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Amanda Gehringer

Professor Lasley

Social Action and Justice Colloquium

27 April 2022

Mental Health Implications for Black and Latinx Immigrant Women

Overall, it is crucial to magnify the personal anecdotes that draw attention to the violence

and stressors of marginalized Black and Latinx immigrant women. It is also imperative to

institute lasting policy changes that dismantle language barriers and ensure cultural competency

in the healthcare system. The increased awareness of individual experiences facilitates forensic

evaluators and scientific experts to analyze symptoms and diagnose mental illnesses.

Initially, alongside the traditional tribulations of immigration, many Central American

women traveling through Mexico to the United States are additionally burdened with social and

gender violence, particularly as it pertains to the threat of restricted reproductive rights.

While these women are emigrating from these countries due to violence and overall

highly unsafe conditions for themselves and their children, they are forced to immigrate to a

country where they experience similar and new forms of social and gender violence. Some push

factors for emigration include gender-based violence in the workplace, as well as the presence of

organized crime or violent male partners, threatening the livelihoods of these women’s children.

Once a woman has determined that she must emigrate from her home country, she must

decide how to best care for her children, including questioning if they will migrate with her.

Migration is relatively more difficult for women and children due to the “increased danger of

suffering sexual and other forms of violence”, “which impact[s] [the women’s] strategies for the

social reproduction and care provision” (Willers). In addition to this, unaccompanied minor
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migrants are increasingly accounting for the exodus of people traversing through Mexico to the

United States. Without the presence of an adult, they are at an even greater risk of exploitation

and violence. On the other hand, there is little known about the livelihoods of women who

remain in their home country to care for their children. Traditionally, women migrate with their

children due to the social context in their original country, as they are told to provide economic

support to improve the well-being of their children. In a study of women who have emigrated

from their country of origin, however, it was observed that several children remained in their

original country. While the women were of different ages and possessed distinct countries of

origin, “[n]early all of the women interviewed (except two) were mothers (34), and most of them

were single mothers” (Willers). It is necessary to push for further research on this specific

demographic of immigrant women.

Furthermore, undocumented migrant women are especially hindered by “structural

aspects such as state policies and different forms of violence in transit regions [that] negatively

impact [the] migrant's mobility and resources for migration” (Willers). Non-governmental and

governmental organizations advocating for human rights “have documented the massive

violations of human rights of undocumented migrants in transit, the incidence of sexual violence

against women, and human trafficking of women and children” (Willers). Government

authorities have been linked to organized crime groups responsible for the human trafficking of

migrants. While gender-based violence provides a disincentive to migrating via transit, due to

economic insecurity, migrants are often unable to afford transit and are forced to take more

dangerous routes to enter their respective countries.

In regards to immigration via transit, it is crucial to forward unique anecdotes of violent

situations for these women, as well as compile these accounts to determine and bring attention to
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shared experiences. These women may be exposed to kidnapping by gang members, in which

relatives are often forced to pay ransom money through bank transfers. One woman shared her

horrific experience in which she was raped and her son was stolen from her. “[A]ssaults and

extortions of crime groups” instill further stress in migrants, as they are concerned for the

well-being of themselves, as well as their children (Willers). When these women are left without

financial support, it is increasingly difficult for them to reunite with their children and other

family members, as well as escape these violent situations.

Arguably, undocumented Latinx women constitute one of the most marginalized groups

in the United States, as they are burdened with the fear of sexual and physical violence, the

possibility of deportation, economic struggles, and other issues that take an immense toll on their

mental health. In general, there has been little research conducted on the hardships of this group,

however, there is even less investigation regarding the detrimental psychological effects on this

population of undocumented individuals. Increased stressors, notably regarding the possibility of

deportation, greatly diminish the mental health of undocumented Latinx women in the United

States. Despite limited previous research, Ramos-Sánchez provides information on the “mental

health implications, and recommendations for practice, resources, and advocacy for

undocumented Latinx women.”

For several decades, the fear of deportation has been a primary stressor in the lives of

members of this specific group, as deportation rates and immigration policy have fluctuated

greatly, providing an incredible amount of uncertainty. Remarkably, changes in immigration

policy have brought daily “stress, anxiety (Joseph, 2011), fear of deportation, day-to-day

uncertainty (Fernández-Esquer, Agoff, & Leal, 2017), withdrawal of kids from school (Hagan et

al., 2010), and underutilization of health care services (Cavazos-Rehg, Zayas, & Spitznagel,
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2007; Chavez, Lopez, Englebrecht, & Viramontez Anguiano, 2012)” (Ramos-Sánchez).

