ACADEMIC STUDY MATERIAL

SEMESTER-VI
POLITICAL SOCIOLOGY
UNIT –IV

Compiled by:
K. SREENIVAS, ( PhD Sociology)
Osmania University
Sociology Faculty
UNIT 6 ELECTIONS AND ELECTORAL
POLITICS
Structure
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Role of Elections in Democracy
6.3 Election Machinery
6.4 Electoral System and Process
6.5 Election in India: An Exercise on Massive Scale
6.6 Voting Pattern
6.7 Determinants of Electoral Behaviour
6.8 Caste as a Determinant of Electoral Behaviour
6.9 Drawbacks of Electoral System
6.10 Electoral Reforms
6.10.1 Change in the Electoral System
6.10.2 Restructuring the Election Commission
6.10.3 Eradicating the Evil Influences of Money and Muscle Power

6.11 Summary
6.12 Exercises

6.1 INTRODUCTION
Election is a device through which a modern state creates among its citizens a sense of
involvement and participation in public affairs. A good electoral system is the bedrock of
genuine representative government. Much depends on how the system operates in
practice, whether competent and honest administrators free from political bias conduct
elections efficiently and impartially. The absence of general confidence in the verdict of
the ballot may destroy the faith of public in the democratic process. Stressing the importance
of electoral process, Pollock observed, “Unless public elections are conducted with accuracy
and efficiency, not only the public services are discredited but the whole democratic system is
endangered.”

India is a constitutional democracy with a parliamentary system of government, and at the

heart of the system is a commitment to hold regular, free and fair elections. These
elections determine the composition of the government, the membership of the two houses of
parliament, the state and union territory legislative assemblies, and the Presidency and vice-
presidency.

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6.2 ROLE OF ELECTIONS IN DEMOCRACY
Nowadays, elections have emerged as an instrument of choice all over the democratic world.
Elections serve as the basic mechanism for both electing and replacing ruling elites and for
providing a regular and systematic succession in government. They help to determine how a
country is governed and at the same time select who will exercise state power. Elections are
also the principal mechanisms by which citizens hold governments accountable, both
retrospectively for their policies and more generally for the manner in which they govern. Elections
reinforce party activities and intensify political awareness of the people. They educate voters
and grant legitimacy to government.
Although elections are considered as one of the core institutions in democratic polities, their
misuse is not uncommon. Elections produce different outcomes in different systems of government.
Leaders of all kinds, from military dictators to civilian autocrats, recognise the power and
importance of elections in obtaining legitimacy to govern. Military or civilian leaders willing to
run the country through undemocratic means, use elections as a tool for their continuation in
power. These leaders make major efforts to manipulate elections.
However, in spite of all the shortcomings and inconsistencies of an electoral system, elections
can decide important matters in any polity. Only elections establish that legitimate political power
flows from below. Elections, then, are essential for democracy, but only when they are free and
fair and devoid of irregularities and malpractices. Electoral malpractices not only negate the
voting right of the people but also hamper the effort to institutionalise democracy.
Electoral corruption is a major type of political corruption. It thrives in a society in which the
degree of political and administrative morality is low. The necessity of a transparent electoral
system is one of the most important prerequisites for present day democratic practice in both
developed and developing countries. Electoral corruption negatively influences the consolidation
of democracy. Governments, claiming to be democratic, manipulate elections to cling to power.
Electoral malpractices are the main source of misunderstanding between the ruling and opposition
parties in many states and have often led to political crisis. In India, Jammu and Kashmir is the
classic example in this regard.

6.3 ELECTION MACHINERY

Democratic practices are sustained and strengthened through elections. The authority vested
with the conduct of elections should, therefore, be competent, effective, independent and impartial.
The makers of the constitution of India had given the country an unified authority, Election
Commission (EC), independent of the central and state governments, for organising elections to
the Union and state legislatures. The powers of the EC are essentially administrative and marginally
adjudicative and legislative. Its triple powers have so far been exercised without ever being
objected to by the judiciary. It was initially envisaged to be a single member Commission. The
EC was enlarged in October 1993 with the appointment of two ECs (Election Commissioners).
The President appoints the CEC (Chief Election Commissioner) and ECs. The Tarkunde
Committee in 1975 and the Goswami Committee in 1991 suggested that the President should
make appointment to the EC on the advice of a Committee comprising the leader of the opposition
in the Lok Sabha, the Prime Minister, and the Chief Justice of India.

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In the first three decades after independence, EC’s role was peripheral because there was
little malpractice and violence. Towards the end of eighties, Mandal and Mandir issues
emerged on the political scene and the politics of consensus collapsed. Politicisation on caste
and communal lines took the centre-stage. Electoral process was vitiated and the violence,
rigging, intimidation of voters and misuse of governmental machinery became common. The
situation called for prompt reforms in the electoral process. However, despite expression of
serious concern by politicians of all hues, no substantial reform was effected. The EC had no
option but to resort to the use of its constitutional and legal powers in the interest of free, fair and
peaceful election. It has fought many battles in the apex courts of the country against forces
inimical to the healthy democratic development. The EC unhesitatingly ordered repolls at polling
stations and whole of constituencies if the original poll was vitiated. Elections were countermanded
because of booth capturing, rigging and violence on a massive scale, in several constituencies
over the years. The model code of conduct is being strictly enforced by the EC. The election
law is also being implemented effectively for disciplining the candidates and parties. The effective
enforcement of election law and model code of conduct by the EC had salutary effects in
the conduct of elections since 1990s. The credit for improving the functioning of election
machinery in the country is mainly attributed to T.N. Seshan, former CEC.

6.4 ELECTORAL SYSTEM AND PROCESS

Elections are part of a larger political process, which includes nominations, campaigning, and
the actual voting. In brief, all those means whereby a person becomes a member of an elected
assembly can be termed as the electoral process. W.J. Mackenzie has laid down four conditions
for free and fair election, namely, an independent judiciary to interpret electoral law; an honest
competent, non-partisan administration to conduct elections; a developed system of political
parties, well enough organised to put their policies, and teams of candidates before the electors
as alternatives between which to choose; and a general acceptance throughout the political
community of certain rules of the game, which regulate the struggle for power. No developing
countries can claim to meet these conditions fully. However, India comes closest to meeting
them in comparison to others. It can rightly boast of an independent judiciary and a non-partisan
election administration. Although India cannot claim to have a developed system of political
parties, there is a general acceptance of certain rules of the game, which has gained deeper
roots with time.

Elections have acquired a central place in the Indian political system. The campaigns are
marked with intense political debates, symbolic processions and increasing use of electronic
technology by major political parties. Visual symbols acquire greater importance in India due
to widespread illiteracy. Voters identify the candidate with the help of the symbols allotted to
them. Issues in form of slogans become critical at times like garibi hatao (remove poverty) in
1971, loktantra bachao (save democracy) in 1977, stable government in 1980, corruption in
terms of Bofors scandal in 1989, mandal-mandir controversy in 1991. Argument over ideology
or policy issues are debated during campaigns as all parties make almost similar promises to
eradicate poverty and unemployment, combat corruption, preserve national unity, etc. Despite
poverty and illiteracy the people have displayed maturity of judgement through their native
intelligence and common sense in choosing, and also changing the government according to
their choice.

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6.5 ELECTION IN INDIA: AN EXERCISE ON MASSIVE
SCALE
Elections are the great public ceremonies of Indian life. In India, the elections are massive
spectacles mobilising millions of people into the political process. They are, thus, not only great
festivals providing entertainment and excitement for virtually the entire population but have also
acquired what Albinski and Pettit have termed as “a sacramental or commemorative aspect”
and has become “a conspicuous symbol of nationhood and social purpose.” In the words of
Morris Jones and Biplab Das Gupta, “Elections in India provide the occasion for the widest
degree of popular participation; they constitute the most important single arena for genuine
competition between political groups; they are the principal agency through which recruitment
to a significant part of the political elite is affected.” The elections tend to be complex events in
India since they involve individual and collective decisions and directly affect the total political
and social process. Unlike most of the new states in the developing countries, elections in India
have been central, not peripheral to the system.

