
from Europe. Among the “fuithless pilgrims,” there are only false ideals,
and the false religion of selfseeking. “To tear treasure out of the bowels
of the land was their desire,” says Marlow, “with no more moral pur:
pose at the back of it than there is in burglars breaking into a safe”
(p. 45). The true nature of Bnropean philanthropy in the Congo is
revealed to Marlow by the chain gang and the “black shadows of dis-
case and starvation,” left to de in the “greenish gloom,” whom he sees
at the Outer Station (p. 31). These miserable “phantoms” arc probably
accurate depictions of what Conrad saw in 1890; they may also be taken,
to represent what be later learned about Léopold’s forced labor system.
In any case, fom the moment he sets foot in the Congo, Marlow is clear
about the meaning of “the merry danee of death and trade” (p. 29).
Ie thus makes perfect sense to interpret Heart of Darkness as an attack
oon imperialism, atleast as it was operative in the Congo.
‘But in the course of this attack, aff “ideals” threaten to tutn into
“idols” — “something,” in Marlow’s words, chat “you can set up, and
bow down before, and offer a sacrifice to” {p. 21). Conrad universalizes
“clarkness” partly by universalizing fetishism. Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg,
and other Marxist critics of empire described the era of “the scramble
for Africa” — roughly 1880 to 1914 —as one when the “commodity
fetishism” of “late capitalism” was most intense, a notion that Edward
Said touches upon in analyzing The Niaaer ofthe “Narcissus? (142-43).
Ifthe “natives” in their darkness set Kurtz up as an idol, the Europeans
worship ivory, money, power, reputation. Kurtz joins the “natives”
in their “unspeakable rites,” worshipping his own unrestrained power
‘and lust. Marlow himself assumes the pose of an idol, sitting on ship
deck with folded legs and outward palms like a Buddha. And Kurtz’s
Intended is perhaps the greatest fetishist of all, idolizing her image of
hr fiancé, Marlow’s lie leaves Kurtz’s Intended shrouded in the protec-
tive darkness of her illusions, her idol worship.
But the difficulty with this ingenions inversion, through which
deals” become “idols,” is that Conrad portrays the moral bankruptcy
of imperialism by showing European motives and actions to be no bet-
TATRICK BRANTLINGER 30
ter than African fetishism and savagery. He paints Kurtz and A‘tica with
the same tarbrush, His version of evil — the form taken by Kurt2’s
Satanic behavior — is “going native.” In short, evil is African in Con.
rad’s story; ifit is also European, that’s because some number of white
men in the heart of darkness behave like Africans. Conrad’s stress on
cannibalism, his identification of African customs with violence, lust,
and madness, his metaphors of bestiality, death, and darkness, his sug.
gestion that traveling in Aftica is like traveling, backward in time to
primeval, infantile, but also hellish stages of existence — these features
of the story are drawn from the repertoire of Victorian imperialism and
racism that painted an entire continent dark.
Achebe is therefore right to call Conrad’s portrayal of Aftica and
Afficans “racist.” Te is possible to argue, as does Parry, that Conrad
works with the white-and-black, light-and-darkness dichotomies of
racist fantasy in order to subvert them, but she acknowledges that the
subversion is incomplete: “Although the resonances of white are ren
dered discordant ... black and dark do serve in the text as equiva
ences for the savage and unredeemed, the corrupt and degraded
the cruel and atrocious, Imperialism itselfis perceived as the dark within
Enrope.....Yet despite... momentous departures from traditional
Enropean usage ... the fiction gravitates back to established practice,
registering the view of two incompatible orders within a manichean
tuniverse” (23). The “imperialist imagination” itself, Parry suggests,
works with the “manichean,” irreconcilable polarities common to all
racist ideology. Achebe states the issue more succinctly: “Conrad bad a
problem with niggers. ... Sometimes, his fixation on blackness is
overwhelming” (789),
Identifying specific sources for Conrad’s later knowledge of the
horrors of Léopold’s regime is less important than recognizing that
there were numerous sources, swelling in number through the 1890s.
‘Conrad reshaped his firsthand experience of the Congo in the light of
these sources in several ways. As I have already suggested, the emphasis,
‘on cannibalism in Heart of Darkness probably derives in part from Con
rads reading about the war between Léopold’s agents and the Arabs.