Historically, immigration policy in the mid-nineteenth century facilitated family reunification,

specifically from Latin American countries. However, after the terrorist attacks of September 11,

2001, President George W. Bush instituted the United States of America Patriot Act, shifting the

focus from those on the border to interior immigrants. This directly led to the expansion of

deportation categories, as lesser offenses were encompassed under aggravated offenses, so theft

became considered a felony. In turn, the person who committed the crime would be deported for

theft, even if they had already served their time in prison, further fostering and multiplying stress

within this marginalized group. After the enactment of the U.S.A. Patriot Act, these people were

seen and identified as criminals, unjustly assumed to be threats to national security. In reality,

violation of immigration law is a civil offense, rather than a criminal one.

Beyond this, children sent to detention centers have died due to inhumane treatment and

poor living conditions, as a result of “inadequate medical care, inadequate nutrition, poor

hygiene, and poor sanitation” (Ramos-Sánchez). These centers have been declared comparable to

prisons. On the other hand, detention and denial of medical care are additional stressors for

undocumented Latinx women, particularly for those who are pregnant. Sexual violence is

prevalent in these detention centers, as there have been “many reports of unjustified ‘pat downs’

or sexual assault” (Ramos-Sánchez). Largely, these allegations have unjustifiably been found

unsubstantiated or blatantly ignored. Primarily due to their documentation status, sexual assault

and violence against this group have substantially been underreported.

While little research is conducted on the mental health of Latinx women immigrants, to

hone in on a precise group, there is even less information regarding the stressors of Latinx

women in farmworker families in the southern United States. Between interpersonal “(family
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conflict, family’s outward orientation, and perceived discrimination)” and social correlations

“(residential mobility and economic insecurity)”, Latinx women in farmworker families are

familiar with a multitude of debilitating depressive symptoms, resulting from the accumulation

of familial and social stressors (Zapata Roblyer).

Specifically, in 2011, a study collected data on the depressive symptoms of Latinx

women and children in farmworker families residing in North Carolina. Due to the previously

mentioned interpersonal and social phenomena, they fall within a threshold of potentially

clinically significant depressive symptoms. Through further research, the study concluded that

“policies that lessen the discrimination of farmworkers and their families and reduce economic

insecurity, as well as interventions that support positive family functioning might be beneficial

for the mental health of Latinx women in farmworker families living in new immigrant

destinations” (Zapata Roblyer). With greater access to family counseling and the institution of

lasting protective and inclusive policy, the depressive symptoms of Latinx women in farmworker

families may significantly subside.

Additionally, “the majority of U.S. farmworkers are Latino (71%) and Mexican-born

(68%)”, and in general, “studies have suggested that elevated depressive symptoms are prevalent

among farmworkers” (Zapata Roblyer). However, this data is highly centered around men, rather

than women who are either farmworkers or exist in farmworker families. It is necessary to

conduct more research on these two groups, as “both groups are likely to face similar risk factors

for poor health outcomes” (Zapata Roblyer). For immigrants in recent arrival communities, it is

crucial to note that they “may be exposed to additional risks of poor mental health, largely due to

discrimination and the dearth of support services designed to facilitate their integration into the
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larger community”, as they are suddenly forced into the process of acculturation that directly

contributes to the existence of increased depressive symptoms (Zapata Roblyer).

To continue, two notable models of depression that depict the results of this study include

“the interpersonal model of depression and the social stress paradigm” (Zapata Roblyer). The

interpersonal model determines that external relationships either facilitate or impede the

development of depressive symptoms. This phenomenon is particularly evident in regards to the

mental health of Latinx women, as their cultures often emphasize interpersonal relationships. In

the immigration process, immediate and extended family members frequently offer “instrumental

and emotional support to each other during migration and post-migration settlement”, but may

“also be a source of distress, because migration and rapid change in marital and parent-child

relationships can generate conflict within families” (Zapata Roblyer). Transitioning to the social

stress paradigm, this model suggests that depressive symptoms frequently stem “from the

socioeconomic structure that creates structural disadvantages for some groups” (Zapata Roblyer).

This concept is extremely relevant to this demographic, as “women in these families are situated

at the bottom of several social strata according to gender, ethnicity, citizenship, and

socioeconomic status” (Zapata Roblyer). These models illustrate that the interpersonal and social

stressors of marginalized groups are further hampered by the process of acculturation that

frequently coincides with immigration.