6.6 VOTING PATTERN

The General Election is considered as a sacred process that not only ratifies the principle of
democracy generally but it strengthens the pillars of Indian democracy as well. The voting
pattern shows that the percentage of female voters who cast their votes has significantly
increased from 46.63 per cent in the third General Election to 55.64 per cent in 1999 election.
A look at the results of the last five General Elections reveals that there is a decline in the
performance of the national parties taken together both in terms of total number of seats won as
well as their vote share. Regional parties gained at the cost of national parties during this period.
This is one of the factors that have contributed to federal coalition governments in the recent
past. All the regional parties put together could get only 27 seats in 1989 elections. They improved
their tally to 51 in 1991 and 129 in 1996. But there was a decline in seat share to 101 in 1998
and subsequently an increase 158 in 1999. There was a corresponding increase in their vote
share also. In 1989 their vote share was 9.28 per cent of the total valid votes polled. But it
increased 26.93 per cent in the 1999 polls. National Parties always got a higher percentage of
seats compared to their vote share. Regional parties and independents were the losers who
could get lesser percentage of seats compared to their vote share.

Elections are political processes, which provide a link between the society and the polity and
between the traditional social systems and evolving political structures. Therefore, the elections
must be analysed within the context of the total political and social system. Elections perform
different roles in different political systems. They may contribute to political development in
some, to political decay in others. They may sometimes be used as veiled disguises for
authoritarianism. In established democracies, there are institutional procedures for system
maintenance and also the instruments for support building, interest aggregation, peaceful and
orderly transfer of power, recruitment and training of leaders, and above all for an increasing
democratisation of the political system. Thus, the elections are devices for legitimacy, identification,
integration, communication, political education, participation, socialisation, mobilisation, conflict
resolution, political choice, and political control. Elections induct an element of accountability

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into a political system and make it possible for the citizens to exercise a genuine and meaningful
degree of political choice and control. This, in turn, makes the system itself a democratic and
effective instrument of governance.

6.7 DETERMINANTS OF ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR

Election studies show that a combination of factors determines the electoral behaviour. These
factors include mainly religion, language, region, caste, tribe, etc. In Punjab the religious,
linguistic and regional factors have been used by the Akali Dal to garner votes. The
regional and linguistic factors were used to mobilise votes in Tamil Nadu by the DMK,
AIADMK, in Andhra Pradesh by the in Telugu Desam, in Assam by AGP. With increased
democratisation and politicisation, the political parties have tried to exploit the caste factor for
election purpose, which in turn enables elite group of castes to get inducted into the political
process. In fact, caste is the most commonly used factor of mobilisatiom. It does, however, not
mean that all the castes or even an entire caste becomes politicised or mobilised to influence the
political system.

The caste associations in India began much before independence as agents of Sanskritisation
seeking to secure educational, service and other facilities to raise the status of their caste in
social hierarchy. But their post-independence role has become much more important and
complicated since now they combine the roles of pressure groups in economic and political field
as well. The caste associations have made people conscious of their rights and privileges. Their
most important contribution lies in making the illiterate masses participate effectively in politics.
Through this process, politicisation of caste has reached a stage where not only is the caste
regarded as one of the main issues for deciding in favour of a candidate by the voters but caste
is also one of the most important variables in the distribution of election tickets and formation of
ministries. Thus, the caste connections of leaders, command over their caste men and the ability
to form coalitions of castes for the purpose of political gains came to play significant roles. With
the introduction of universal adult franchise, the dalits and other backward castes became
conscious of their potential power due to their sheer numerical size.

Caste solidarity has acquired tremendous importance. People tend to vote either for a party
with which their caste or sub-caste is identified, or for a respected member of their caste,
irrespective of his/her party affiliation. What Paul Brass had observed in 1965 in the context of
state election is now relevant in the context of national election; “The role of caste in elections is
easily the most discussed aspect of contemporary Indian political behaviour.” The interaction
between caste and electoral politics has resulted in traditionalisation of politics, on the one hand,
and politicisation of caste, on the other. According to Rajni Kothari, “The alleged casteism in
politics is thus no more and no less than politicisation of caste. By drawing the caste system into
its web of organisation, politics finds material for its articulation and moulds it into its own
design. In making politics their sphere of activity, caste and kin groups, on the other hand, get a
chance to assert their identity and to strive for positions.” In the democratic process politics has
penetrated into the remote villages of India. Political consciousness and participation have
increased among all segments of the society awakening them to the power of their votes in
determining the fate of political leaders. Thus, at times electoral process has been the route to
social mobility as in the case of Yadavs in UP and Bihar. Awakened to its political weight by
force of numbers, the community has dominated the political scene in the states since mid

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1980s. The logic of electoral politics has also compelled the political parties to broaden their
social or caste base. Thus, anti-high caste parties like the DMK and BSP (Bahujan Samaj
Party) had to co-opt the higher castes to make their regional identity more inclusive, while the
upper castes and urban parties like the BJP have to reach out to the middle and lower castes
and rural periphery to challenge the Congress dominance.

The acceptance of universal adult franchise and extension of political power to the common
man by the Indian constitution, irrespective of caste, community and sex was a revolutionary
step. There have been changes of government both at the Centre and in the states several times
through the election process. By political participation one may refer to those legal activities by
citizens which are more or less directly aimed at influencing the selection of government personnel
and policy decisions.

The robustness of democratic institutions depends on three interrelated phenomenons. First,

there must exist a cadre of political activists who are committed to democratic principles and
compete among themselves for capturing political power within the confines of democratic rules
of the game. Second, there must be available an institutional structure that facilitates articulation
of divergent public policies and promotes smooth transformation of inputs into appropriate
systemic outputs. And lastly, there must exist a generalised commitment to democratic values
and norms on the part of the general public.

The most fundamental reality of the Indian society is the overwhelming poverty. A vast multitude
of Indians is unemployed and underemployed. The rate of literacy is very low. The illiteracy
among the dalits and the poor is almost total. It is this vast ocean of humanity living in the rural
India, which constitutes the basic reality of India. It is this majority of population living below
and just above the poverty line which has the major share of votes in the Indian elections. Poor,
illiterate, superstitious with a sense of belonging only to the caste or religion, and with no access
to proper communication, except occasionally the government run broadcasting system, this
enormous human wave is being driven to the polling station, every now and then to cast its
sovereign will.

It is mainly on this section of the population that the outcome of the election really depends. The
election thus becomes an occasion when their consent is manipulated not to promote their
interest but to sustain a political system that expects them to surrender their sovereign right. This
is clearly reflected in the class nature of the electoral slogans as well as the performance of the
parties once they come into power. The ‘socialistic pattern’ benefited the private sector more;
and nationalisation of banks really meant more capital becoming available to the big business
houses.

The dominant social groups often infringe upon the rights of the dalits, lower backwards and
other disadvantaged groups. The most common method adopted is a simple one of voting by
proxy; the labourers leave the choice to the landowner, who advises and persuades them not to
go to the booth as their votes would be cast. In case they are undecided and look like voting for
someone other than the choice of the landowner, they are prevented from voting. Such practice
has been going on almost since the beginning of election in India, but more openly and on a
larger scale since the sixties, with the emergence of the rural elite of landlords and kulaks as an
influential lobby at the state politics.

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The political parties and their leaders too all along have adopted a policy of non-interference in
the rural sector so as not to annoy the land owning classes, without whose help and feudal vote
banks, a candidate could not hope to win. By and large, this forms the basis of the voting
pattern in the rural India. The feudal patron-client relations have not yet been replaced, though
there is a trend towards their erosion in certain parts of the country. This manifests in the social
life as a close nexus between class, caste and citizenship and strengthens the operation of vote
banks and vote contractors in the Indian electoral politics. Role of caste and religion are very
important in this context.

6.8 CASTE AS A DETERMINANT OF ELECTORAL

BEHAVIOUR
Caste has always played a decisive role in the electoral politics in India. While the higher caste
Brahmins, Bhumihars, Rajputs have dominated the politics of several parts of India, the middle
castes like Jats, Marathas, Yadvads, Reddies, Kammas, Vokkaliggas, etc., emerged powerful
caste groups as a result of land reforms and Green Revolution. In the recent past even dalits,
especially in North India have become an important and decisive caste group. The rise of the
Bahujan Samaj Party in Uttar Pradesh is the most important example of increasing role of dalits.
The caste groups, infact, have come to known as the “vote banks” of political parties in the light
of their support to the parties.

Caste loyalties are to be exploited by the respective caste elites for their class interests. At the
time of elections when it becomes more a question of number game, the caste groups seek to
mobilise the support of not merely their own caste members but also those of others. Caste
plays its role both in both ways --- in the unorganised way and in the form of caste association
caste. According to some scholars caste plays a secular role in Indian democracy. It has absorbed
and synthesised some of the new democratic values, and has lost its ritual significance. In the
democratic process caste affects the democracy and gets itself affected in turn.