[At the same time, the war is not mentioned in the novella — indeed,
the Arab rivals of the Belgians for control of the Congo are conspicuous
only by their absence. ‘The omission has the important effect of sharp-
ening the light and dark dichotomies, the staple of European racism;
“evil” and “darkness” are parceled out between only two antithetical
sides, European and Aftican, “white” and “black.” But while Conrad/
Marlow treats the attribution of “evil” to the Enropean invaders as a
ec30 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
paradox, its attribution co Africans he teats as a given. Further, the
fomission of the Arabs means that Conrad docs not treat cannibalism
as a result of war, but as an everyday custom of the Congolese, even
though he probably saw no evidence of it when he was there. Exagger-
ating the extent and nature of cannibalism is also standard in racist
accounts of Aftica,
In simplifying his memories and sources, Conrad arrived at the
dichotomous or “manichean” pattern of the imperialist adventure
romance, a pattern radically at odds with any realist, exposé intention,
Perhaps Heart of Darkness expresses two irreconcilable intentions. As
Parry says, “to proffer an interpretation of Heart of Darleness as a mili
tant denunciation and a reluctant affirmation of imperialist civilisation,
as. fiction that [both] exposes and cotludes in imperialism’ mystfica-
tions, is to recognise its immanent contradictions” (39). Moreover, the
argument that Conrad was consciously anti-imperialist, but that he
unconsciously or carelessly employed the racist terminology current in
his day will not stand up, because he was acutely aware of what he was
doing. Every white-black and light-dark contrast in the story, whether
it corroborates racist assumptions or subverts them, is precisely calcu-
lated for its effects both as a unit in a scheme of imagery and as a focal
point in a complex web of contradictory political and moral values
Conrad knew that his story was ambiguous: he stresses that ambi
guity at every opportunity, so that labeling it “anti-imperialise™ is as
Lunsatisfactory as condemning it for being “racist.” The fault-line for all
of the contradictions and ambiguities in the text ies between Marlow
and Kurtz. Of course it als lies between Conrad and both of his ambiv
alent characters, not to mention the anonymous primary narrator. Is
Marlow Kurtz's antagonist, critic, and potential redeemer? Or is be
Kurtz’s pale shadow and admirer, his double, and finally one more idol-
ator in a story fll of examples of fetishism and devil worship? Conrad
pposes these questions with great care, but he just as carefully refuses to
answer them
or
In the world of Heart of Darknes, there ate no clear answers. Ambi
guity, perhaps rhe main form of “darkness” in the story, prevails. Con-
rad overlays the political and moral content of his novella with symbolic
and mythic patterns that divert attention from Kurtz and the Congo to
“misty halos” and “moonshine.” The anonymous narrator uses these
i
PATRICK DRANTLINGER,
metaphors to describe the difference between Marlow’s stories and
those of ordinary sailors
“The yarns of seamen have a direct simplicity, the whole meaning
of which lies within the shell of a cracked nut. But Marlow was
not typical ... and to him the meaning of an episode was not
inside like a kernel but outside, enveloping the tale which brought
it out only as a glow brings out a faze, in the likeness of one of
these misty balos that sometimes are made visible by the spectral
illumination of moonshine. (pp. 19-20)
‘The passage announces that locating the “meaning” of the story won't
be easy, and in fact may be impossible, It seems almost to be a confession
of defeat, or at least of contradiction. Conrad here establishes as one
of his themes the problem of rendering any judgment whatsoever —
‘moral, politcal, metaphysical — about Marlow's narrative. [tis precisely
this complexity —a theme that might be labeled the dislocation of
meaning or the disorientation of values in the story — chat many crities
have treated as its finest featore.
In The Political Unconscious, Fredric Jameson argues that Conrad’s
stories — Lord Jim is his main example — betray a symptomatic split
between 2 modernist “will to style,” leading to an elaborate bur essen-
tially hollow “impressionism,” and the reifed, mass culture tendencies
of romance conventions. In a fairly obvious way, Heart of Darkness
betrays che same split, moving in one direction toward the “misty halos”
and “moonshine” of a style that seeks to be its own meaning, apart
from any “kernel” or center or embarrassingly clear content, but also
grounding itself in another direction in the conventions of Gothic
romance with their devalued mass culture status — conventions that
were readily adapted to the heroic adventure themes of imperialist pro-
paganda. This split almost corresponds to the contradiction of an anti-
imperialist novel which is also racist. In the direction of high style, the
story acquites severat serious purposes, apparently inclucling its critique
of empire. In the direction of reified mass culture, it falls into the ste:
reotypic patterns of race-thinking common to the entire tradition of the
imperialist adventure story or quest romance. This double, contradic
tory purpose, characteristic perhaps of all of Conrad's fiction, Jameson
calls “schizophrenie” (219),
Ry “the manichaeanism of the imperialist imagination.” Parry
means dividing the world between “warring moral forces” — good ver~
sus evil civilization versus savagery, West versus Eas, light versus dark-
ness, white versus black, Such polarizations are the common property
Seou POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM.
of the racism and authoritarianism that constiture imperialist political
theory and also of the Gothic romance conventions that were appropri
ated by numerous writers of imperialist adventure tales — G. A. Fenty,
Rider Haggard, Robert Louis Stevenson, Conan Doyle, John Buchan,
Rudyard Kipling, and Conrad among them. As Martin Green points
out, “Conrad of course offers us an ironic view of that genre. But he
affirms its value” (219}, Conrad is simultaneously a eritic of the imperi-
alist adventure and its romantic fictions, and one of the greatest writers
‘of such fictions, his greatness deriving partly from his critical irony and
partly from the complexity of his style — his “impressionism.” But the
chief difficulty with Jameson’s argument, I think, is that the “will to
style” in Conrad’s text is also a will to appropriate and remake Gothic
romance conventions into high art. On some level, the “impression
ism” of Conrad’s novels and their romance features are identical —
Conrad constructs a sophisticated version of the imperialist romance —
and in any case both threaten to submerge or “derealize” the critique
of empire within their own more strictly esthetic project. As part of that
project, providing much of the substance of “impressionism,” the
romance conventions that Conrad reshapes carry with them the polar
izations of racist thought.
In analyzing Conrad’s “schizophrenic writing,” Jameson notes the
proliferation of often contradictory critical opinions that mark the
history of his reception: “The discontinuities objectively present in
Conrad’s narratives have, as with few other modern writers, projected
4 bewildering variety of competing and incommensurable interpretive
‘options. . ” Jameson proceeds to list nine different critical approaches,
from “the ‘romance” or mass-cultural reading of Conrad as a writer
of adventure tales [and] the stylistic analysis of Conrad as a practi
tioner of... [an] impressionistic’ will to style,” to the “myth-crtical,”
the Freudian, the ethical, the “ego-psychological,” the existential, the
Nietzschean, and the structutalist readings. Jameson leaves off of the
list his own Marxist-political reading; what he wishes to suggest is how
often criticism ignores or downplays the contradictory politics of Con:
rad’s fiction (208-09), Raymond Williams voices a similar complaint:
Icis. .. astonishing that a whole school of criticism has succeeded
in emptying Heart of Darknes of its social and historical con-
tent. .. . The Congo of Léopold follows the sea that Dombey and
Son traded across, follows it into an endless substitution in which
no object is itself, no social experience direct, but everything is
translated into what can be called a metaphysical language — the
river is Evil; the sea is Love or Death. Yet only called metaphysical,
PATRICK BRANTLINGERR ais
because there is not even that much guts in it. No profound and
ordinary belie, only a perpetual and sophisticated evasion.