Transitioning to a distinct demographic of immigrant women, while political tensions and

conflict, as well as domestic violence, are the leading pre-migration stress factors for African

women immigrating to the United States, the primary sources of post-migration stress and health

threats include sustained partner violence and cultural challenges. It should be noted that these

women frequently turn to religious faith to obtain and maintain resilience amongst instability.
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In general, pre-migration stressors directly account for health vulnerabilities in African

immigrant women. These stressors are synonymous with push factors, or factors influencing

migration, which include “political disturbances in [their] home country, exposures to war or

political violence, gender-based discrimination, and extreme poverty” (Corley and Sabri). In a

survey analyzing the differences between the pre-migration and post-migration stressors, we hear

from African refugees who have been coerced into fleeing their country due to political or

natural unrest and turmoil. On the side of post-migration stressors, African immigrant women are

often plagued with healthcare limitations and unfulfilled needs, particularly resulting from

“community stigma; language barriers; low health-care professional cultural competency; high

healthcare costs; and a mistrust in healthcare institutions” (Corley and Sabri). Due to their

increased mental and physical health risks, many of these women identified their coping

strategies as “active problem solving, spirituality, and social support” (Corley and Sabri). It is

crucial that scholars eagerly investigate the effect of stressors on African immigrant women

pre-migration, during migration, and post-migration, to determine how these factors are

detrimental to the health of these women, as well as pinpoint their common coping strategies.

Through an alternative lens, scholars seek to uncover the intersection between

pre-migration and post-migration stressors, as they collectively contribute to declining health in

immigrant women. It is essential to identify socio-ecological factors that lead to health issues in

these women, notably “[their] lack of social support, social isolation, socio-economic status, and

exposures to racism and discrimination in the community” (Corley and Sabri). Communication

and economic barriers, cultural identities, and the surveyed women’s “perceptions and

interpretations of health symptoms, acculturation level, decision-making and communication

with health providers” alter women’s responses and access to healthcare (Corley and Sabri).
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Alongside this, toxic stress encompasses severe health vulnerabilities, involving the threat or

action of intimate partner violence. Since repeated and excessive levels of violence are present in

the pre-migration and post-migration stages of these women’s lives, this accumulation of toxic

stress exceptionally threatens their health and well-being. In general, there is little research that

has been conducted on this specific immigrant group, as well as limited research on the health

effects that result from the accumulation of pre-migration and post-migration stress.

Although little is known about the mental health implications for undocumented Latinx

immigrant women in the United States, even less literature depicts the mental challenges of

African migrant women. First, we must assess these implications, as well as the existing stressors

in their lives, so that we may determine the mental health needs of this specific group of women.

Beyond providing awareness of their struggles to healthcare providers, it is crucial to advocate

for structural policy change, to develop an accepting safe place for these migrants.

Initially, the innumerable stressors of immigrant Black African women originate with

“specific risk factors”, including “pre-migration traumatization and violence” due to “conflict,

political instability, persecution and/or economic insecurity” (Olukotun). Beyond these initial

push factors that influence the need to emigrate from a country, these women are further

bombarded with the weight of “economic difficulties, separation from family, fear of deportation

and detection, exploitation, vulnerability, fewer familial networks, and language barriers”

(Olukotun). It is necessary to subdivide female American immigrants into those who are

undocumented versus those who are documented, as their primary stressors vary. For

undocumented migrants, anxiety, depression, and a lingering sense of hopelessness are widely

attributed to “the constant fear of deportation”, whereas documented women are generally

consumed by “the welfare of their family living in the U.S.” (Olukotun). Unsurprisingly, the
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overall physical and psychological detriment of migrant women is elevated for those who

possess an undocumented status. Undocumented African women are at a greater risk for

“depressive symptoms, post-traumatic stress disorder, [and] anxiety”, and often experience

“weight gain/loss, insomnia, anxiety, depression, substance abuse and fear” (Olukotun). These

psychological implications are largely due to discrimination, as these women “often leave their

racially homogenous birth countries to [enter] a racialized society where racial and ethnic

minorities experience marginalization” (Olukotun). Due to their status, undocumented African

women are much less likely to seek out mental health care, as they are in constant fear of

deportation. They are also less likely to utilize this care due to “beliefs about mental illness,

distrust of providers, cost of care, language barrier and other health demands” (Olukotun).