Rudolph and Rudolph say that there are three types of mobilisation on the basis of caste: vertical,
horizontal and differential. Vertical mobilisation is the marshalling of the political support by
traditional notables in local societies that are organised and integrated by rank, mutual dependence
and the legitimacy of traditional authority. Horizontal mobilisation involves the marshalling of
political support by class or community leaders and their specialised organisations. Differential
mobilisation involves the marshalling of direct or indirect political support by political parties
and other integrative structures from viable but internally differentiated communities through
parallel appeals to ideology, sentiment and interest.

Even the communists in India used caste idioms for mobilising the class of agricultural labourers
in Andhra Pradesh, on the ground of caste-class correspondence. The functioning of the various
political parties proves the vital role of the caste. In the selection of the candidates, formulation
of campaign strategies and mobilisation of votes on the basis of caste show that political parties
show the significance of caste in political mobilisation. The coming together of various middle
and lower castes on the basis of the common interest of the peasantry class has helped the
communist to further consolidate themselves.

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6.9 DRAWBACKS OF ELECTORAL SYSTEM
The working of Indian electoral system has witnessed several drawbacks and malpractices.
The discrepancy between the votes cast for a party and the seats won in parliament, the multiplicity
of political parties, personality cult in party system, exploitation of caste and communal loyalties,
role of muscle and money power, misuse of governmental machinery, fraudulent practices like
booth-capturing, intimidation and impersonation of voters are important drawbacks of Indian
electoral system.

Election malpractices range from the physical capturing of booths to the organisation of youth
wings of parties or goon squads who could target and terrorise particular communities before
the poll to prevent them from voting. Even the poll staff is either bribed into active connivance or
intimidated into passive acquiescence. The menace of booth capturing has been in vogue since
the second general election of 1957, especially in Bihar. The phenomenon gradually spread
over the country in different forms and dimensions.

The rising need for the muscle power in elections necessitated more input of money too.
Earlier voters used to be bribed individually, then it was found to be more convenient to buy
musclemen who could ensure victory by capturing booth or intimidating voters rather than
buying individual voters. This has led to progressive criminalisation of politics and the emergence
of politician-underworld nexus. Gradually, the criminals themselves have started contesting
elections instead of helping others. At times, the politicians found it necessary to politicise the
bureaucracy. This can be gauged from the scale on which most of the high officials are changed
with the change of a government. This is done to condition the bureaucracy to act in favour of
the ruling party during elections. The official machinery is used to collect information on political
rivals. The official machinery come handy in hiring crowds, intimidating targeted sections of
voters, creating local tensions, conditioning staff for poll duties, enrolling additional voters or
removing certain names from there, etc. They also, in turn, allow the bureaucracy to make
money so that they remain vulnerable. In the process significant sections of bureaucracy get
incorporated into the politician-underworld-bureaucracy nexus. In its efforts to cleanse the
electoral process, the EC has put a ban on transfers and promotions after the elections are
announced. Although significant, the measure is of limited value as the final dispositions of the
bureaucracy are usually made much in advance. Other practices of misuse have also been
banned under model code of conduct that has come to be more strictly enforced since T.N.
Seshan days.

Electioneering tends to be an expensive exercise. In a vast country like India this is more so
because the electoral constituency is usually very large both in terms of size and population.
With mass illiteracy, a candidate is required to make extensive personal contacts with the voters,
which involve enormous expenditure. One important reason for the elections to have become
so expensive in our times is the growing distance of political parties from the people. Transport,
publicity and maintaining the campaigners involve enormous amount. The desire to win an election
at any cost and the increasing reliance on the muscle power in elections have necessitated
unbelievably enormous expenditures collected through dubious means, by the political parties
and their candidates.

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The gap between expenses incurred in an election and legally permitted limit on expenses is also
increasing with time. Ceilings on campaign expenses being low, black money in form of donations
to election fund of political parties or powerful leaders have come to be an established fact. It
is estimated that 90 per cent of all election funds comes from the big business houses in
expectation of special favours or patronage. This not only eliminates men and women of ability
and integrity from electoral contest for lack of financial support but also promotes criminalisation
of politics.

6.10 ELECTORAL REFORMS

The need of electoral reforms was felt quite early in India. The various committees and commissions
appointed by the parliament, government and opposition parties have made attempts in this
regard. First such major effort for electoral reforms was made in 1971, when a Joint Parliamentary
Committee on Amendments to Election Law was appointed under the chairmanship of Jagannath
Rao, which submitted its report in 1972.

In 1974, Jayaprakash Narayan as president of the Citizens for Democracy (CFD) set up a
committee under the chairmanship of Justice V.M. Tarkunde for electoral reforms. This committee
popularly known as Tarkunde committee was asked to suggest measures to combat among
other things the various forms of corrupt practice like the use of money and muscle power,
misuse of official machinery and the disparity between the votes polled and the number of seats
won, etc. Tarkunde committee submitted its report in February 1975. On the basis of this
report, J.P. launched the people’s movement against corruption and for electoral reforms and
presented the People’s Charter to the presiding officers of both Houses of Parliament on March
6, 1975. Urging the Parliament and assemblies to be more responsive to popular aspirations,
the charter demanded that the unanimous recommendations of the Joint Parliamentary Committee
on Electoral Reforms be implemented without delay.

The Janata Party after assuming power in 1977 constituted a cabinet sub-committee on electoral
reforms headed by the then Union Home Minister Charan Singh. At the same time, the CEC
S.L. Shakdhar made significant suggestions on various issues ranging from election expenses to
booth capturing. An agreement to reduce voting age from 21 to 18 years was also reached. But
the Janata Party government fell before it could initiate any electoral reform.

The National Front government under V.P. Singh in January 1990 formed another committee
on electoral reforms headed by the then Law Minister Dinesh Goswami. The committee did
laudable and prompt work and submitted its report in May 1990. On the basis of the proposals
therein, the government introduced four bills in the Parliament to give effect to its recommendations.
But this government also fell before these bills could be enacted.

The Narasimha Rao government convened a special session of the Parliament to get two bills;
the Constitution Eighty- Third Amendment Bill 1994 and the Representation of the People
Second Amendment Bill, 1994, passed. However, the bills were withdrawn before introduction.
The United Front coalition government succeeded in getting the Representation of the People
Second Amendment Act enacted in July 1996. The important provisions of the act are as
follows:

1) Candidates will not be allowed to contest more than two seats at a time.

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2) Non-serious candidates will be deterred from contesting parliamentary and assembly
elections through a ten-fold increase in the security deposit from Rs. 500 to Rs. 5000.

3) Elections will not be countermanded because of the death of a candidate. In the case of a
candidate of a recognised political party, the party will have the authority to nominate a
replacement within seven days. No such replacement will be allowed in the case of an
independent.

4) The campaign period is reduced from 21 days to 14 days.

The reforms though minimal to begin with can pave the way for more through and comprehensive
overhauling of the electoral machinery and process. The following measures can be suggested
for electoral reform.

6.10.1 Change in the Electoral System

An electoral system must be truly representative. However, there is a wide gap between the
votes polled and seats won in present system where no single party has ever won a majority of
votes in any Lok Sabha election but has been able to capture absolute and even two third
majority several times. Over the years, the system has come under severe criticism. Opinions
have been expressed to change it to a system of proportional representation. L.K. Advani and
C.P. Bhambhri advocated proportional representation way back in 1970; the Tarkunde committee
recommended a variant of the German system in 1975. Former CECs S.L. Shakdhar and L.P.
Singh have argued for a combined system of voting in which 50 per cent of the seats in the Lok
Sabha and state assemblies would be filled by direct voting and the remaining on the basis of
proportional representation. Tarkunde committee had also suggested combining the present
Indian system with a German list system.