(4s)
‘There are wonderfully elaborate readings of Marlow’s journey as a
descent into hel, playing upon Conrad's frequent allusions to Homer,
Virgil, Dante, Milton, Goethe, and devil worship. And there are just
as many elaborate readings of the story as an “inward voyage” of “self
discovery,” in which its geopolitical lnguage is treated as symbolizing,
psychological states and parts of the mind. Conrad, Albert Guerard
reminds us, was Freud’s contemporary, and in Heart of Darknes he
produced the quintessential “night journey into the unconscious” (39).
Guerard adds that “i little matters what, in terms of psychological sym
bolism, we... say [Kurtz] represents: whether the Freudian id o the
Jungian shadow or more vaguely the outlaw” (39). Perhaps it matters
just as litle whether we say the story takes place in Léopold’s Congo or
in some parely imaginary landscape,
‘The point, however, is not to take issue with Guerard and other
critics who concentrate on the “impressionism” of Conrad’s story, but
rather to restore what their readings neglect. In a great deal of contem-
porary criticism, words themselves have ceased to have external refer-
‘ents, Williams does not take Jameson’s line in accusing Conrad’ “will
to style” of emptying Heart of Darkness of its “social and historical
content”; instead, he accuses criticism of so emptying it. The “will to
style” — or rather the will to a rarefied critical intelligence — devours
Us, C00, leaving structuralists and deconstructionists, Althusserians and
Foucauldians, and so forth. And yet Conrad has anticipated his critics
by constructing a story in which the “meaning” does not lie at the cen
ter, not even at “the heart of darkness,” but elsewhere, in “misty halos”
and “moonshine” — forever beyond some vertiginous horizon which
recedes as the would-be critic-adventurer sils toward it
Wv
‘The crowds [in one village] were fired into promiscuously, and
fifteen were killed, including four women and a babe on its
‘mother’s breast, The heads were cut offand brought to the officer
in charge, who then sent men to cut off the hands also, and these
were pierced, strung, and dried over the camp fie. Lhe heads,
‘with many others, I saw myself. The town, prosperons once, was
burt, and what they could not carry off was destroyed. Crowds
of people were caught, mostly ... women, and three fresh rope36 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
PXTRICK BRANTLINGER 37
gangs were added. ‘These poor ‘prisoner’ gangs were mere skele-
tons of skin and bone. ...Chiyombo's very large town was next
attacked. A lot of people were killed, and heads and hands cut off
andl taken back to the officers. ... Shortly alter the State caravans,
with flags fying and bugles blowing, entered the mission station
at Luanza ... and I shall not soon forget the sickening sight of
deep baskers of human heads. (Morel, Rubber 49)
While the primary narrator and many critics seem to believe that the
meaning of Heart of Darkness lies in “the spectral illumination of moon-
shine,” Marlow knows better. “Ilfumination” proves as false as most
white men —as false as white “civilization”; the “trath,” or at least the
meaning of Conrad’s story, ies in “darkness.” ‘That is why, once Mar:
ow learns about the shadowy Kurtz, he is so impatient to get to the
Central Station. And yet Kurtz seems inadequate as a central character
or the goal of Marlow’s quest — vacuous, a mere “shade,” a “hollow
man.” That, however, may be part of Conrad’s point. lan Watt has
identified at least nine possible models for Kurtz, including Henry
Morton Stanley, Arthur Hodister, and Charles Stokes, who left the
Church Missionary Society for an Aftican wife and life as a gun-runner
and slave-trader (Watt 141-45), In 1895 Stokes was executed in the
Congo for selling guns to the Arabs, an event which, close on the heels
Of the war, provided a focus for British public indignation, To Watt’s
list of models for Kurtz I have already added Captain Hinde, author of
The Fall of the Congo Arabs, and Captain Rom, who decorated the bor
ders ofhis flower garden with skulls. The Belgian officer responsible for
Stokes’ illegal execution, Captain Lothaire, must also be counted.
Bat just as Conrad probably drew upon many sources in depicting
the horrors of the Congo, so he probably had many models for Kurtz
in mind. Al/ of the white officers in charge of Léopold’s empire were in
essence Kurtzes, as the eyewitness testimony published by the Congo
Reform Association demonstrates. And what about the eyewitnesses?
Were they always so objective or so morally appalled as they claimed to
bbe? What about Conrad himself? Although his role in the building of
Léopold’s “Congo Free State” was minor and also prior to the worse
horrors, Conrad must have recognized his own complicity and seen
himself'as at least potentially a Kurtz-like figure. In the novella, the
Atican wilderness serves as a mirror, in whose “darkness” Contad/
Matlw sees a deatl pale setiaye.