After interviewing twenty-four undocumented African women who had migrated to the

United States, it was identified that unique stressors for these migrants included “economic

vulnerability, uncertainty and isolation” (Olukotun). It was also reported that they “turned to

their social networks and religion to cope” (Olukotun). In regards to economic vulnerability,

these women largely communicated that they were severely impaired by uncertainty surrounding

their employment in low-income jobs. Their employers often treated them as disposable, and

overall, these women lacked job security and opportunity. Another sub-category of their

identified stressors was “feeling stuck,” as overwhelming uncertainty regarding their futures and

the future of their families, as well as ever-changing policy, damaged their mental health. Lastly,

their sense of isolation particularly stems from their identities as undocumented African women.

They often reported feeling alone in spaces in the United States, especially because they fall

under numerous minority groups.

Through an analysis of t-tests of independent samples comparing the depressive

behaviors of Black women with communal origins in the United States and non-English

speaking Latinx women immigrants, both groups exhibited depressive symptoms, with Latinx

women possessing scores in the severe range. These increased levels of depression were

determined by the fact that the “CES-D Scale alpha coefficients were 0.81 and 0.93 for the Black

and Latinx group, respectively” (Bowie).

Due to welfare reform in the late 1990s, the Aid to Families with Dependent Children

(AFDC) Program has been substituted with the stricter, welfare-to-work Temporary Assistance

for Needy Families (TANF) Program, which fatefully neglects the recipients’ barriers. Amongst

these challenges is the “lack of education or training, transportation barriers, interpersonal

violence, lack of childcare, legal issues, and so forth”, which are prone to disproportionately

affect “welfare-reliant women of color” (Bowie). These women face extensive and complex

barriers, relentless in their detriment to psychological wellness. By comparing the depression

symptomology of welfare-reliant Black and immigrant Latinx female-identifying heads of

household, it is possible to bring attention to the “metastressors” that coincide with their layers of

hardship. Certainly, these women ”are often exacerbated by financial, physical health,

relationship, and other issues” that the TANF program fails to alleviate with their insufficient

assistance (Bowie).

Since current welfare policy emphasizes a “work first” mindset with “a five-year lifetime

time limit with which to achieve financial independence before losing their eligibility for public

assistance”, this research seeks to highlight the necessity for true welfare reform to address and

combat the severe levels of depression of these female heads of household (Bowie). There is a

direct correlation between the stressors of poor and welfare-reliant women and their recorded
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depressive symptomology and chronic depression. Beyond this, women of lower socioeconomic

status are less likely to obtain treatment for depressive disorders. These women are often

burdened by “consumer and/or provider mistrust, lack of access to available treatment, inability

to speak English well, gendered racism, sexism, and discrimination” (Bowie). On top of this,

there is the lingering stigma around mental health treatment, which is often present at a higher

rate among women of color. For instance, “Latina women experience disproportionate levels of

stigma, including self-stigma” (Bowie). To combat this stigma, it is crucial to alter treatment

protocols relative to uncontrollable factors and ensure sensitivity and cultural awareness amongst

healthcare providers.

Additionally, the systemic oppression of women provides the theoretical framework for

the intersectionality of Black and Latinx immigrant women who are excessively impacted by

mental health struggles. By analyzing the intersection between “race, class, ability, and gender”,

it is possible to highlight “a complex reality that inhibits…the ability for an individual to achieve

financial independence” (Bowie). The feminist theory of Liberationist Feminism relates welfare

and legislative policy and multiracial feminism, determining the culpability of social welfare

policy that favors the “dominant, white male experience” (Bowie).

As undocumented migrant women encounter emotional battles due to their lack of ability

to produce nuanced communication within the cultural boundaries of unfamiliar territories, they

must be heard. Forensic evaluators and other scientific experts must improve cultural

understanding and demonstrate ethical justification for evaluation procedures.

While the primary reason for women immigrating to the United States has shifted from

family reunification to economic opportunities, many women are forced to migrate to escape

warfare and domestic violence. Due to the sexual assault that women often endure on transit,
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“many…women are advised to take contraceptives prior to their trips to avoid pregnancy due to

sexual assault” (Fuentes). Within ICE facilities, it has been recorded that “9% of detainees are

women who may also be mothers, pregnant or nursing, and/or victims of violence” (Fuentes).

Their children are often placed in the foster care system, and these women are often unable to

attend court hearings regarding their placement. The forced separation of women and their

children frequently comes with debilitating and lasting psychological and physical conditions.