6.10.2 Restructuring the Election Commission

One of the basic proposals of those advocating electoral reforms since long had been that of
making Election Commission a multi-member body. The Tarkunde and Goswami committees
advocated three members EC. Most of the CECs have opposed it on the ground that quick
decisions are sometimes required in electoral matters, which may be impeded by multi-member
commission. With the 1993 Constitution Amendment Act and the 1995 Supreme Court
judgement, multi-member commission has become an accomplished fact. However, the manner
in which the ECs are appointed and the provision of majority decision under Art. 324A raise
the suspicion that the executive may appoint as many ECs as would constitute a majority and
would thus control the commission’s decision. A statutory requirement of consulting the Chief
Justice of India and the leader of the opposition prior to the appointment of the CEC and ECs
can ensure a non-partisan character of the EC. A ban on all post-retirement appointments by
the government will eliminate the tendency and possibility of the CEC and ECs pleasing the
government by going out of way.

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6.10.3 Eradicating the evil influences of Money and Muscle
Power
To check the increasing influence and vulgar show of money, law should fix reasonable ceiling
on election expenses and strict compliance of such law should be enforced as was done during
T.N. Sheshan’s tenure as the CEC. State funding of elections, which has been recommended
by all the committees on electoral reforms, should be introduced to curb the menace of money
in elections. To prevent growing criminalisation and violence there is an urgent need to implement
the EC’s proposal of keeping out persons with proven criminal records from electoral context.
Model code of conduct should be enforced strictly. Gradually, ways and means must be found
to implement the voters’ right to recall as well as the right to reject candidates.

The electoral process cannot be cleansed merely by legal measures. The electoral process is
influenced and determined by the political culture of the political system, which cannot be reformed
by legislative acts. The enlightened citizens who are prepared to uphold political norms and
punish those who violates them can be an effective instrument for clean electoral politics.
Bolstering the intermediary political and civic institutions, whose collapse has accelerated electoral
malpractices, can also be effective in removing the ills of electoral process. However, the strong
political will and people’s initiative is needed to get rid the electoral of from several defects from
which it is suffering.

6.11 SUMMARY
In this unit, we have discussed the role of election in ensuring people’s participation in the
political system and strengthening democracy. Election can also weaken democracy, if polls are
not free and fair. Therefore, our constitution makers have provided for impartial election machinery,
free from executive control to conduct elections for Union and State legislatures and President
and Vice-President. Elections in India are an exercise on massive scale involving millions of
voters, poll personnel, security men etc.

Caste, community, religion, language, region, etc., are the main determinants of electoral
behaviour. However, caste plays the most dominant role in election. Different political parties
nominate candidates on the basis of caste composition of the concerned constituency and voters
are mobilised on the basis of caste. Even after election caste is given due consideration in
ministry formation. Thus, Indian election cannot be understood without properly understanding
the role of caste in election.

Elections in India have been marred by the evil influences of money and muscle power. This has
led to criminalisation of electoral politics. Earlier criminals used to lend outside support but now
they themselves have entered in the electoral arena and have become not only members of the
house but even have become ministers. Thus we have a new phenomena in Indian politics
‘tainted ministers.’ To check the rot, several committees and commissions have been appointed
for electoral reforms. These committees have suggested several measures; some of them have
been adopted also. But still a lot has to be done to stem the rot. However, law alone cannot
clean the electoral system. Vigilant public opinion is also required. People have to be sensitised
about the malaise of the electoral process. Only then, free and fair poll can be conducted, which
will lead to strengthening of democracy in India.

11
6.12 EXERCISES
1) Critically examine the role of election in democracy and evaluate the role of Election
Commission of India in conducting free and fair poll.

2) What are the important determinants of electoral behaviour in India? Critically discuss the
role of caste as a determinant of voting behaviour.

3) What are electoral reforms? Discuss the various efforts made for electoral reforms.

4) Explain the increasing role of money and muscle power in election. What measures can be
adopted to curb its menace?

5) Explain the politician-underworld-bureaucracy nexus and its impact on the electoral process
in India.

12
 Party Systems in India

BLOCK 2
DETERMINANTS OF VOTING
BEHAVIOUR

35
Determinants of Voting
Behaviour BLOCK 2 INTRODUCTION

Election is a process which enables people to elect their representatives to the

legislative bodies such as Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha or to the institutions of local
governances. People belong to different social groups such as castes, classes,
genders, tribes, ethnic or linguistic groups. The differences among them influence
the voting behaviour in elections. This block discusses the determinants of voting
behaviour of the electorates. The unit 4 deals with caste, class, gender and tribes,
and unit 5 deals with ethnicity, religion, and language as determinants of voting
behaviour.

36
 Caste, Class, Gender and
UNIT 4 CASTE, CLASS, GENDER AND Tribe

TRIBE*

Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 What is Voting Behaviour?
4.3 Evolution of Studies of Voting Behaviour in India
4.4 Determinants of Voting Behaviour
4.4.1 Caste
4.4.2 Class
4.4.3 Gender
4.4.4 Tribes
4.5 Let Us Sum Up
4.6 References
4.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

4.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will be able to:
Define different determinants of voting behaviour;
Underline the significance of voting behaviour in democracy
Discuss how caste and class have been prominent in determining the voting
behaviour;
Explain the role of Gender and Tribe as determinants of voting behaviour.

4.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous units, you have read about political parties and party systems.
Political parties are principal institutions through which people get representatives
elected to run government. As politics has several dimensions ranging from
institutions to elections, different scholars study elections through different ways.
The most common way has been to conduct surveys to study the determinants of
electoral behaviour. Indeed, elections studies form a significant aspect of studying
democracy. People elect their representatives in elections by exercising their
choice in favour of a candidate who may belong to a party or who may contest
election without being members of a party or without the support of a party.
Such candidates are known as independents. In cases where several candidates
contest elections, the voters are expected to vote only one of them. There are
several factors which determine the voting behaviour of voters in favour or against
a candidate. Several factors determine voting behaviour in India such as caste,
class, tribes, gender, religion, language and ethnicity. In this unit you will read
about first four of them. And you will read about ethnicity, religion and language
in unit 5.
* Dr. Divya Rani, Consultant, Faculty of Political Science, SOSS, IGNOU, New Delhi 37
Determinants of Voting
Behaviour 4.2 WHAT IS VOTING BEHAVIOUR?
Voting behaviour defines the pattern of casting vote or the factors that influence
people in casting vote. Its study explains what factors determine or influence
voter’s choice of voting. Study of voting behaviour does not confine to the
observation of voting statistics, record and electoral data (shifts). It also covers
psychological aspects such as voters’ perception, emotion, etc. and their relation
to political action and institutional patterns.

4.3 EVOLUTION OF STUDIES OF VOTING

BEHAVIOUR IN INDIA
Study of voting behaviour forms a part of election studies. The subject to study
elections is known as psephology. Its purpose is to analyse questions about the
behaviour of voters during the elections. What is it that determines voting
behaviour? Why do voters vote a candidate or prefer a party in the elections? Is
it the economic factor such as employment, inflation, removal of poverty or non-
economic factors? Is it quality of leader – strong, charismatic, etc? These are
some of the questions which have been addressed in studies about the determinants
of voting behaviour. In India, political scientists, sociologists, anthropologists,
media houses and political parties have been involved in election studies. During
post-Independence India, election studies started in the 1950s since the first
general election of 1951-52. But systematic studies of elections began in the
1960s, with the initiative of Rajni Kothari, a scholar in the Centre for the Studies
of Developing Societies (CSDS), New Delhi, and Myron Wiener, an American
political scientist, who specialised in Indian politics. In the 1980s, Prannoy Roy,
Davit Butler and Ashok Lahiri’s book A Compendium of Indian Elections, gave
a new momentum to election studies. But it was since the 1990s that election
studies have become a regular feature of studies on electoral politics. The principal
reason for this has been the increasing frequency of elections for state assemblies
or Lok Sabha. The initiative to start election studies in India in the 1990s was
again taken by a team of the scholar led by Yogendra Yadav from the CSDS. The
team conduct the election studies under the banner of an organisation known as
Lokniti. As members of the CSDS team, scholars from various universities in the
country conduced election studies. The methods of doing the election studies
mainly include surveys. These surveys are known as National Election Survey
(NES). The scholars conduct survey before and after election to ascertain various
aspects relating to elections. And the determinants of voting behaviour form an
important aspect of NES studies. The findings of these studies have been published
in several articles in academic journals, books and print media. Apart from the
CSDS, several scholars and media groups, political parties engage in studying
determinants of electoral behaviour.

4.4 DETERMINANTS OF VOTING BEHAVIOUR

There are various determinants of voting behaviour such as religion, caste, class,
community, ethnicity, language, ideology, political wave etc. The political parties
use these determinants to attract voters for winning the election. These
determinants are used by all the representative of political parties to woo voters
38
irrespective of the inclination and ideologies. Voters also cast their votes because Caste, Class, Gender and
Tribe
of these determinants. The following section will discuss Caste, Class, Gender
and Tribe as variants of voting behaviour in India.