‘The massive evidence of wholesale torture and slaughter under the
direction of Léopole?s white agents suggests not only that there were
numerous Kurtzes in the “heart of darkness,” but also that, as Hannah
|
Arendt contends in The Oriains of Totalitarianism, nincteenth-century
imperialism prepared the ground in which fascism and Nazism took
root after World War I. Arendt has Kurtz and other Conrad chacacters
in mind when she describes the appeal of “the phantom world of colo,
nial adventure” to certain types of Europeans:
Outside all social restraint and hypocrisy, against the backdrop of
native life, the gentleman and the criminal felt not only the close-
ness of men who share the same color of skin, but the impact of
world of infinite possibilities for crimes committed in the spirit
of play, for the combination of horror and laughter, that is for the
full realization of their own phantomlike existence. Native life
lent these ghostike events a seeming guarantee against all conse
{quences because anyhow it looked to these men like a “mere play
of shadows. A play of shadows, the dominant race could walk
through unaffected and disregarded in the pursuit of its incom
prehensible aims and needs.” ‘The world of native savages was a
perfect setting for men who had escaped the reality of civiliza-
tion. (70)
A great many Knrtz-like Europeans “went native” in Aftica, offen to
the extent of practicing genocide as a hobby; some were even rumored
to practice cannibalism. According to Sir Harry H. Johnston, first gov:
emnor of British Central Afiica, “I have been increasingly struck with
the rapidity with which such members of the white race as are not of the
best class, can throw over the restraints of civilization and develop into
savages of unbridled lust and abominable cruelty” (68). Kurtz is not a
member of the worst “class” of the white race, however; Conrad is talk
ing about a quite common pattern of behavior.
One of the most remarkable perversions of the criticism of Hare
of Darkness bas been to sce Kurtz not as an abomination — a “hollow
man” with a lust for blood and domination — but as a “hero of the
spirit.” That phrase is Lionel Triling’s. In his well-known essay describ-
ing the establishment of the first course in modern literature at Colam-
biz University, Trilling explains why he put Conrad’s novella on the
reading list:
Whether or not .. . Conrad read cither Blake or Nietzsche I do
not know, but his Heart of Darines follows in their line. This
very great work has never lacked for the admiration it deserves,
and it has been given a... canonical place in the legend of mod
cer literature by Eliot’s having it so clearly in mind when he wrote
The Waste Land and his having taken from it the epigraph to
“The Hollow Men.” (“Modiern” 17-18)3S POSTCOLONIAL CRUTICIs4¢
Despite the “hollow man” association between Eliot's poem and Con:
rad’s novella, Trilling claims that “no one, to my knowledge, has ever
confronted in an explicit way [the latter’s] strange and terrible message
of ambivalence toward the life of civilization” (17). In Sincerity and
Authenticity (1981), Trilling adds that Conrad’s story is “the paradig.
‘atc literary expression of the modern concern with authenticity,” and
continues: “This troubling work has no manifest polemical content but
it containsin sum the whole of the radical critique of European civiliza
tion that has been made by [modern] literature” (106).
Although Trilling mentions the Congolese background of the story,
it is less important to him than the larger question of the nature of
“Bucopean civilization.” Marlow’s quest for Kurtz, becomes a quest for
the truth about that civilization. Tilling arrives at his view of Kurtz
partly the way Marlow does, because Kurtz at the end of his satanic
career seems to confront “the horror, the horror.” “For Marlow,” says
‘Trilling, “Kurtz is a hero of the spirit whom he cherishes as Theseus at
Coloous cherished Oedipus: he sinned for all mankind. By his regres
jon to savagery Kurtz had reached as far down beneath the constructs
(of civilization as it was possible to do, to the irreducible truth of man,
the innermost core of his nature, his heart of darkness. From that
Stygian authenticity comes illumination ...” (108)
Marlow does patadoxically come to admire Kurtz because he has
“summed up” or “judged” in his final moments: “He was a remarkable
man” (p. 86). Marlow’s admiration for Kurvz, however, carries a terrific
burden of irony that Trilling seems not to recognize. Kurtz has not
merely fost faith in civilization and therefore experimented with “Stygian
authenticity” — he is also a murderer, perhaps even a cannibal. He has
allowed his idolators to make human sacrifices in his honor and, like
Captain Rom, has decorated his corner of hell with the skulls of bis
victims. I suspect that Trilling arrives at his own evaluation of Kurtz as
2 “hero of the spirit” in part because he himself does not find “the hor
‘or" all that horrible, even though the deaths of 6,000,000 Congolese
is a high price to pay for the “illumination” of “Stygian authenticity.”
Bat Triling’s interpretation of Kuet2’s dying words — “the horror, the
horror” — does not take account of what transpired in Léopold’s
Congo. “For meit is still ambiguous whether Kurtz's famous deathbed
cry refers to the approach of death or to his experience of savage life”
(silling, “Modern” 18).
According to ‘Trilling’s view, either Kurtz. thinks death “the hor-
tor,” or Kurtz thinks Affican “savagery” “the horror.” There is another
possibility, of course, which is that Kurtz’s dying words are an outcry
39
against himself — against his betrayal of civilization and his Intended,
against the smash-up of his early hopes, and also against bis bloody
domination of the people he has been lording it over. No one would
ever mistake Conrad’s other traitors to civilization as “heroes of the
spirit.” Tam thinking, for example, of Willems who goes wrong and
then “goes native” in An Outcast of the Islands, or of the itonically sym
pathetic murderer Leggatt in “The Secret Sharer.” Even Lord Jim is
tno *hero of the spirit,” but 2 moral cripple who manages to regain @
semblance of self respect only after fleeing to Patusan. But how ws it
possible for Trilling to look past Kurtz’s criminal record and identify
“the horror” either with the fear of death or with Aftican “savagery”?