There is little research regarding the effects of separation on mothers, women who are pregnant,

and those who have experienced sexual violence. Partially, this is because these women struggle

to communicate the depth of their thoughts, as “they may lack verbal, nonverbal, and culturally

nuanced communication and relational skills needed to effectively maneuver in their new

communities and they suffer psychologically as a result” (Fuentes). This leads to emotional

frustration and a lack of diagnoses of mental illnesses, as these women wrestle with severe grief

and loss that impacts their daily lives.

For forensic evaluators to practice ethically, they must possess multi-cultural competence

by displaying “awareness, sensitivity, and empathy for the evaluatee as an individual, and

member of a family and community” (Fuentes). Alongside this, self-awareness within the expert

is indispensable, as humans possess distinct perceptions and internalized biases. While

individuals have the potential to limit this bias, it will always exist in some capacity. Due to this,

forensic evaluators must follow guidelines within a code of conduct to minimize unconscious

cultural bias. These experts must respect and understand sociocultural identities through acquired

knowledge of beliefs and customs. Forensic evaluators must ensure that they are “well versed in

historical and contemporary relations between the specific cultural groups they represent”

(Fuentes). However, the ethical obligations of these experts are rare, as they exist within the
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“intersection of psychology and law” (Fuentes). So, these scholars must possess professionalism,

acknowledging their respective roles and responsibilities. Beyond this, professionals are

attempting to standardize assessment instruments that are valid and reliable across cultures. If

one forensic evaluator does not possess cultural competency surrounding a specific group, it may

be necessary for the expert to refer them to another evaluator. Once the immigrant has found the

proper evaluator, the expert must contact their lawyer to “ascertain the exact psycho-legal

‘referral question’ that the evaluation is intended to answer” (Fuentes).

Conclusively, across several marginalized demographics of immigrant women, these

women experience unique challenges that may be compiled to identify stressors that lead to

detrimental mental health implications. It is essential to amplify the voices of Black and Latinx

immigrant women, as their anecdotes provide insight into pre-migration and post-migration

stressors and horrors. Beyond this, it is crucial to institute policies that require mental health

professionals to overcome language barriers and be culturally competent, so that they can

correctly and more frequently diagnose mental illnesses.

Works Cited

Bowie, Stan L., et al. “A Differential Analysis of Depressed Mood Symptomology among

Welfare-Reliant African American and Latinx Women Heads of Household.” Journal of

Poverty, May 2021, pp. 1–16. EBSCOhost,

https://doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.1080/10875549.2021.1929659.

Corley, Andrew, and Sabri, Bushra. “Exploring African Immigrant Women’s Pre- and

Post-Migration Exposures to Stress and Violence, Sources of Resilience, and

Psychosocial Outcomes.” Issues in Mental Health Nursing, vol. 42, no. 5, May 2021, pp.

484-94. EBSCOhost,

https://doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.1080/01612840.2020.1814912.

Fuentes, Cynthia de las, et al. “Gendered Borders: Forensic Evaluations of Immigrant Women.”

Women & Therapy, vol. 36, no. 3/4, July 2013, pp. 302-18. EBSCOhost,

doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.1080/02703149.2013.797782.

Olukotun, Oluwatoyin, et al. “The Mental Health Implications of Living in the Shadows: The

Lived Experience and Coping Strategies of Undocumented African Migrant Women.”

Behavioral Sciences (2076-328X), vol. 9, no. 12, Dec. 2019, p. 127. EBSCOhost,

https://doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.3390/bs9120127.

Ramos-Sánchez, Lucila, et al. “The Psychological Impact of Immigration Status on

Undocumented Latinx Women: Recommendations for Mental Health Providers.” Peace

& Conflict, vol. 26, no. 2, May 2020, pp. 149–61. EBSCOhost,

doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.1037/pac0000417.

Willers, Susanne. “Migration and Reproductive Strategies of Central American Women in

Transit through Mexico.” Journal of Family Studies, vol. 24, no. 1, Apr. 2018, pp. 59–75.

EBSCOhost, doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.1080/13229400.2017.1398102.

Zapata Roblyer, Martha I., et al. “Interpersonal and Social Correlates of Depressive Symptoms

among Latinas in Farmworker Families Living in North Carolina.” Women & Health, vol.

56, no. 2, Feb. 2016, pp. 177–93. EBSCOhost,

https://doi-org.lib.pepperdine.edu/10.1080/03630242.2015.1086464.