4.4.1 Caste
Caste is among the most researched determinant in studies of voting behaviour.
Although caste has been one of the most effective determinants of voting
behaviour in elections in the post-Independent India, it has become more
spectacular since the 1990s. The main reason for this has been the impact of
Mandal Commission which was introduced by the VP Singh government giving
reservation to the OBCs in the central government institution and rise of the
parties such as the BSP, the SP and the RJD in north India. These parties have
been identified with Dalits, OBCs or the peasant classes. Prior to their rise, the
Congress party represented a coalition of various castes. Emergence of these
parties underlined the significance of the marginalized castes playing decisive
role in electoral politics. Their rise also increased competition among different
castes. In election studies in India, caste has become parameter of assessing the
level of democracy in India. Some scholars have argued that increasing
participation of various castes, especially the low castes, Dalits and OBCs are
indicative of democratic upsurge or a silent revolution in India. Politicisation of
caste has made caste an agent of democratic aspiration for the weaker sections.
Political parties take caste into consideration while formulating their manifestos,
programmes and agendas. Caste also impacts in policy making. Parties consider
the caste of candidate while nominating him/her to contest election. The candidates
contesting elections in constituency generally belong to a limited number of
castes, but the number of castes which vote are more than the number of castes
of such candidates. In such cases, castes vote for candidates of other castes than
theirs. Does it mean that significance of caste as a determinant gets diminished?
It does not mean so because even in this case, voters vote for candidates of other
castes. Generally, caste group decide to vote for a candidate who does not belong
to their caste. In comparison to the urban areas, caste is more determining factor
in elections in the rural areas. The caste factor not only affects the party formation
but also the affiliation of particular caste with the national party. As Pushpendra
mentions in an article, during 11th Lok Sabha election (1996) the upper caste
particularly in northern India deserted Congress party and chose to rally behind
BJP. The rise of regional parties and backward castes, despite inter and intra-
caste divisions and conflicts have found strong political representation in the
form of different regional parties and vote support base. The parties which are
identified with specific castes maintain their support base among the principal
castes; for instance, the SP, JD (U), RJD are generally identified with the OBCs,
the BSP with the Dalits or the BJP with the high castes. But on several occasions,
a section of such castes support other parties than their usual choice. This happens
because sometimes some sections of the castes get dissatisfied with their usual
choice. For instance, in UP, in the 1990s, many OBCs had supported the BJP
prompting some scholar to state that it was “mandalisation” of the BJP. Or in the
first decade of this century, several high castes – Brahmins and Rajputs, supported
the BSP and the SP. According to Shah, parties accommodate various castes in
distributing party tickets. In elections during the 1950s, caste associations were
able to maintain their unity and promoted their supporters to vote for their caste
39
Determinants of Voting fellows, irrespective of their party affiliation. Despite the trend among caste
Behaviour
members to vote for a particular party, there is never en bloc caste voting. Despite
adoption of democratic values which conceive of a society free from casteism,
caste continues to characterise politics in India and voting factors of populace.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) What is voting behaviour? What are the different variants of voting
behaviour?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) Caste has been an important factor in determining voting pattern. Do you
agree with this statement?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

4.4.2 Class
Class is reflected in economic issues such as employment or employment
allowance, price rise, land reforms, subsidies, removal of poverty (garibi hatao),
loan waiver, etc. These issues have been the focus of campaign in several elections.
Indeed, it was slogan of garibi hatao given by the Congress in the 1971 Lok
Sabha elections in which the party won handsomely. It is generally acknowledged
that this slogan was the main factor that determined the voting behaviour in
favour of the Congress. The class-based issues were among the principal issues
of political mobilization in elections during the 1950s-1960s. Land reforms and
welfare schemes of the Congress were among other issues that won the Congress
support of voters in the elections during the 1950s-1960s. In West Bengal, Kerala
and Tripura economic policies of the left parties determined voters’ behaviour in
of these parties in several elections. In the 1960s, socialist parties along with
other opposition parties had mobilized people on economic issues. This resulted
in the defeat of the Congress in eight states in 1967 elections and formation of
the non-Congress governments. During the 1970s, the parties such as Bharatiya
Kranti Dal, Bharatiya Lok Dal or Lok Dal founded led by Charan Singh in north
India, especially in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar articulated the class issues of the
rich and middle farmers. These farmers mostly belonged to middle castes such
40
as Jats, Yadav, Kurmis. Thus, these parties represented farming communities Caste, Class, Gender and
Tribe
both as castes and classes. Their voting behaviour in support of the Charan Singh-
led parties was determined both by class and caste factors at the same time.
However, as you have read above, many regional parties are based on caste and
have voter support of that particular caste. They do not give priority to class. In
cities such as Delhi, class-related issues such as concessions in electricity and
water bills have determined electorates behaviour in favour of AamAdami Party
in 2020 assembly election. In 1998 assembly election the voters voted against
the BJP because of lack availability of onions and hike in their price.

4.4.3 Gender
Though Gender is a broader concept, when we discuss gender in relation to
voting behaviour it is mainly refers to women’s role in voting. Since the 1990s,
the participation in voting in elections of the marginalized sections or plebeians,
including women, has increased. Voting is a device which enable women’s
empowerment in terms of making choice of their representatives. The significance
of women’s role in voting is highlighted by the fact that many regional parties
include issues concerning women in their agenda. These issues range from
domestic economy, sexual violence, dignity to reservation for women in
legislatures and social oppression. However, there are differences among political
parties on reservation for women in legislatures. Several parties have included
issues about women’s welfare in their manifestos and programmes. For example,
in 2015 assembly election in Bihar, Nitish Kumar launched anti-liquor policy
for welfare for women, especially for those belonging to the marginalised and
backward classes. Nitish Kumar regime’s Cycle Yojna which enabled girl student
to travel to schools influenced voting behaviour of several voters in an assembly
election in Bihar. Modi government policies such as BetiPadhaoBetiBachao and
Jan DhanYojna determined women’s voting behaviour in several elections held
in India since 2014. Rainuka Dagar’s study (2015) on 2014 Lok Sabha elections
shows the gender became a point of reference across three broad issues, i.e,
governance, development, and secularism which formed part of the campaign.
Women issues were lobbied across all three fronts as a point of reference. Women’
safety, inclusive growth model and economic, social and physical security were
the essence of the broad issues. Indeed, this election saw the increase in number
of women’s participation. These issues determined the voting behaviour to a
considerable extent. Even though other factors such as caste, class, religion and
language impact the choice, women are becoming more aware of their rights and
welfare schemes. It is important to understand that though the women’s
participation in political activities is increasing, there are few women leaders in
political power than the men. Women are more active and assertive in present
times irrespective of their education, class or caste. The best example of this
assertiveness can be seen in local governance where women are participating in
a huge number.

4.4.4 Tribes
Tribes are different from castes or classes. While castes denote the positions of
persons in social hierarchy among Hindus, Muslims or Sikhs, tribes can be
identified by some other characteristics. Most important among these
characteristics are their closeness to nature, dependence of economy on forests, 41
Determinants of Voting minerals and other natural resources, relative social equality among the members
Behaviour
of a tribe, relative freedom of women in comparison to non-tribals. Tribes belong
to different religions such as Islam, Christianity, Buddhism or animism. There
are special provisions in the Constitution of India - fifth and sixth schedule in
Indian Constitution for the governance of tribal-dominated areas. These provisions
are meant to protect tribal identities, culture, customs and economic interests.
Many regions of India are inhabited by various tribes such as states in northeast
India – Assam, Meghalaya, Arunchal Pradesh, Tripura, Manipur, Nagaland,
Mizoram, and Sikkim, and in other regions Chhatisgarh, Jharkhand, Madhya
Pradesh, West Bengal, etc. Tribes often complain that they have become “internal
colonies” of the outsiders who exploit their economy and culture. On several
occasions, this has resulted in ethnic violence. Political parties, students’
organisations and other civil society organisations mobilize tribes on these issues.
During every election the political parties, especially regional parties espousing
the cause of the tribal community, campaign on the issues related to tribes’ cultural
identities, economy and political autonomy. Specifically, the most common
determinants of voting behaviour of tribes are protection of their cultural identity,
sustenance and protection of natural resources such as forest, minerals and other
natural resources, the influx of outsiders which often leads to erosion of their
cultural identity and exploitation of resource, regional development, political
autonomy ensured through the V and VI Schedules. These issues generally work
as the determinant of tribes’ voting behaviour.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) Is Gender becoming a major concern for political parties for winning
election? Answer this question with an example?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
2) What are the important factors that impact voting behaviour of tribes?
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................
42
 Caste, Class, Gender and
4.5 LET US SUM UP Tribe

Election is an important process of any democratic country. This is true about

India also. Since 1951-52, several elections have been held India both at national
and state levels. As people belong to different castes, religions, languages, genders,
they cannot remain unaffected by these factors. In elections also these factors act
determinants of voting behaviour. But these factors become more effective when
they are linked with the economic and other needs of people. Several elections
studies in Indian have shown how multiple factors work as determinants of voting
behaviuor.