Achebe gives part of the answer: “white racism against Africa is such
normal way of thinking that its manifestations go completely unde-
tected” — so normal that acts that are condemned as the vilest of crimes
when committed in the supposedly civilized West can be linked to a
heroism of the spirit” and to "Stygian authenticity” when committed
in Aftica against Afticans,
Bur the other part of the answer, it scems to me, is that Trilling is
tight. Conrad himself identifies with and ironically admires Kurtz. He,
t00, sees him as a “hero of the spirit,” although “the spirit” for Conrad
is pechaps not what Trilling thinks itis, For Conrad, Kurtz’s heroi
consists in staring into an abyss of nihilism so total that the issues of
imperialism and racism pale into insignificance. It hardly matters if the
abyss is of Kurtz's making, No more than Trilling or perhaps most West
cern critics, I think, did Conrad concern himself deeply about “unspeak
able rites” and skulls on posts. These appear in Marlow’s account like
so many melodrama props — the evidence of Kurtz's decline and fall,
yes — but itis still Kurtz who has center stage, with whom Marlow
speaks, who is the goal and farthest point of the journey. Kutz’s black
victims and idolators skulking, in the bushes are also so many melo-
drama props.
Kurtz is not only the hero of the melodrama, he is an artist, a
“universal genius,” and a quite powerful, eloquent “voice” as wel. As
‘Achebe points out, the Aftican characters are, in contrast, rendered
almost without intelligible language. ‘The headman of Marlow’s anni
bal crew gets in a few phrases of Pidgin-minstrelese, something. about
cating some fellow Afticans. These are the black Kurtz worshippers,
shrieking and groauing incobereutly in de Gggy shrubbery along the
river. Kurtz’s “superb and savage” mistress, though described in glow-
ing detail, is given no voice, but in spite of this I like to imagine that
she, atleast, entertained no illusions about Kurtz or about imperialism,
Ee0 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
uualike the prim, palefaced knitters of black wool back in Brussels, “It’s
‘queer how out of touch with trath women are” (p. 27) says Marlow,
but of course he means white women. Kurtz’s black mistress knows all;
it’s just unfortunate that Marlow did not ask her for an interview.
‘The voices thar come from the “heart of darkness” are almost exclu-
sively white and male, Asa nearly disembodied, pure “voice” emanat-
ing ftom the very center of the story, Kurtz isa figure for the novelist,
asis his double Marlow. True, the “voice” that speaks out of the “heart
of darkness" is a hollow one, the voice of the abyss; but Marlow still
talks of Kurtz’s “unextinguishable gift of noble and lofty expression.”
‘The “voice” of Kurtz has “electrified large meetings,” and through it
Kurtz “could get himself to believe anything — anything” (p. 88). Is
Conrad questioning or mocking his own “voice,” his own talent for
fiction-making, for lying? Is he awace that the *will style,” his own
tendency to “impressionism,” points toward the production of novels
that are hollow at the core — that can justify any injustice — that con-
tain, perhaps, only an abyss, a Kurtz, “the horror, the horror”? Yes, I
think so. It is just this hollow “voice,” so devious and egotistical, so
capable of self-deception and lying propaganda, that speaks from the
center of “the heart of darkness” to “sum up” and to “judge.”
Besides a painter, musician, orator, and “universal genius,” Kurtz is
also, like Conrad, a writer. What he writes can be scen as an analogue
for the story and also its dead center, the Kernel of meaning or non:
‘meaning within its cracked shell. True, Kurtz has not written much,
only seventeen pages, but “it was a beautiful piece of writing.” ‘This
is his pamphlet for the “International Society for the Suppression of
Savage Customs,” witich Marlow describes as “eloquent, vibrating with
eloquence, but too high-strung, I think”
‘The opening paragraph ... in the light of later information, strikes
me now as ominous. He began with the argument that we whites,
from the point of development we had arrived at, “must neces-
sarily appear to them [savages] in the nature of supernatural
beings — we approach them with the might as of a deity,” and so
oon, and so on. “By the simple exercise of oar will we can exert a
power for good practically unbounded,” etc., etc. From that point
he soated and took me with him, The peroration was magnificent,
though difficult o remember, you know. Tt gave me the nation
of an exotic Immensity ruled by an august Benevolence. It made
sme tingle with enthusiasm. This was the unbounded power of
eloquence. [And here I will add, “This was the unbounded will
PATRICK BRANTLD
CER, pat
to style."] .. There were no practical hints to interrupt the magic
current of phrases, unless a kind of note at the Foot of the last
page, scravled evidently much later, in an unsteady hand, may be
regarded as the exposition of a method. It was very simple, and
at the end of that moving appeal to every altruistic sentiment it
blazed at you, luminous and terrifying, lke a flash of lightning in
a serene sky: “Exterminate all the brutes!” (pp. 65-66),
Viewed one way, Conrad's anti-imperialst story condemns the murdet-
‘uss racism of Kurtz's imperative. Viewed another way, Conrad’ racist
story voices that very imperative, and Conrad knows it. At the hollow
center of Heart of Darkness, far from the “misty halos” and “moon
shine” where the meaning supposedly resides, Conrad inscribes a text
that, like the novel itself, cancels out its own best intentions.
But now Kurtz’s dying words can be seen as something more than
an outcry of guilt, and certainly more than a mere expression of the fear
of death or of loathing for African “savagery.” They can be seen a8
referring to the sort of lying idealism that can rationalize any behavior,
toa complete separation between words and meaning, theory and prac
tice — perhaps to the “impressionistic” deviousness of art and language
themselves. On this metaphysical level, I think, Conrad ceases to worry
about the atrocities committed in the Congo and identifies with Kurtz
as a fellow-artist, a “hero of the spicit” of that nihilism that Conrad
himself found so attractive.
On several occasions, Conrad compared the artist with the empire
builder in a way that obviously runs counter to bis critique of impetial
ism in Hears of Darkness. In A Personal Record, Conrad writes of “that
interior world where [the novelist’s] thought and... emotions go
seeking for... imagined adventures,” and where “there are no police
men, no law, no pressure of circumstance or dread opinion to keep him
within bounds.” And in the fist manuscript of “The Rescuer,” which
as John McClure points out contains “by far” Conrad's “most sympa-
thetic” treatment of imperialism, empire builders are among “those
unknown guides of civilization, who on the advancing edge of progress
are administrators, warriors, creators... They ate like great artists «
mystery to the masses, appreciated only by the uninfluential few”
(McClore 89-90). Kurtz is empire-builder, artis, universal genius, and
voice crying from the wilderness all in one, But he has lost the faith —
vision or illusion that can alone eustain an empire and produce great
art, Nihilism is no basis upon which to found or administer a colony,
and it is also no basis on which to write a novel, and again Conrad
aa POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISM
PATRICK BRANTLINGER 3
knows it. In suggesting his affinity to Knrtz, he suggests the moral
bankruptcy of his own literary project. But once there were empite
bbuildersand great artists who kept the faith. Conrad frequently expresses
his admiration for the great explorers and adventurers, from Six Walter
Raleigh and Sir Francis Drake through James Brooke, the white rajah
of Sarawak, and David Livingstone, the greatest of the many great
explorers of the “Dark Continent.”
Conrad's critique of empire is never strictly anti-imperialst. Instead,
in terms that can be construed as conservative rather than nihilistic, he
rmoutns the loss of the truth faith in modern times, the dosing down of
frontiers, the narrowing of the possibilities for adventure, the commer:
alization of the world and of art, the death of chivalry and honor.
Here the meaning of his emphasis on the lying propaganda of modern
imperialism becomes evident. What was once a true, grand, noble,
albeit violent enterprise is now “a gigantic and atrocious fraud” —
except maybe, Marlow thinks, in the red parts of the map, where “some
real work is done.” Staring into the abyss of his life, or at least of Kurtz's
life, Conrad sees in bis disillasionment, his nihilism, the type of the
whole — the path of disincegration that is modern history. 1¢is nor just
[Affica or even just Kurtz who possesses a “heart of darkness”; Conrad’s
story beats that title as well.
But I am not going to end by announcing in “a tone of scathing
contempt” the death of Conrad’s story as a classic, like the insolent
manager's boy announcing: “Mistah Kurtz — he dead.” I agree with
Trilling that “authenticity,” trath-telling, so far from being a negligible
literary effect, is the essence of great literature. The fact that there are
almost no other works of British fiction written before World War I that
are critical of imperialism, and hundreds of imperialist ones that are rac~
ist through and through, is a measure of Contad’s achievement. T do
not believe, moreover, that the real strength of Hwr® of Darkneslies in
‘what it says about atrocities in King L€opola’s Congo, though its docu
mentary impulse is an important counter t0 its “will to style.” As social
‘ritcisn, its anti-imperialist message is undercut both by its racism and
by its impressionism. But I know few novels that so insistently invoke
am idealism that they don’t seem to contain, and in which the modern
ist “will to syle” is subjected to such powerful self-scrutiny —in whieh
it is suggested that the “voice” at the heart of the novel, the voice of
literature, the voice of civilization iwsell mnay jn its purest, freest form
yield only “the horror, che horror.”
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WORKS CITED
Achebe, Chinua, “An Image of Affica.” Masiachuserts Review 18
(1977): 782-94.
Arendt, Hannah. Imperialism. New York: Harcourt, 1968.
Conrad, Joseph. A Personal Record. New York: Doubleday, 1924.
Conrad, Joseph, and Ford Madox Hlueffer. The Inheritors: An Extray-
‘agaist Story. New York: McClure, 1901
Cookey; $. J. Britain and the Congo Question: 1885-1913. London:
Longman, 1968.
Glave, E. J. “Cruelty in the Congo Free State.” Century Magazine 54
(1897): 706.
Green, Martin. Dreams of Adventure, Deeds of Empire. New York:
Basic, 1979
Gucrard, Albert J. Conrad the Novelist. Cambridge: Harvard UP,
1958. New York: Atheneum, 1967,
Hawkins, Hunt. “Conrad’s Critique of Imperialism in Heart of
Daviness” PMLA 94 (1979): 286-99.
Hinde, Captain Sidney L. The Fal of the Congo Arabs. London:
Methuen, 1897.
Jameson, Fredric. The Political Unconscious: Narrative as 0 Socially
Symbolic Act. Whaca: Cornell UP, 1981.
Johnston, Sir Harry H. British Central Africa, London: Methuen,
1397,
Mahood, M. M. The Colonial Encounter: A Reading of Six: Novels.
London: Rex Collings, 1977.
McClure, John A. Kipling and Conrad: Tie Colonial Fiction. Cam-
bridge: Harvard UP, 1981
Morel, E. D. King Leopold's Rude in Africn, Westport: Negro Univer-
sities P, 1970.
—. Red Rutbber: The Story ofthe Rubber Slave Trade on the Congo.
London: Unwin, 1906.
Parry, Benita. Conrad anid Imperialism. London: Macmillan, 1983.
Said, Edward W. Joseph Conrad and the Fiction of Autobiography.
‘Cambridge: Harvard UP, 1966.