4.6 REFERENCES
Banerjee, Mukulika (2014), Why India Votes?, Routledge, New Delhi.

Brass, Paul R. (1985), Caste, Faction, and Party in Indian Politics: Election
Studies, Chanakya Publications, New Delhi
Chaube, S.K. (1985), Electoral Politics in Northeast India, Orient Longman,
Hyderabad
Dagar, Rainuka (2015). “Gender Narratives and Elections: Mandate for Safety,
Development, or Rights?”, in edited Paul Wallace (ed.), India’s 2014 Elections A
Modi-led BJP Sweep. New Delhi. Sage Publication.
Desai, P.I (1967). “Caste and Politics”.Economic and Political Weekly. Vol 2
(17): 797-799.
Mahajan, Gurpreet & et.al (Edited). (2019). Reading India Selections from
Economic and Political Weekly. New Delhi. Orient Black Swan.
Moin Shakir (2019). Electoral participation of Minorities and Indian Political
System. In the edited book of Mahajan, Gurpreet & et.al (Edited). (2019). Reading
India Selections from Economic and Political Weekly. New Delhi. Orient Black
Swan.
Pushpendra (1999).”Dalit Assertion through Electoral Politics”.Economic and
Political Weekly.Vol. 34(36): 2609-2618.
Roy, Prannoy; Butler, David and Lahiri, Ashok (1984), A Compendium of Indian
Elections, Arnold-Heinemann.
Sanjay Kumar (2009). Changing Face of Delhi’s Politics: Has it Changed the
Face of the Political Representatives?.In the edited book of ChristoferJaffrelot
and Sanjay Kumar .Rise of the Plebeians?The Changing Face of Indian
Legislative Assemblies. New Delhi. Routledge.
Sethi, Renu (1988). “Determinants of Women’s Active Political Participation”.
Economic and Political Weekly. Vol 49 (4): 565-579.
Shah, Ghanshyam (Edited) (2002).Caste and Democratic Politics in India. New
Delhi. Permanent Black.
Wallace, Paul (ed.), (2015), India’s 2014 Elections: A Modi-led BJP Sweep, Sage
Publications, New Delhi.
43
Determinants of Voting
Behaviour 4.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1

1) Voting behaviour defines the pattern of casting vote or the factors that
influence people in casting vote. It is not only about the observation of
voting statistics, record and electoral data (shifts) but also about
psychological factors such as perception, emotion etc. Caste, Class, Gender,
Tribes, Language, and Religion are important determinants of voting
behaviour in India.

2) Caste has been an important factor in determining voting pattern in India.

Since the first General election, caste has been playing a significant role in
influencing voters. Regional parties, especially in north India have support
base among castes. In many assembly elections political leadership derives
it support from the related castes

Check Your Progress Exercise 2

1) In contemporary Indian politics, gender is becoming a major concern and

women votes are principal determinants of election results. In assembly
elections, Nitish kumar, Chief Minister of Bihar, won previous election by
introducing many welfare policies for women in state.

2) Preservation of forest, natural resources, and protection of tribal culture,

tradition and identity are principal determinants of voting behaviour of tribes.
voting pattern

44
 Caste, Class, Gender and
UNIT 5 ETHNICITY, RELIGION AND Tribe

LANGUAGE*

Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Determinants of Voting Behavior
5.2.1 Ethnicity
5.2.2 Religion
(a) The Role of Social Media
5.2.3 Language
5.3 Let Us Sum Up
5.4 References
5.5 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises

5.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this unit, you will be able to:
Describe the role of ethnicity in determining voting behaviour
Define the importance of religion in electoral politics
Explain the politics of language in electoral politics

5.1 INTRODUCTION
In the previous unit, you have studied the meaning of voting behaviour and
evolution of the way to study voting behavior. You have also studied some
important factors that determine voting behaviour such as caste, class, gender
and tribe. There is no uniformity in voting behaviour or a common pattern in
India. In this unit, you read about ethnicity, language and religion as the
determinants of voting behaviour. You will also read how media contributes to
the increase in role of religion and encourage populism as a determinant of voting
behaviour.

5.2 DETERMINANTS OF VOTING BEHAVIOUR

In this section you will read the role of ethnicity, religion, and language in
determining voting behaviour in India.

5.2.1 Ethnicity
What is ethnicity? In literature, ethnicity is used in two ways: One, as an identity
formed on the basis of multiple markers such as caste, tribe, religion, language,
culture, etc.; and two, as an identity formed on the basis of a single marker. You
have read about the role of single markers such as caste, class, gender and tribe
in unit 4. And you will read in this unit about the role of single markers such as

* Dr. Divya Rani, Consultant, Faculty of Political Science, SOSS, IGNOU, New Delhi 45
Determinants of Voting religion and language as well as about ethnicity based on multiple markers in
Behaviour
determining voting behaviour. Ethnicity is not only visible in voting pattern but
also in the formation of political parties. According to Chandra (2000), the
Bahujan Samaj Party in north India is an ethnic party. Formation of Bahujan
Samaj Party was an outcome of ethnic movement where Dalit and marginalized
sections were the main supporters of the movement. They became a strong vote
base after the formation of party. Chandra defines ethnic party as one that overtly
represents itself as a champion of the cause of an ethnic group. She explains how
the BSP as an ethnic party thrives on the support of Dalits as an ethnic group to
the exclusion of other ethnic groups. The central aim of BSP as an ethnic party,
according to Chandra, is to give effective representation to Dalits as an ethnic
group. An ethnic party has three key features: i) it mobilizes group defined on
the basis of ascriptive characteristics, i..e, caste; ii) it resorts to mobilizing ethnic
‘insider’ groups by excluding ethnic ‘outsiders’; iii) and, it champions the cause
of an ethnic group. About the internal organizational structure of ethnic parties
Chandra argues that parties with centralized rule of intra-party advancement find
it difficult to accommodate new ethnic groups, whereas parties with competitive
rules are better able to do so. The assumption here is that the ‘success of political
parties in attracting the support of voters from any ethnic group or caste depends
directly upon their ability to incorporate office-seeking elites from that category.

The most suitable example of ethnicity on the bases of multiple factors that
determine voting behaviour can be found in northeast India and other tribe-
inhabited parts of India. Northeast Indian states present most important examples
of ethnicity based electoral politics and voting behaviour. In these areas there
are broadly two types of ethnic groups: one, those who have been residing from
time immemorial; and two, those who migrated to these areas over period of
time for various reasons – for employment, trade or cultivation. The bases of
formation of identities are – culture (language, dress, food, folklores, etc.), history,
economy, real or perceived sense of discrimination and exploitation. Different
ethnic groups are formed on the bases of differences in these markers. During
political competition or political conflict, these markers become symbols of
political mobilization. In concrete terms, ethnic markers are expressed through
indicators such as migration, citizenship, protection of identities and culture and
protection of land. Mobilization on these issues takes place not for demanding
regional autonomy, self-determination, protection of economic and cultural rights,
but also during the elections these issues either singly or jointly determine voting
behaviour to considerable extent. Victory of regional parties which derive support
from different ethnic groups in theses areas is indication of the fact the ethnicity
formed on multiple markers works as determinant of voting behaviour.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) Write a note on the role of ethnicity in determining voting behaviour.
.......................................................................................................................
.......................................................................................................................