Sherry, Norman. Conrad’s Western World. Cambridge: Cambridge UP,
1971
Triling, Lionel, “On the Modern Element in Literature.” Beyond
Culiure: Esays on Literature and Learning. New York: Harcourt,
1968,
. Sincerity and Authenticity. Cambridge: Harvard UP, 198134 POSTCOLONIAL CRITICISNE
Watt, lan. Conrad in the Nineteenth Century. Betkeley: U of Cali
fornia P, 1979.
Watts, Cedric. ‘A Bloody Racist’: About Achebe's View of Conrad.”
‘Yearbook of English Studies 13 (1983): 196-209.
ams, Raymond, The English Novel from Dickens to Lavrence. New
York: Oxford UP, 1970.
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Combining Postcolonial,
Feminist, and Gender Criticism
with Queer Theory
Although you have been introduced to feminist and gender crt:
cism as well as the postcolonial approach earlier, you have not been
introduced to queer theory. Because the essay by Gabriclle McIntire
that follows eventually takes 2 “queered” tun after combining the
postcolonial approach, feminist and gender criticism (plus the post
modernist concept of the diffevend, which McIntire herself thoroughly
explains), a brief introduction to queer theory commences the follow=
ing lead-in to “The Women Do Not Travel: Gender, Difference, and
Incommensurability in Conrad's Heart of Darkness.”
WHAT IS QUEER THEORY?
Generally speaking, queer theory begins by assuming that homosex«-
ality and heterosexuality are not mutually exclusive binary oppositions —
fixed and exclusive modalities of personal identity — but, rather, points
along a continuum of possible sexual practices. Most queer theorists
would agree with feminist gender critics that gender differences by
and large are not innate but, rather, constructed, which is to say that
they are the result of long-standing, assumptions about what constitutes
feminine versus masculine behavior. But they take the constructionist
Niewpoine a step farther, argning that the opposition homosexual/
5326 COMBINING PERSPECTIVES |
heterosexual is also an either/or social construct that codifiesand thereby
misrepresents a range of behaviors and practices.
Rather than being a term used prejudicially, gureris used by queer
theorists to refer to critical and philosophical positions taken outside
the circle of conventional assumptions about sextality and gender. 8s a
result, some queer theorists are interested in the way in which prevail
ing discourses regarding sex, gender, and sexuality lump individuals and
individual practices not only into boxes marked male/female, mascu-
line/feminine, and straight queer (heterosextial /homosexual) but also
divyy the “queer” world up into boxes marked bisexual, transvestite,
transgendered, sadomasochist, and so forth.
"The philosophical roots of queer theory are deeply grounded in
Michel Foucault's Hiisoire de lie sexwalité (The History of Sexuality
[19761), which maintained that the whole concept of homosexuality 28
the abnormal opposite of heterosexuality was an artifact of nineteenth
century Western thought. Those roots also may be found in philoso-
pher Judith Butler's Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of
TTdentity (1990) and Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick’s landmark books Between
‘Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (985) and Episte-
mology of the Close (1990), both of which paved the way to understand:
ing how queer theory can undergird a critical approach to literary
works, Berween Men is particularly relevant to Mclntie’s reading of
“Heart of Darknes, insofar as it utilizes the terms of feminist and gender
criticism to analyze relationships between men that involve levels of
male bonding that, though not necessarily ot even usually sexual per se,
utterly leave women out.
‘Any definition of quecr theory will inevitably elicit reasonable objec-
tions from various subsets of queer theorists, For instance, some might
avant {0 carve out exceptions, arguing that Afiican American lesbian
authors have more in common with other Affican American women
anthors than, say, with black male homosexual writers. And, certainly,
there are queer theorists who write not from the constructionist but,
rather, from an essentialist perspective, arguing that homosexual per~
sons are naturally different feom birth much in the way chat there are
essentialist feminists who insist that women and men are not just ana-
tomically different but enentially different in a number of ways (¢-8.
the way in which they write)
In the opening pages of the essay excerpted below, Gabriella Meln-
tire examines the representations of women found in Heart of Darknes,
finding them to be “always positioned . in either the [African] colony
ee
WHAT Is QUEER THEORY! x
or the [European] metropole,” always “bere or there,” “decidedly stat
and unable to wander between cultural, ideological, and national
boundaries” (p. 382). Thus “placed, ... Conrad’s women” — from
Marlow’s aunt in her parlor serving tea to the gorgeous African wornan
looking “like the wilderness itself” — “reinforce a sense of extreme
separation between the colony and the metropole, and as such they are
crucial for guarding and preserving difference between Africa and
Burope” (p. 332).
But because they are all women (in a world of waveling white men),
they also underscore gender difference in Heart of Darkuess, a topic
previously addressed by Johanna M. Smith, whose 1989 essay “Too
Beautiful Altogether” (pp. 189-204) represents feminist and gender
criticism in this volume, and Bette London, whose essay {published the
same year) “Reading Race and Gender in Conrad’s Dark Continent”
blends the feminist/gender approach with that of postcolonial criti
cism, Developing the ideas of Smith and London while extending her
argument regarding the gap between Europe and Aftica, McIntire
writes: “While Conrad’s text explicitly marks out incommensurable dif.
ferences between Europe and Aifica and between Europeans and those
he calls ‘savages,’ these are, in turn, “sustained and enforced by the
incommensurabilies in knowing and speaking that he establishes along
gender lines” (p, 335). For the “male protagonists possess both empir:
cal and abstract knowledge of the colonial enterprise in both Affica and
Europe” (p, 385); thus, when Marlow judges his aunt's enthusiasm for
the European civlizing project to be evidence that she is “out of touch
with trath,” he criticizes her not for exhibiting European moral blind:
ness but, rather, “he reads her indoctrination as a specifically feminine
ignorance” (p. 336). Later, in Sone of the few places in the text where
Marlow intecrupts his narrative with an aside to his [male] auditors,” he
“pushes this exclusion {of the feminine from knowledge] farther to
insist, with an intratextual echo of his own words, that women should
be ‘out of his whole story.”