46 .......................................................................................................................
5.2.2 Religion Ethnicity, Religion and
Language

India is a secular nation that guarantees the right to freedom of religion to everyone
and treats all religions equally. To appeal in the name of religion to get political
support is legally prohibited in India. Since religion forms an important part of
peoples’ lives, in practice separating religion from politics becomes impossible.
Religion not only affects political behaviour of people, but also religious symbols
are used by political parties and leaders to muster political support. Importance
of relationship between religion and politics has been underlined by some political
scientists. Shakir (2019) argues that religion is more pervasive in India than in
the west. Bhambhri and Verma (1972) argue that religion and politics interact in
a developing society in more than one way. There are political parties that represent
interests of various religious communities. And religious considerations, also
play an important role in political mobilization and sometimes impacts
government’s decision-making process. In India, different political parties have
mobilized people on religious symbols to get political support. Parties also often
select candidates to contest elections on consideration of religious identities.
And people often vote in elections on religious considerations. Thus, religion
works as a determinant in voting behaviour in India. There are few political
parties in India that use religious symbols for political mobilization; for example
the BJP, the Shiv Sena, Shiromani Akali Dal, and MIM (Majlis Ihtehdul
Muslimeen).

Political parties, leaders and organizations mix religious issues with non-religious
issues of people. Mobilization by them shapes the role of religion as a determinant
of voting behaviour. But mobilization on religious lines alone does not always
get translated into electoral behaviour in mechanical way. Such mobilization
becomes effective when religious demands of a community get mixed up with
non-religious issues – economic needs, governance issues, removal of corruption,
cultural issues, etc., and become common issues of a religious community. The
electorates feel that a party or candidate of their choice in elections, not only will
protect their religion but also economic and cultural interests and provide better
governance. In religious mobilization, a religious community is seen to be
suffering due to favour given to another community. In competitive politics the
former and the latter become rivals. In a situation marked by religious polarization,
different religious communities tend to vote for rival political leaders or parties.

In India, religion became a regular determinant of voting behaviour since the

1980s. Prior to this, it had become effective in the 1960s. It was also a time when
country faced economic crisis which was reflected in draught, food crisis and
general resentment against the Congress. Apart from the mobilization by the
VHP and Jana Sangha on ban on cow slaughter, the non-Congress parties – the
socialists, the communists also mobilized people on draught and food crisis.
This was reflected in victory of the non-Congress parties and defeat of the
Congress in several states in 1967 and 1969 assembly elections. In Jana Sangh’s
victory, religion was an important determinant of voting behaviour. However,
religion was not the only factor: it operated along with economic issues. In
elections which took place before 1967, religion played minor role in determining
voting behaviour. It was an era of Congress dominance during which issues such
as nation-building, legacy of national movement, caste, and caste-based patronage
were main determinants. 47
Determinants of Voting In the wake of the Janata Party (1977-1980) government at the centre, the Congress
Behaviour
after getting new nomenclature as the Congress (I) in 1980 sought to use religious
symbols to get political gains. It devised new strategy after losing support of
people, especially Muslims’ to the Janata Party in 1977 Lok Sabha election
because of excesses done during emergency. The Congress also suffered set back
in 1985-86 by-elections. It sought to strengthen its position by attempting to
strike a balance between Hindus and Muslims. In order to get Hindus’ support,
the Congress allowed the VHP to lay foundation stone (Shilanyas) of the proposed
site of Ram Temple at Ayodhya. It was a response to the main demand of the
VHP to remove the lock from Babri Masjid as a move to construct Ram Temple
in the place of the mosque. Assassination of Indira Gandhi led to temporary
suspension of the movement. The Congress government also unlocked the temple
in February 1986 for darshan of Ram Temple. The gates were opened by court
order. For getting Muslims’ support the Congress government introduced the
Muslim Women’s (Protection of Rights and Divorce Bill) in 1985. The purpose
of the bill was to neutralize the impact of Shah Bano case. The Shah Banu case
was about the verdict of Supreme Court relating to a Muslim woman named
Shah Bano. Shah Bano approached the Supreme Court against the decision of
her husband who had divorced her. The Supreme Court gave ruling in 1985 in
her favour stating that she should be paid for maintenance. Wary of losing support
among Muslims, the Congress government introduced the bill denying the
divorced women benefits given by the court order. This incensed a vocal section
of Muslim community which pressured the government to pass a legislation
denying the Muslim women benefits which were granted by the court. The
decision of the government annoyed feminists and other democratic sections of
the society. It also provided an issue to the BJP to attack the Congress for appeasing
the minorities. It was viewed an attempt of the Congress to garner Muslim support
in elections. At the same time, to get Hindus’ support, Rajiv Gandhi got opened
the lock of temple at Ayodhya. This led to competitive politics between the
Congress and the BJP to mobilize communities in the name of religion. Since
then, the BJP has grown from a two-MP party in 1984 Lok Sabha election to a
party with absolute majority of 303 in the 2019 Lok Sabha election. It has also
formed governments in several states on its own or with its allies. The growth of
the BJP over three decades is an indication of religion becoming an important
determinant in electoral behaviour. But, as mentioned earlier, religion does not
operate alone. It becomes effective when religious issues of community get linked
to its other issues in political mobilization. There is no single factor that caused
spectacular victory of the BJP: apart from governance, basic needs, campaign
style, leadership patterns, lack of credible, promise to provide jobs, bring back
black money, ideology/nationalism, etc. also mattered. In order to get support of
religious communities, political parties explain these issues in terms of religious
communities, predominantly, BJP of Hindus and some opposition of non-Hindus.

Regional Variations
Election studies show that patterns of mobilization on religious symbols have
regional variations. This variation in turn is reflected in religion as a determinant
of voting behaviour. But, as mentioned earlier, religious symbols become effective
when they get linked with economic or cultural problems of respective religious
communities. Some instances of regional variations of effectiveness of religious
symbols in elections are given here. The impact of symbol of Hindu religion in
48
electoral politics is more effective in north and west India, and in Karnataka in Ethnicity, Religion and
Language
south India. In Hosangabad, Nizamabad and Mahbub Nagar districts of Telengana,
a large number of Muslims tend to vote for the candidates of MIM (Majlis Ihtehdul
Muslimeen) party while the Hindus prefer to support its rival parties. In Punjab,
religious symbols of Sikhism play a determining role in politics. Shiromani
Akali Dal (SAD) addresses religious, cultural, and economic issues, especially
farmers’ issues, and federalism such as water disputes with neighboring states or
getting Chandigarh as state capital of Punjab. Its support base predominantly
lies in Sikhs community within rural areas of Punjab. While symbols associated
with Sikhism have been a determinant factor mostly in the villages, religious
symbols associated with Hindus have been more effective in urban areas of
Punjab. Two political parties with support base in two different religions –
Siromoni Akali Dal (SAD) predominantly among Sikhs in the villages and the
BJP predominantly among Hindus in the cities have been enduring allies in Indian
politics. In Maharashtra, the Shiv Sena mobilizes support on issues and symbols
associated with Marathi and Hindu identities underlying the significance of
religion as a determinant of voting behaviour along with the regional identity.

a) The role social media

The social media plays a crucial role in mobilizing masses for electoral politics.
It not only encourages religion-based mobilization but also populism. In
contemporary electoral politics, it has been used as a tool to attract or manipulate
populace’s perceptions towards party and party leaders. During 2014 and 2019
General elections, social media has played a significant role in campaigning of
political parties and leaders and has also impacted voting behaviour of people.
Usage of smart phone and internet has provided a new platform for political
parties to reach out to masses. The advantage of this medium is that it is accessible
without any constraint of region, ethnicity or religion. The important user of
social media is youth and its target is to mobilize young middle-class voters as
young middle- class voters are not follower of traditional factors of voting pattern.
Twitter, Facebook, Instagram and YouTube have made this new method of
communication accessible to different sections of the society, and has given
opportunity to political leaders to popularize their ideology and mobilize public
opinion. As Shah (2015) mentions Modi launched digital India 272 plus mission
in 2014, referring to the number of seats he needed for a majority in Parliament.
In election campaign, the BJP used this medium to connect and spread Modi’s
messages like ‘corruption free India’, ‘development’ and efficient management.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) Although India is a secular county, religion still plays an important role in
determing voting behaviour. Comment on this statement.
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Determinants of Voting 5.2.3 Language
Behaviour

There are many languages in India and every region can be identified with specific
language and dialects. Language constitutes an important aspect of politics in
India. It has been basis of formation of regional identity, politics of reorganization
of states and identity conflicts in different parts of India. Language also works as
determinant of voting behaviour. But generally, language alone does not determine
voting behaviour. It does so in alliance with other factors: when language is seen
as the basis of favour or discrimination of communities, regions or ethnic groups.
In comparison to other factors such as caste, religion, it becomes more effective
in electoral politics in certain situations. Language has been most effective
determinant in Tamil Nadu reflected in agitation against what was seen as
imposition of Hindi; in the northeast, especially in the 1960s – there was conflict
on Assamese and Bengali languages. This led to demand for creation of separate
state resulting in creation of Meghalaya in 1972. After Assam Accord, Bodo
language became an important determinant in politics of Bodo-dominated areas.