“I laid the ghost of his gifts at last with a lie.” he began suddenly.
“Girl! What? Did I mention a gir!? Oh, she is out of it — com:
pletely. They — the women I mean — are out of it — should be
out of it.” (p. 337)
Melntire finds in the sbove-quoted passage what postmodernist
theorist Jean Frangois Lyotard refers to asa alfferend, which tefers on
‘one hand to “an unstable state and instant of language wherein some:
thing which must be able to be put into phrases cannot yet be” and, on
ee aa328 COMBINING PERSPECTIVES
the other, that which would be “put into phrases” — thats, “rhetorical
‘or speech genre” (MeIntire’s phrase) which cannot be “translate[ed]”
by those wielding the predominant discourse. In the first sense of
differend, Marlow’s language is unstable because he is trying to “put”
the feminine “into phrases”; he “typically,” as MeIntire points out,
“stutters and falters in his narration most explicitly at the moments
when he is unable to make women part of his story” (p. 338). In the
second sense of Lyotard’s term, what women would “put into phrases”
Jn speaking to power is also present as a trace in the passage — that is,
as silence. Turning to Smith’s account of the way in which the women
in Heart of Darkness are either silenced by the patriarchal discourses
from which they ate excluded or reduced to parroting them weakly,
McIntire then returns to Lyotard’s The Differend, which argues that
discursive interactions between two parties from heterogenous “phrase
regimens” end with one party “reduced to silence.” Melatire contin-
ues: “The voices Lyotard writes of are as unintelligible to the more
powerful discourses that frame and contain them ...as the women in
Heart of Darknessare to Martow’s narration” (p. 339)
“Without framing his argument in feminist, queer, or racial terms,”
MeTntire subsequently argues, “Lyotard goes very far in describing
how institutional and societal modes disallow certain forms of speech or
genres of expression by not making space for the possibility of their
idiom” (p. 339). Befare ever invoking The Différend, Mcintire framed
her argument in linked, feminist and racial terms. “[N]either women
nor Afficans (regardless of gender),” she had earlier remarked, “are
capable of navigating between types of knowledge, any more than they
are capable of leaving the territory that defines them” (p. 336). Having
introduced Lyotard’s concept of the différend, she powerfully reframes
her argument in homosocial, homoerotic, “queer” terms
She does so most pointedly in her consideration of the story’ end:
ing, which “highlight{s]” Marlow’s “desire for non-contact between
his epistemological framework” and “women’s in general.” When Mar-
low visits Kurtz’s Totended, he “return{s] things” (a portrait and her
letters) but “cannot meet her with language.” Instead of engaging the
young woman in conversation, he “mimics her phrasing,”
In answer to her statement, “You kntew him wel,” he echoes her
in profoundly homoerotic language: “I knew him as well as it is
possible for one man to know another.” His echolalia effectively
parodies her desire for knowledge about nothing less than bnow/-
‘edge itself by claiming a supreme (and possibly sexual) form of
knowledge for himself. (p. 341)
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‘As “their exchange continues,” as Marlow “stragglfes] to piece words
together in the hesitating language of discomfort, claiming ‘He was a
remarkable man [...] it was impossible not to...’ the Intended inter
poses ‘Love him" (p. 342). In Lyotard’s phrase, this is an attempt to
“pat into phrases” her love for the same man, to—in Mefntire’s
words ~ “meet Marlow on his own discursive level by literally con
pleting his sentence, ... by echoing his language of love and desire,”
Bur this is “precisely the sort of thing Marlow does not want to hear
from a woman; itis fir too near to the ‘truth? about bis attraction to
Kurtz, Marlow experiences this interpolation as a terrifying shutting
down of his voice, feeling that she was ‘silencing me into an appalled
dumboness’™ (p. 342)
Marlow soon cecovers his voice. When the Intended subsequently
asks him to “repeat” Kartz’s last words, to in effect share in Kurta’s and
Marlow’s language, he — in Mclntire’s words — “reinforces their dif
ference by refusing to mect her in the same discursive territory of
‘truth.’ Rather than tell her that Kurtz died muttering “The horror!
‘The horror!” in what Marlow has called a “supreme moment of com
plete knowledge” that “had the appalling face of a glimpsed truth,”
he instead tells her that Kurtz died speaking her name. “As such,”
‘Melntire concludes, “Marlow ends his story on a differend by directing:
her away from knowledge to leave her believing in a false romantic
vision of Kurtz’s inal words" (pp. 342-43).
WORKS CITED
Butler, Judith. Gender Trouble: Feminism and the Subversion of
Identity. New York: Routledge, 1990. Print. For a new introduc-
tion by the author, ee the 1999 edition.
Foucault, Michel. The History of Sexuality. Vol. 1. Trans, Robert
Hurley. New York: Pantheon, 1978. Print,
London, Bette. “Reading Race and Gender in Conrad’s Dark Conti
nent.” Criticinn 31 (1989): 235-52. Print.
Lyotard, Jean Frangois, The Différend, Trans. Georges Van Den
‘Abbecle. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1988. Print.
Sedgwick, Eve Kosofiky. Benmcen Men: English Literature and Male
‘Homosocial Desire. New York: Columbia UP, 1988, Print
———. kptstemology of the Claset. Berkeley: U of California F, 1991,
Print,
Smith, Johanna M. “ ‘Too Beautifal Altogether’: Patriatchal Ideology
in Heart of Darknes.” 189-204, this edition. Print