In UP, language often becomes part of politics based on religions, Hindi becomes
symbol of Hindu identity and Urdu of Muslim identity. The demand for
recognition of Urdu evokes opposition from some Hindus. In the 1950s-1960s
the Hindi-Urdu dichotomy was basis of communal dispute. There has been dispute
on language, Urdu being second official language in the state (UP). From the
1950s, the Congress government and other parties (socialists, communists, Jana
Sangha) in UP had been opposed to making Urdu as second official language but
sought to promote Hindi. The socialist launched movement in UP and Bihar for
making Hindi compulsory and removal of English as an official language in the
1960s In 1953, the state government made Hindi as sole medium for answering
in High School Examinations from 1953 onwards. State government suspended
aid to Urdu-medium schools. But Nehru demanded parity between Urdu and
Hindi. From 1961-1971, official patronage was given to Hindi in UP. The third
official language of UP was Sanskrit, not Urdu, the other two being Hindi and
English. The demand was raised by Urdu speakers in the 1970s to give importance
to Urdu: the central government appointed Gujral Committee to address problem
faced by Urdu speakers. The Committee recommended three-language formula
to give more space to Urdu: Indira Gandhi feared backlash in UP, and the Janata
Party considered it appeasement of Muslims. This resulted in shelving of making
Urdu as a third official language. In the phase of Congress’s rise after emergency
in 1980, it sought to strike a balance between Hindus and Muslims. In UP, the
Congress manifesto promised to make Urdu as second official language in the
state: it met with opposition from BJP, Lok Dal and some Congress members.
However, some allowances were made in favour of Urdu. Urdu granted status of
second language in 1982 but not official language. Muslim legislators lobbied
with the government to push through legislation. In 1984, the government
promulgated a legislation to make Urdu second official language in 1984 in the
state: it was struck down by the court. In 1989, N.D Tiwari passed legislation
making Urdu second official language – provoking communal riot in Badaun.
The Ordinance was finally implemented in 1994 by Mulayam Singh government.
Urdu was given second official language status. Bihar government presented
opposite picture: in 1989, it supported Urdu through official notification (For
details, Hasan 1998: pp. 176-89).
50
Check Your Progress Exercise 3 Ethnicity, Religion and
Language
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) In which states language has been an important factor of voting pattern in
India?
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.......................................................................................................................
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5.3 LET US SUM UP

There are various factors that determine voting pattern in India. There are single
and multiple markers that determine the behaviour of electoral politics i.e. religion,
language, ethnicity, caste, class and gender. All the variables are interlinked and
there is no uniformity in the dominance of these factors. Ethnicity or multiple
markers jointly, has dominance in North East politics. Scholar such as Kanchan
Chandra considers the BSP as an ethnic party and underlines the role of ethnicity
in electoral support to this party. Religion is another factor that plays a major
role in electoral politics and in influencing the voting pattern. There are many
political parties and leaders who garner their vote in the name of religion. On
some occasions, language also played decisive role in politics in several states
impacting voting behaviourin many states especially in , UP, Assam Tamil
Nadu. In the past some years, social media, has become decisive in determining
voting behaviuor, especially with reference to religion.

5.4 REFERENCES
Bhambhri. P. C. and P. S. Verma (1972). Voting Behaviour of Muslim
Community.The Indian Journal of Political Science. Vol. 33(2): 167-185. (April-
June, 1972).
Chandra, K. (2000). The transformation of ethnic politics in India: the decline of
Congress and the rise of the Bahujan Samaj Party in Hoshiarpur, Journal Of
Asian Studies, 59(1), pp. 26–61.
Chandra, K. (2004). Why Ethnic Parties Succeed: Patronage and Ethnic Head
Counts in India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
Gudavarthy, Ajay (2014). Muslims of Telengana: A Ground Report, Economic
and Political Weekly, vol. 49, no. 17, April 26.
Hasan, Zoya (1998). Quest for Power: Oppositional Movements and Post
Congress Politics, New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Judge, Paramjit Singh (2012). Punjab Elections: Enduring Akali Dal. Economic
and Political Weekly, Vol. 47 (13): 17-20. 51
Determinants of Voting Kumar, Ashutosh. Electoral Politics in Indian Punjab: A New Phase?,South Asia
Behaviour
Research, vol. 31 (1): 37-57.
Moin Shakir (2019). Electoral participation of Minorities and Indian Political
System. In the edited book of Mahajan, Gurpreet & et.al (Eds.) (2019). Reading
India Selections from Economic and Political Weekly. New Delhi: Orient Black
Swan.
Palshikar, Suhas; Kumar, Sanjay and Lodha, Sanjay (eds.), (2017), Electoral
Politics in India: Resurgence of the Bharatiya Janata Party, Routledge, Francis
and Taylor Group.
Shah, Ghanshyam (2015). Mega Marketing and Management: Gujrat’s 2014
Elections. In the edited book of Paul Wallace.India’s 2014 Elections A Modi-led
BJP Sweep. New Delhi: Sage Publication.
Shashtri, Sandeep; Suri, K.C. and Yadav, Yogendra (eds.) (2009), Electoral
Politics in Indian States: Lok Sabha Elections in 2004 and Beyond. New Delhi:
Oxford University Press.

5.5 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1

1) Ethnicity is used in two ways: One, as an identity formed on the basis of

multiple markers such as caste, tribe, religion, language, culture, etc.; and
two, as an identity formed on the basis of a single marker. Ethnicity is not
only visible in voting pattern but also in the formation of political parties.
The most suitable example of ethnicity formed on the bases of multiple
factors that determine voting behaviour can be found in northeast India and
other tribe-inhabited parts of India. Northeast Indian states present most
important examples of ethnicity based electoral politics and voting behaviour.
Different ethnic groups are formed on the bases of differences in these
markers (culture, history, economy and perceived sense of discrimination
and exploitation). During political competition or political conflict, these
markers become symbols of political mobilization.

Check Your Progress Exercise 2

1) Religion is an important factor that determines voting pattern in India.

Religion forms an important part of peoples’ lives because in practice
separating religion from politics is generally impossible. Religion not only
affects political behaviour of people, but religious symbols also are used by
political parties and leaders to muster political support. There are some
religious political parties in India such as the BJP, the Shiv Sena, Shiromani
Akali Dal, and MIM (Majlis Ihtehdul Muslimeen) that use religious symbols
in political mobilization. However, religious symbols become effective when
they are linked with non-religious issues. In India, religion became a regular
determinant of voting behaviour since the 1980s. After Janata Party (1977-
1980), the Congress (I) in 1980 sought to use religious symbols to get
political gains. It devised new strategy after losing support of people,
52
 especially Muslims to the Janata Party in 1977 Lok Sabha election because Ethnicity, Religion and
Language
of excesses done during emergency. In Punjab, religious symbols of Sikhism
play a determinant role in politics of Punjab. Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD)
addresses the religious, cultural, and economic issues, especially farmers’
issues, and federalism such as water disputes with neighboring states or
getting Chandigarh as state capital of Punjab.

Check Your Progress Exercise 3

1) Language constitutes an important aspect of politics in India. It has been

basis of formation of regional identity, politics of reorganization of states
and identity conflicts in different parts of India. Language also works as
determinant of voting behaviour. But generally, language alone does not
determine voting behaviour. It does so in alliance with other factors: when
language is seen as the basis of favour or discrimination of communities,
regions or ethnic groups. In comparison to other factors such as caste,
religion, it becomes more effective in electoral politics in certain situations.
Language has been most effective determinant in Tamil Nadu reflected in
agitation against what was seen as imposition of Hindi; in the northeast,
especially in the 1960s – there was conflict on Assamese and Bengali
languages. In UP, language often becomes part of politics based on religions,
Hindi becomes symbol of Hindu identity and Urdu of Muslim identity.

53